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Historical  Documents  relating  to 

New  Mexico,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  Approaches 

Thereto,  to  1773 


J?JP        COLLECTED  BY 
ADOLPH  F.  A.  BANDELIER  and  FANNY  R.  BANDELIER 


SPANISH  TEXTS  AND  ENGLISH  TRANSLATIONS 


EDITED  WITH  INTRODUCTIONS  AND  ANNOTATIONS 
BY 

CHARLES  WILSON  HACKETT,  Ph.  D. 

Professor  of  Latin  American  History  in  the  University  of  Texas 


VOLUME  II 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C 
Published  by  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington 

1926 


Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington 

PUBLICATION  NO.  330,  VOL.  II 


Papers  of  the  Department  of  Historical  Research 
J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Editor 


&§t  Borb  Q0afttmore  (press 

BALTIMORE,    MD.,   V.   S.    A, 


PREFACE. 

The  historical  documents  in  this  volume  constitute  the  third  chapter, 
or  division,  of  the  entire  collection  of  transcripts  of  historical  documents 
that  were  compiled  between  191 2  and  191 5  by  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Adolph  F.  A. 
Bandelier  under  the  patronage  of  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington. 
The  only  other  published  collection  of  miscellaneous  documents  relating 
to  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century  that  will  compare  in  volume 
and  subject-matter  with  the  documents  hereinafter  published  for  the  first 
time  are  the  Documentos  para  la  Historia  Eclesidstica  y  Civil  de  la  Nueva- 
Vizcaya  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  fourth  series, 
volume  III.  (Mexico,  1857). 

In  this  volume  the  same  method  has  been  followed  with  reference  to 
the  chronological  plan  of  organization  of  the  historical  materials,  the 
expansion  of  abbreviated  words,  the  separation  of  words  in  the  Spanish 
text,  punctuation,  and  accentuation  as  was  indicated  in  the  preface  to 
volume  I. 

With  reference  to  the  Spanish  text  and  the  corresponding  translations 
hereinafter  published,  some  explanation  is  necessary.  Many  documents 
were  copied  only  in  part  by  the  Bandeliers,  and,  prior  to  1918,  the  parts 
thus  copied  were  translated  while  the  editor  was  associated  with  the 
University  of  California.  After  the  editor  became  a  member  of  the 
faculty  of  the  University  of  Texas  in  1918,  he  ascertained  that  his  prede- 
cessor in  the  chair  of  Latin  American  History,  Dr.  W.  E.  Dunn,  had 
had  copied  for  the  University  of  Texas  Library  many  of  the  documents 
which  the  Bandeliers  had  copied,  either  in  whole  or  in  part.  As  a  result 
the  editor  has  been  able  to  supply  from  the  University  of  Texas  tran- 
scripts many  omissions  occurring  in  the  Bandelier  transcripts,  and  has 
thus  been  able  to  publish  the  complete  text  of  many  documents  of  which 
the  Bandeliers  copied  only  parts.  All  such  additions  to  the  Bandelier  tran- 
scripts as  copied  by  the  Bandeliers  have  been  indicated  by  brackets  in  the 
Spanish  text  as  published  hereinafter.  No  document,  however,  of  which 
the  Bandeliers  did  not  copy  some  part  has  been  added  from  the  University 
of  Texas  collection  of  transcripts.  On  the  other  hand,  wherever  it  has 
been  possible  to  do  so,  each  document  of  which  the  Bandeliers  copied 
some  part  and  of  which  a  copy  exists  at  the  University  of  Texas  has  been 
published  complete.  By  making  these  additions,  from  the  University  of 
Texas  copies,  of  omissions  occurring  in  the  Bandelier  copies  of  docu- 
ments, much  recopying  has  had  to  be  done  and  much  additional  transla- 
tion has  had  to  be  made  after  it  had  been  assumed  in  1918  that  the  Spanish 
text  and  the  corresponding  English  translations  for  this  volume  were 
complete. 

iii 


iv  Preface 

As  was  the  case  in  volume  L,  an  asterisk  (*)  will  be  found  in  the  table 
of  contents  of  this  volume,  immediately  following  the  English  transla- 
tion of  the  title  of  each  of  those  documents  that  were  translated  by 
Dr.  Priestley;  a  double  asterisk  (**)  follows  the  English  translation  of 
the  titles  of  those  documents  that  were  translated  by  Mrs.  Sanchez. 
Where  no  such  marks  occur  the  document  was  translated  by  the  editor, 
with  the  exception  that  in  the  expediente  beginning  on  page  244  and  con- 
tinuing through  page  294  the  translation  was  made  by  Dr.  Lota  May 
Spell,  curator  of  the  Garcia  Collection  of  Mexican  History  and  Literature 
at  the  University  of  Texas.  To  Dr.  Spell  for  this  and  for  other  helpful 
assistance  the  editor  is  under  grateful  obligation.  Aside  from  the  section 
translated  by  Dr.  Spell,  all  additional  matter  supplied  from  the  University 
of  Texas  transcripts  has  been  translated  by  the  editor. 

The  editor  desires  to  express  again  his  indebtedness  to  the  same  gener- 
ous collaborators  who  are  mentioned  in  the  preface  to  volume  I. 

Charles  Wilson  Hackett. 
Austin,  Texas. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Preface    

iii.    nueva  vlzcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

1.  Introduction. 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  a  frontier  province 3 

Some  notable  events  in  the  seventeenth-century  history  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya   35 

Proposals  for  the  defense  and  development  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1693- 

1698 71 

2.  Documents  relating  to  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  sevententh  century. 

Al  Audiencia  de  la  nueva  Galicia  que  haga  la  visita  de  la  tierra  como 
esta  ordenado  saliendo  a  ella  cada  uno  de  los  oydores  por  su  turno 
sin  escusarse  por  ninguna  causa.  [Tordesillas,  24  de  Julio  de  1601.] 
To  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia,  ordering  it  to  perform  the 
visitation  of  the  country  as  commanded,  each  of  the  oidores  going 
out  for  this  purpose  in  his  turn  and  being  excused  therefrom  under 
no  circumstances  whatever.*    [Tordesillas,  July  24,  1601.] 85 

Al  Virrey  de  la  nueva  espaiia  con  una  Carta  del  dean  de  la  nueva 
Galicia  en  que  dize  lo  que  convernia  que  los  religiosos  de  la  conpafiia 
de  Jesus  se  encargasen  de  la  conbersion  de  ciertos  yndios  para  que 
ponga  en  ello  el  rremedio  y  rrecaudo  necessario.  [Villalpando,  7  de 
Febrero  de  1602.] 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  inclosing  a  letter  from  the  dean  of 
Nueva  Galicia  saying  that  it  would  be  desirable  that  the  religious 
of  the  Company  of  Jesus  should  be  placed  in  charge  of  the  conver- 
sion of  certain  Indians  so  that  this  work  may  be  properly  provided 
for  and  improved.*   [Villalpando,  February  7,  1602.] 87 

Al  fiscal  de  la  audiencia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  sobre  que  hagase  oficio  en 
lo  que  toca  a  los  casados  quienes  viven  sin  sus  mugeres  y  acerca  de 
que  espanoles  no  biven  en  pueblos  de  indios.  [El  Par  do,  20  de 
Noviembre  de  1603.] 

To  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia  ordering  him  to 
take  action  in  regard  to  married  men  who  live  apart  from  their 
wives,  and  to  see  that  Spaniards  shall  not  live  in  Indian  towns.* 
[El  Pardo,  November  20,  1603.] 87 

[Carta  de  Francisco  de  Urdinola]  a  su  magestad.  [Durango,  31  de 
Marzo  de  1604.] 

[Letter  of  Francisco  de  Urdinola]  to  his  Majesty.*  [Durango, 
March  31,  1604.] 89 

Al  obispo  de  la  nueva  Galicia  que  ponga  remedio  en  los  excesos  que  se 
an  entendido  hazen  los  curas  beneficiados  y  Religiosos  que  acuden 
a  la  administracion  de  los  sacramentos  dexandolos  sin  pagarles  nada 
no  embargante  que  de  la  Real  hazienda  se  les  da  lo  que  an  menester. 
[Lerma,  29  de  Junio  de  1605.] 

To  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Galicia,  directing  him  to  correct  the 
abuses  which  it  has  been  understood  that  the  parish  priests,  bene- 
ficed clergy,  and  regulars  commit  in  the  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ments, [demanding  from  the  Indians  compensation  in  services  and 
produce  for  this]  and  paying  them  nothing  therefor,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  they  receive  from  the  royal  treasury  amounts  sufficient 
for  their  expenses.*    [Lerma,  June  29,   1605.] 93 

Respuesta  al  governador  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya  en  lo  tocante  a  las  salinas 
de  aquella  provincia.    [San  Lorenzo,  3  de  Septiembre  de  161 1.] 

Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  concerning  the  salt 
deposits  of  that  province.*    [San  Lorenzo,  September  3,  1611.] 95 

v 


vi  Contents 

PAGE 

Servicios  hechos  a  su  Magestad  Por  El  Cappitan  don  Hieronimo 
Velasquez  Davila  [en  Nueva  Galicia,  1617.] 

Services  performed  for  his  Majesty  by  Captain  Don  Jeronimo 

Velasquez  Davila  [in  Nueva  Galicia.    1617.*] 95 

Probanda  de  Miguel  de  Barrasa  Residente  en  las  Yndias  de  nueba 
Espafia  en  la  Villa  de  Durango :  De  los  servicios  que  a  echo  a  su 
Magestad  en  los  Reynos  de  Vigcaya  y  Galicia.    [1618.] 

Proof  by  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  a  resident  of  the  villa  of  Durango, 
New  Spain,  in  the  Indies,  of  services  which  he  has  performed  for  his 

Majesty  in  the  kingdoms  of  Vizcaya  and  Galicia.*    [1618.] 97 

Relacion  breve  y  succinta  de  los  sucesos  que  ha  tenido  la  guerra  de  los 
Tepehuanes  de  la  governacion  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  desde  15  de 
Noviembre  de  1616  hasta  16  de  Mayo  de  1618. 

A  brief  and  succinct  account  of  the  events  of  the  war  with  the 
Tepehuanes,  government  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  from  November   15, 

1616,  to  May  16,  1618.* 101 

Provision  Real  Y  Conducta  de  capitan  de  Ynfanteria  de  La  ciudad  de 
Guadalajara  al  Cappitan  Geronimo  Velasquesz  davilas.    [1621.] 

Royal  writ  and  commission  to  Captain  Jeronimo  Velasquez  Davila 

as  captain  of  infantry  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara.**    [1621.] 115 

Papeles  del  Almirante  Matheo  de  Vesga.  [Gobernador  y  capitan  gen- 
eral de  la  provincia  de  Nueva  Vizcaya.  14  de  Deciembre  de  1620 
hasta  19  de  Mayo  de  1622.] 

Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  [governor  and  captain  - 
general  of  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.    December  14,  1620,  to 

May  19,  1622.]** 119 

Del  legajo  de  papeles  tocantes  a  asuntos  de  los  Indios  revelados  en 
nueva  Vizcaya.   Governador  Mateo  de  Vesga.    [Mayo  de  1624.] 

From  the  bundle  of  papers  touching  upon  the  affairs  of  the  rebel- 
lious  Indians  of   Nueva   Vizcaya.    Governor   Mateo  de   Vesga.** 

[May,  1624.] 137 

Estado  en  que  estaba  Durango  y  la  tierra,  los  edificios  que  an  hecho 
yglesias  y  monasteries  el  gran  crezimyento  que  tuvo  la  provyncia  y 
govierno  [de  Nueva  Vizcaya.    1624.] 

The  condition  of  Durango  and  of  the  country,  the  buildings, 
churches,  and  monasteries  that  were  constructed,  and  the  great 
development  of  the  province  and  government  [of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

1624.]    145 

Relacion  que  se  le  vino  [Pedro  Coronado]  azer  al  gobernador  del 
estado  de  unas  provyncias  y  de  las  battalias  que  tubo  con  ellos  y 
rendimiento  y  ordenes  que  se  dieron.  [Durango,  provincia  de  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  30  de  Abril  de  1625.] 

Report  which  [Pedro  Coronado]  came  to  make  to  the  governor 
concerning  the  state  of  some  of  the  provinces,  and  the  battles  that 
took  place  with  [the  Indians],  their  submission,  and  the  orders  that 
were  given.**    [Durango,  province  of   Nueva  Vizcaya,  April  30, 

1625.] 147 

Razon  Y  minuta  de  los  yndios  que  se  administran  en  las  provincias 
de  la  nueba  Vizcaia  Por  los  Vicarios  Veneficiados  y  rrelixiosos  de 
San  Francisco  y  compafiia  de  Jesus  que  hoy  estan  bautizados.   [1625.] 

Account  and  memorandum  of  the  baptized  Indians  governed  in  the 
provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  by  the  vicars,  beneficiaries,  and  re- 
ligious of  the  Order  of   Saint  Francis  and  of  the   Company  of 

Jesus.**    [1625.]    153 

Al  presidente  de  Guadalaxara  sobre  el  modo  de  escrivir  cartas  a  Su 
Magestad.   Febrero  12  de  1642. 

To  the  president  of  Guadalajara,  concerning  the  form  [to  be  ob- 
served] in  writing  letters  to  his  Majesty.*    [February  12,  1642.] 159 


Contents  vii 


PACE 

Al  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  guarde  las  cedulas  que  estan 
dadas,  para  que  no  se  hagan  esclavos  a  los  Yndios  Y  los  conserven 
en  paz  quietud  Y  Justicia.    [Madrid,  30  de  Noviembre  de  1647.] 

To  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya ;  ordering  him  to  observe  the 
cedulas  which  have  been  issued  in  order  that  the  Indians  may  not  be 
enslaved,  and  that  they  may  be  kept  peaceful  and  quiet,  and  that  they 
may  be  accorded  justice.*    [Madrid,  November  30,  1647.] 161 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  que  ymforme  sobre  el  Presidio,  que 
havisa  combiene  formar  de  nuebo  el  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Viz- 
caya.   [Madrid,  18  de  Enero  de  1648.] 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  report  concerning 
the  presidio  which  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  recommends  to 
be  established  anew.*    [Madrid,  January  18,  1648.] 163 

Respuesta  al  Presidente  de  Guadalaxara  ssobre  Un  papel  que  remitio, 
que  le  dio  un  Religioso  de  San  f  rancisco  ssobre  materias  de  Religion 
Conversiones  y  Contribuciones  que  los  Yndios  hacen  al  barbaro 
Maiarita.    [Madrid,  30  de  Noviembre  de  1649.] 

Reply  to  the  president  of  Guadalajara  concerning  a  document 
that  he  sent,  which  was  given  to  him  by  a  religious  of  the  Order  of 
Saint  Francis,  relative  to  affairs  of  religion,  conversions,  and  the 
contributions  which  the  Indians  pay  to  the  barbarian  Maiarita .* 
[Madrid,  November  30,  1649.] 165 

Ynforme  que  hace  El  Padre  C.  fray  lorengo  Canto  Religioso  de  la 
Seraphica  Orden  de  nuestro  Padre  San  francisco  A  el  Sefior  Don 
Diego  Guajardo  fajardo  Governador  y  capitan  general  de  el  Reyno 
de  la  Vizcaya,  y  sus  probincias,  y  a  los  religiosos  Prelados  y 
Superiores  de  la  dicha  Orden.  [Santiago  de  Babonoyaba,  21  de 
Mayo  de  1650.] 

Report  which  Father  Fray  Lorenzo  Cantu,  a  religious  of  the 
Seraphic  Order  of  our  Father  Saint  Francis,  makes  to  Sefior  Don 
Diego  Guajardo  Fajardo,  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  king- 
dom of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  its  provinces,  and  to  the  religious,  pre- 
lates, and  superiors  of  the  said  order.*  [Santiago  de  Babonoyaba, 
May  21,  1650.] 167 

Respuesta  al  Governador  de  la  Nueva  vizcaia  sobre  la  reducion  de  los 
Yndios  de  Sonora.    [Madrid,  27  de  Marzo  de  165 1.] 

Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  concerning  the  reduction 
of  the  Indians  of  Sonora.    [Madrid,  March  27,  1651.] 171 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espafia  ynforme  ssobre  lo  que  propone  el 
governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  cerca  de  la  provission  de  las  plagas 
de  los  presidios  de  su  districto.  [Buen  Retiro,  23  de  Mayo  de  1652.] 
To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  asking  him  to  report  on  the  pro- 
posal of  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  with  reference  to  the  enlist- 
ment of  soldiers  in  the  presidios  of  his  district.*  [Buen  Retiro, 
May  23,  1652.] 173 

Respuesta  al  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  ssobre  despoblar  la 
provincia  de  Sonora.    [Buen  Retiro,  23  de  Mayo  de  1652.] 

Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  concerning  the  depopu- 
lation of  the  province  of  Sonora.*    [Buen  Retiro,  May  23,  1652.]..       177 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  guarde  la  zedula  en  esta  incerta  ssobre 
el  aumento  y  alivio  de  los  Yndios  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  y  ynforme 
ssobre  ello  como  esta  mandado.    [Madrid,  24  de  Julio  de  1652.] 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  observe  the  cedula 
inclosed  herewith  concerning  the  improvement  and  relief  of  the 
Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  to  report  on  the  situation  as  he  has 
been  commanded.*    [Madrid,  July  24,  1652.] 179 


viii  Contents 

PAGE 

LaCiudad  de  Guadalaxara  23  de  Agosto  de  1664.  A  su  Magestad. 
Recibida  30  de  mayo  665. 

The  City  of  Guadalajara.  August  23,  1664.  To  his  Majesty.  Re- 
ceived May  30,  1665.** 185 

[Informe  del  Gobernador  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  al  Sefior  Virrey 
El  Parral,  12  de  Marzo  de  1667. 

Report  of   Governor  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  sefior 

viceroy.    El  Parral,  March  12,  1667.] 189 

[Carta  del  Governador  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  a  la  Reyna.  San 
Joseph  del  Parral,  19  de  Marzo  de  1667. 

Letter  of  Governor  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  Queen.  San 

Joseph  del  Parral,  March  19,  1667.] 195 

Al  Virrey  de  Nueva  Espafia  Sobre  que  se  quite  una  ymposicion  que 
los  Governadores  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  han  hecho  a  los  Yndios  de 
aquella  Provincia  y  avisse  los  motivos  que  Huvo  para  ello  con  lo 
demas  que  se  le  ordena.    [Madrid,  22  de  Junio  de  1670.] 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  the  removal  of  an  impost 
which  the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  have  laid  upon  the  Indians 
of  that  province,  and  asking  him  to  report  the  reason  for  levying  it, 

and  to  comply  with  other  orders.*    [Madrid,  June  22,  1670.] 201 

Al  Obispo  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  sobre  que  se  observe  lo  dispuesto 
en  las  cedulas  ariva  ynsertas  en  que  se  manda  que  los  Curas 
doctrineros  sean  examinados  por  los  Prelados  en  la  lengua  de  los 
Yndios.   [Madrid,  6  de  Septiembre  de  1670.]. 

To  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  commanding  observance  of  the 
provisions  of  the  cedulas  inserted  above,  in  which  it  is  ordered  that 
parish  priests  be  examined  in  the  language  of  the  Indians  by  the  prel- 
ates.*   [Madrid,  September  6,  1670.] 203 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  espafia  que  ynforme  ssobre  si  conbendra 
agregar  al  Governador  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya  el  Govierno  de  los  Presi- 
dios de  sinaloa  el  cerro  gordo  y  san  sevastian  de  aquella  provincia. 
Corregida.  Con  duplicado.  Duplicose.  [Madrid,  6  de  Septiembre  de 
1670.] 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  report  as  to 
whether  it  would  be  fitting  to  assign  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya the  control  of  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  San 
Sebastian,  of  that  province.   Corrected ;  with  a  duplicate.   Let  it  be 

duplicated.    [Madrid,  September  6,  1670.] 205 

Al  fiscal  de  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  dando  reprezentacion  por 
haver  pedido  se  ponga  en  Livertad  a  los  Yndios  del  distrito  de  ella, 
que  tenian  por  esclavos.    [Madrid,  13  de  Diciembre  de  1672.] 

To  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  offering  acknowl- 
edgments for  his  having  asked  that  the  Indians  of  that  district  whom 
they  hold  as  slaves  be  set  at  liberty.  [Madrid,  December  13,  1672.] .  205 
A  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalajara  dandolas  Gracias  por  haver  puesto  en 
livertad  a  los  Yndios  del  distrito  de  ella,  como  esta  mandado  por 
diferentes  cedulas.    [Madrid,  23  de  Diciembre  de  1672.] 

To  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  thanking  its  members  for  hav- 
ing set  at  liberty  the  Indians  of  its  district,  as  is  commanded  in 

various  cedulas.*    [Madrid,  December  23,  1672.] 207 

A  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalajara,  estrafiandole  que  no  aya  embiado  al 
Consejo  los  Autos  de  un  Pleyto  que  siguio  Don  Fernando  de  Haro 
sobre  el  servicio  Personal  de  los  Yndios  de  las  Provincias  de  Sonora 
y  Sinaloa  y  mandando  los  remite  sin  dilacion.  [Madrid,  2  de  Abril 
de  1676.] 

To  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  expressing  surprise  that  it  has 
not  sent  to  the  Council  the  autos  in  a  suit  which  Don  Fernando  de 
Haro  prosecuted  concerning  the  personal  service  of  the  Indians 


Contents  ix 

PACE 

of  the  provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  and  commanding  that  it 
forward  them  at  once.*    [Madrid,  April  2,  1676.] 209 

El  Lizenciado  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Ossorio  Oidor  de  la  Real  Audiencia 
de  Mexico,  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  que  fue  del  Reino  de  la 
Nueva  Vizcaia,  informa  a  Vuestra  Magestad  el  estado  de  las  cossas 
de  aquel  Reino.    [Mexico,  26  de  Septiembre  de  1678.] 

The  licenciado  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Ossorio,  oidor  of  the  royal 
Audiencia  of  Mexico,  former  governor  and  captain-general  of  the 
kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  informs  your  Majesty  of  the  state 
of  affairs  of  that  kingdom.**    [Mexico,  September  26,  1678.] 211 

Extracto  de  Papel  que  formo  el  Senor  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  sobre  las 
cossas  tocantes  al  Reyno  de  la  Nueba  Vizcaya.  [Sin  fecha.  Sub- 
secuente  al  ano  de  1683.] 

Extract  of  a  paper  which  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  wrote  in  regard  to 
matters  touching  upon  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.**  [Undated ; 
subsequent  to  the  year  1683.] 219 

Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  Governador  de  la  Nueba  Vizcaya,  A  su 
Magestad.  Parral,  21  de  Noviembre  1688.  Recibida  por  mano  de 
Don  Bernardino  Pardinas  su  hermano  en  16  de  Agosto  de  1689. 

Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  to  his 
Majesty.  Parral,  November  21,  1688.  Received  by  the  hand  of  Don 
Bernardino  Pardinas,  his  brother,  on  August  16,  1689.** 229 

Autos  Fechos  por  el  Senor  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  de  la  Nueba 
Vizcaya  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos  sobre  las 
Noticias  que  Dieron  los  Yndios  del  Rio  del  Norte  de  que  Subian  por 
el  Naciones  Extrangeras  y  Providencia  que  Dio  sobre  ello.  [3  de 
Noviembre  de  1688  hasta  8  de  Julio  de  1692.] 

Autos  drawn  up  by  the  senor  governor  and  captain-general  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos, 
concerning  the  information  which  the  Indians  of  the  Rio  del  Norte 
gave,  namely,  that  foreign  nations  were  ascending  the  river,  and 
the  measures  taken  in  regard  to  it.  [November  3,  1688,  to  July  8, 
1692.] 235 

[Documentos  escogidos  del  expediente  intitulado :]  Testimonio  de 
Los  auttos  hechos  sobre  las  Providencias  dadas  en  tiempo  de  Don 
Gabriel  de  el  Castillo  Governador  de  el  Parral  Sobre  operaciones  de 
Guerra  Y  otros  puntos.  [31  de  Mayo  de  1691  hasta  9  de  Febrero  de 
1694.]    Bino  con  carta  del  Virrey  de  16  de  abril  de  1695. 

[Documents  selected  from  the  expediente  entitled:]  Certified  copy 
of  the  autos  made  concerning  the  action  taken  during  the  administra- 
tion of  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo,  governor  of  El  Parral,  with  respect 
to  military  operations  and  other  matters.  [May  31,  1691,  to  February 
9,  1604.]    It  came  with  a  letter  of  the  viceroy  of  April  16,  1695 291 

[Documentos  escogidos  del  expediente  intitulado:]  Testimonio  de 
Cartas  y  ynformes  sobre  los  Presidios  del  Reino  de  la  Vizcaya 
Escritas  por  el  Maestre  del  Campo  Don  Joseph  Francisco  Marin, 
Cavallero  del  Orden  de  Santiago  y  Otras  Personas  expertas,  e 
ynteligentes  Remitidas  al  Excelentisimo  Senor  Virrey  Conde  de 
Galve.  [3  de  Agosto  hasta  30  de  Septiembre  de  1693.]  Vino  con 
carta  del  Virrey  de  15  de  Junio  de  1694. 

[Selected  documents  from  the  expediente  entitled  :]  Certified  copy 
of  letters  and  reports  concerning  the  presidios  of  the  kingdom  of 
Vizcaya  written  by  the  maestre  de  campo,  Don  Joseph  Francisco 
Marin,  knight  of  the  Order  of  Santiago,  and  other  expert  and  well- 
informed  persons,  sent  to  the  most  excellent  senor  viceroy  the 
Count  of  Galve.  [August  3  to  September  30,  1693.]  It  came  with  a 
letter  from  the  viceroy  of  June  15,  1694 365 


x  Contents 

PAGE 

El  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  da  quenta  a  Vuestra  Magestad  con 
testimonio  de  Autos  del  estado  y  operaciones  del  Reino  de  la  Nueba 
Vizcaya,  ordenes  y  asistencias  que  ha  dado  para  su  manutencion,  y 
propone  los  medios  Con  que  podra  mantenerse  en  seguridad  y 
quietud  por  lo  de  adelante.   [Mexico,  15  de  Junio  de  1694.] 

The  viceroy  of  New  Spain  gives  account  to  your  Majesty,  with  a 
certified  copy  of  autos,  relating  to  the  state  and  operations  of  the 
kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  the  orders  which  he  has  taken  for 
its  maintenance.  He  suggests  the  means  by  which  it  may  be  main- 
tained in  peace  and  security  in  the  future.**  [Mexico,  June  15, 
1694J    , •       4ii 

Comision  nombrando  a  Don  Carlos  de  Andrade  y  Sotomayor  Comi- 
sario  del  Santo  Oficio  de  la  Inquisicion  en  la  Villa  de  Aguas 
Calientes.    [Villa  de  Aguas  Calientes,  2  de  Abril  de  1695.] 

Commission  naming  Don  Carlos  de  Andrade  y  Sotomayor  Comi- 
sario  of  the  Holy  Office  of  the  Inquisition  at  the  town  of  Aguas 
Calientes.**    [Villa  de  Aguas  Calientes,  April  2,  1695.] 413 

El  Virrey  da  quenta  de  lo  executado  en  la  nueba  Vizcaya  por  su 
governador  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo,  y  los  capitanes  de  aquellos 
presidios  todo  a  fin  de  castigar  los  Indios  Rebeldes  que  cada  dia 
executan  nuebas  muertes  y  atrocidades  con  los  traxinantes  y 
Vezinos,  y  de  las  providencias  que  ha  dado,  Remitiendose  en  todo  a 
los  autos  que  embia  con  esta  carta.  Sobre  esto  mismo  hay  expediente 
en  poder  del  Senor  fiscal  con  carta  del  Governador  don  Gabriel  del 
Castillo  en  que  trata  del  estado  de  el  Reyno  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  y 
sus  Presidios.   [Mexico,  16  de  Noviembre  de  1695.] 

The  viceroy  gives  account  of  what  has  been  done  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  by  its  governor,  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo,  and  the  captains 
of  those  presidios,  all  for  the  purpose  of  chastising  the  rebellious 
Indians  who  each  day  are  committing  fresh  murders  and  atrocities 
on  carriers  and  citizens,  and  of  the  measures  that  he  has  taken, 
transmitting  the  autos  touching  upon  everything  which  he  sends  with 
this  letter.  There  is  an  expediente  upon  this  same  subject  in  the 
possession  of  the  senor  fiscal,  with  a  letter  from  the  governor, 
Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo,  in  which  he  treats  of  the  state  of  the 
kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  of  its  presidios.**  [Mexico,  Novem- 
ber 16,   1695.] 415 

Respuesta  Fiscal  Sobre  Diferentes  Puntos  de  Guerra  con  los  Yndios 
Enemigos  del  Reyno  del  Parral  Motibados  de  Diferentes  Ynformes 
del  Virrey  de  Mexico  Conde  de  Galve,  Y  de  las  Consultas  de  Don 
Gabriel  del  Castillo  Governador  de  la  Dicha  Ciudad  del  Parral. 
[Madrid,  1  de  Abril  de  1698.] 

Reply  of  the  fiscal  concerning  various  questions  relating  to  the 
war  with  the  hostile  Indians  of  the  kingdom  of  El  Parral  which 
were  raised  by  different  reports  of  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  the  Count 
of  Galve,  and  by  the  opinions  of  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo,  governor 
of  the  said  city  of  El  Parral.**    [Madrid,  April  1,  1698.] 419 

Respuesta  fiscal  a  la  Carta  de  oficiales  Reales.  Reconozido  del  senor 
fiscal.    [Madrid,  2  de  Abril  de  1698.] 

Reply  of  the  fiscal  to  the  letter  of  the  royal  officials.  Acknowl- 
edged by  the  senor  fiscal.**    [Madrid,  April  2,  1698.] 459 

Notes  for  Part  III 464 

Appendix  :    A.  Parchment  inscribed  with  Letters  of  Larcheveque  and  Groslet . .       470 

B.  Fragments  of  the  Log  of  the  Belle 474 

Index    483 


Contents  xi 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

Map  of  Northwestern  Mexico,  formerly  Nueva  Vizcaya Frontispiece 

Parchment,  with  the  Drawing  of  Ship,  and  Letters  of  Larcheveque  and 

Groslet  Opp.  p.  257 

Fragments  of  the  Log  of  the  "  Belle  " Following  p.  476 


V 


III.  NUEVA  VIZCAYA  IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 


III.   i.  INTRODUCTION. 
Nueva  Vizcaya:    a  Frontier  Province. 

i.  The  geographical  extent  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  In  a  preceding  chapter 
narrating  the  expansion  of  Spain  in  North  America  to  1590,  a  brief 
account  was  given  of  the  establishment  in  1562  of  the  new  political  juris- 
diction of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  of  its  limits  and  development  until  near 
the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century.1  At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury the  so-called  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  still  comprised  an  area 
imperial  in  extent.  As  defined  in  1693,  the  boundary  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
began  ten  or  twelve  leagues  below  Durango,  the  capital,  at  a  point  said  to 
be  in  240  20'  north  latitude.  Thence  it  passed  in  a  northeasterly  direction, 
delimiting  on  the  south  and  east  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  to  a 
point  on  the  western  boundary  of  the  kingdom  of  Nuevo  Leon.  From  there 
the  boundary  between  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Nuevo  Leon  ran  in  a  northerly 
direction,  between  Saltillo  and  the  villa  of  Monterey,  capital  of  Nuevo 
Leon,  to  the  newly  created  province  of  Coahuila,2  the  southern  boundary 
of  which  in  1674  had  been  established  about  twenty  leagues  north  of 
Saltillo.3  Thence  the  boundary  between  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Coahuila 
passed  south  and  west  of  Monclova  and  then  again  turned  north  and  con- 
tinued to  the  Rio  del  Norte.  From  the  point  where  the  boundary  reached 
the  Rio  del  Norte  to  the  presidio  of  El  Paso  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  stretched  to  the  northeast  "  to  such  a  longitude  "  that  the  boun- 
dary was  "  considered  to  extend  as  far  as  the  Colbert  [Mississippi] 
River  ". 

On  the  north,  Nueva  Vizcaya  extended  "  as  far  as  the  presidio  of  El 
Paso  ",  described  as  being  "  in  latitude  thirty-two  degrees,  less  one- 
third  ",  and  from  where  "  the  bounds  of  New  Mexico  bear  towards  its 
capital  which  is  Santa  Fe  ".  To  the  northwest,  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  extended  "  as  far  as  latitude  thirty-seven  degrees  and  fifteen 
minutes  ",  or  to  the  New  Mexican  provinces  of  Zuni  and  Moqui.  To  the 
west  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  proper  lay  the  provinces  of  Rosario,  Sinaloa,  and 

1  Volume  I.,  this  series,  pp.  14-18. 

2  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  this  volume,  p.  389. 

3  H.  E.  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration  in  the  Southwest,  1 542-1706  (New  York,  1916), 
pp.  285-286. 

2  3 


4  Introduction 

Sonora,4  the  last  two  of  which  were  administrative  subdivisions  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya.5 

In  a  jurisdiction  of  the  magnitude  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  it  was  commonplace  to  refer  to  distances  that  sometimes  mounted 
into  the  hundreds  of  leagues.  From  Mexico  City  to  Durango  the  dis- 
tance was  about  230  leagues;6  that  from  Guadalajara  to  the  Real  de 
Cusiguriachi,  "in  the  centre  of  the  Tarahumara  nation",  was  250  leagues.7 
Northwest  of  Durango  150  leagues  was  the  important  presidio  of  Sina- 
loa ; 8  in  the  same  general  direction  from  Durango  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  extended  for  almost  300  leagues.9 

The  most  important  settlement  after  Durango  was  the  Real  del  Parral, 
which  was  between  seventy  and  one  hundred  leagues  north  of  the  capital.10 
West  of  the  Real  del  Parral  200  leagues  was  San  Juan  Bautista,  the  capi- 
tal and  most  important  settlement  of  the  alcaldia  mayor  of  Sonora.11  One 
hundred  leagues  north  of  the  Real  del  Parral  was  the  presidio  of  Janos, 
which  was  seventy  leagues  southwest  of  the  New  Mexico  frontier  at 
El  Paso.12  Eighty  leagues  northeast  of  the  Real  del  Parral  was  the 
important  post  of  La  Junta,13  at  the  junction  of  the  Conchos  and  Rio 
Grande  rivers.  In  1618  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  described  as 
being  "almost  250  leagues  long  and  nearly  so  wide";14  in   1678  an 

4  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  this  volume,  p.  389.  The  geogra- 
phy of  the  Pacific  coast  region  of  northwestern  New  Spain  in  the  seventeenth  century 
as  given  by  H.  H.  Bancroft,  History  of  the  North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  I.  (San 
Francisco,  1884),  pp.  202-204,  is  as  follows:  The  names  Chiametla  and  Rosario  were 
applied  "to  the  region  lying  between  the  rivers  Cafias  and  Mazatlan.  .  .  .  Next  north- 
ward, between  the  rivers  Mazatlan  and  Piastla,  was  Copola.  .  .  .  Culiacan  extended 
from  Piastla  to  the  Rio  Culiacan.  .  .  .  Next  we  find  Sinaloa,  often  described  as  lying 
between  Culiacan  and  Rio  Mayo  but  whose  limit  was  more  properly  the  Rio  del  Fuerte, 
or  possibly  the  Alamos.  .  .  .  The  name  was  originally  that  of  a  tribe  dwelling  on  the 
stream  called  Rio  del  Fuerte  .  .  .  thence  it  was  extended  from  tribe  and  river  to 
province  and  capital;  then  from  the  capital  over  several  provinces  within  the  gover- 
nor's jurisdiction  as  far  north  as  the  Rio  Yaqui.  .  .  .  North  of  Sinaloa  was  Ostimuri, 
which  reached  from  the  Alamos  to  the  Rio  Yaqui.  .  .  .  All  the  country  north  of  the 
Yaqui  was  sometimes  called  Sonora.  .  .  .  Yet  it  was  more  common  among  the  Jesuits 
to  restrict  the  name  to  the  valley  where  it  originated  ". 

5  De  la  Fuente  to  Almazan,  Janos,  Sept.  18,  1693,  p.  371,  infra;  Bancroft,  op.  cit., 
PP.  255,  520. 

6  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio  to  the  king,  Mexico,  Sept.  26,  1678,  p.  211,  infra;  Marin 
to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  391,  infra. 

7  Fiscal's  reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  2,  1698,  p.  461,  infra. 

8  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  109,  infra. 

9  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  389,  infra. 

10  Ibid.,  p.  391;  informe  of  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  p.  211,  infra. 

11  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  389,  infra;  Castillo  to  the  viceroy, 
Durango,  Apr.  4  to  May  2,  1693,  p.  309,  infra.  See  also  H.  E.  Bolton,  Kino's  Historical 
Memoir  of  Pimeria  Alta,  1.  (Cleveland,  1919),  no,  note. 

12  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  393,  infra ;  A.  E.  Hughes, 
The  Beginning  of  Spanish  Settlement  in  the  El  Paso  District,  in  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia Publications  in  History,  I.  (Berkeley,  1914)  310-31 1. 

13  Retana  to  Pardinas,  Rio  Salado,  Mar.  3,  1693,  p.  257,  infra. 

14  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  101,  infra. 


Introduction  5 

ex-governor  stated  that  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  "  almost  four  hundred 
leagues  square  ".15 

2.  The  potential  wealth  and  natural  advantages  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 
The  great  potential  and  undeveloped  wealth  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  its 
climatic  and  other  natural  advantages  were  themes  upon  which  the  gover- 
nors of  that  kingdom  in  the  seventeenth  century  never  tired  of  discoursing. 
Governor  Urdifiola  in  1604  assured  the  king  that  in  all  New  Spain  there 
was  "  no  land  so  rich  in  veins  of  silver  as  these  provinces  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya ",16  and  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento  in  1667  advised  the  king  that 
Nueva  Vizcaya  was  "  the  richest  province  of  New  Spain  ".17 

Later  governors  waxed  more  enthusiastic  and  were  more  explicit  than 
Urdifiola  and  Oca  Sarmiento  in  their  praise  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Governor 
Sierra  Osorio  in  1678,  after  asserting  that  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  "  the  best 
kingdom  that  your  Majesty  has  in  his  entire  crown  ",  said :  "  The  Sierra 
Madre  which  has  its  beginning  near  the  port  of  Acapulco  and  extends 
through  New  Mexico,  without  its  end  being  known,  traverses  the  centre 
of  this  kingdom.  The  mountains  into  which  it  is  divided  are  infinite,  and 
all  are  full  of  rich  ores  of  silver  and  gold."  Continuing,  Governor  Sierra 
Osorio  pointed  out  other  advantages  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  as  follows  ! 
"  The  level  lands  of  which  it  is  composed  are  very  productive  for  all 
kinds  of  crops  and  the  raising  of  cattle  and  sheep,  for  there  are  many 
rivers,  arroyos,  and  springs  which  water  them."  18  In  a  later  report, 
prepared  subsequent  to  the  year  1683,  Sierra  Osorio  described  Nueva 
Vizcaya  as  "  one  of  the  most  fertile  kingdoms  in  the  Indies,  one  most 
abounding  in  all  kinds  of  fruits  and  in  silver  and  gold  mines,  and  which, 
if  it  were  populated  proportionately  with  the  others,  would  contribute 
more  treasure  to  his  Majesty  than  all  the  others  ".  Referring  to  the  ex- 
treme northeastern  section  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sierra  Osorio  said :  "  The 
country  of  the  Conchos  is  level,  fertile,  and  watered  by  many  rivers  and 
streams,  following  the  line  from  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  as  far  as  the 
river  called  Del  Norte."  19 

No  less  enthusiastic  than  Sierra  Osorio  concerning  Nueva  Vizcaya  and 
its  potentialities  was  Governor  Don  Juan  Isidro  Pardinas  Villar  de 
Francos.  Writing  in  1688  he  said:  "  It  is  a  very  fertile  kingdom  for  in 
it  are  grown  all  kinds  of  grain  that  are  to  be  found  in  any  other  part  of 
America.  It  has  the  requisite  cattle  and  sheep  for  its  support;  it  is  ex- 
tremely rich  in  gold  and  silver  ores,  for  there  is  no  part  in  the  whole  of  it 
that  does  not  show  veins.  .  .  .  After  I  entered  upon  this  governorship 

15  In forme  of  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  211,  infra. 

16  Urdifiola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  91,  infra. 

17  Oca  Sarmiento's  report  to  the  viceroy,  Mar.  12,  1667,  p.  191,  infra. 

18  Inform e  of  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  Sept.  26,  1678,  p.  211,  infra. 

19  Extract  of  a  paper  prepared  by  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  subsequent  to  1683,  pp.  219, 
223,  infra. 


6  Introduction 

there  was  discovered  in  that  region  [of  the  Tarahumare  Indians]  one 
of  the  richest  mineral  deposits  that  has  been  encountered  in  these  parts."  20 

Unquestionably,  one  of  the  most  favorable  descriptions  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya  was  that  made  by  Don  Joseph  Francisco  Marin,  viceregal  inspector 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  1693.  Writing  in  that  year  Marin  said:  "  Heaven 
favored  this  most  extensive  kingdom  with  a  benign  climate,  as  much  so 
as  can  be  desired,  and  with  great  fertility  of  the  land,  for  the  plantings 
produce  most  abundant  crops,  while  cattle  produce  so  abundantly  that  if 
constant  robberies  of  the  Indians  would  allow  them  to  increase,  they 
would  have  no  value  whatever.  The  province  abounds  in  such  a  plenti  ful- 
ness of  metals  that  the  locality  in  its  mountains  where  many  and  good 
mines  may  not  be  found  is  rare  indeed.  All  of  the  most  experienced  per- 
sons in  New  Spain  assert  that  the  said  kingdom  has  more  silver  than  all 
the  rest  of  it  [New  Spain],  and  every  day  new  discoveries  of  ores  are 
made."  21 

3.  The  provincial  administration  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  As  an  adminis- 
trative unit,  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  a  part  of  the  viceroyalty 
of  New  Spain.22  In  administrative  and  military  affairs  the  kingdom  was 
subject  directly  to  the  viceroy  and  captain-general  of  New  Spain,  and  in 
judicial  matters  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara.23  The  provincial  secu- 
lar government  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  almost  wholly  military,  adminis- 
tration being  centred  in  the  governor,  who  exercised  the  powers  of  captain- 
general.24  During  the  early  seventeenth  century  the  governors  resided 
at  Durango,  or  Guadiana,  the  provincial  capital  founded  by  Francisco  de 
Ibarra  in  1563.  Durango  remained  the  nominal  capital,  but  by  the  year 
1667,  and  thereafter  until  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  gover- 
nors were  accustomed  to  reside  at  the  Real  del  Parral,25  which,  in  1678. 

20  Pardinas  to  the  king,  El  Parral,  Nov.  21,  1688,  p.  229,  infra. 

21  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  389,  infra. 

22  A  cedula  of  July  21,  1691,  specifically  charged  the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
"  to  report  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  concerning  everything  which  they  might  accom- 
plish, obeying  the  orders  which  the  said  viceroy  might  issue  to  them  for  their  better 
government."  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  421,  infra. 

23  The  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  which  was  founded  in  1548,  exercised  political  and 
administrative  authority  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  judicial  authority  in  that 
province,  and  also  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  after  it  was  created  in  1562,  as  well  as  in  other 
northern  provinces.  Until  1572  judicial  appeals  might  be  made  from  the  Audiencia  of 
Guadalajara  to  that  of  New  Spain,  but  in  the  latter  year  a  chancery  was  formed  and  a 
separate  seal  of  office  was  granted  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara.  Between  1572  and 
1680  the  audiencia,  as  an  administrative  body,  exercised  political  authority  in  the 
province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  but  in  the  latter  year  the  president  of  the  audiencia  was 
entrusted  with  the  administration  of  the  province.  See  C.  W.  Hackett,  vol.  I.,  this  series, 
pp.  15,  21-22,  and  authorities  cited;  H.  E.  Bolton,  Guide  to  Materials  for  the  History 
of  the  United  States  in  the  Principal  Archives  of  Mexico  (Washington,  1913),  p.  75. 

24  See  Urdinola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  89,  infra;  the  king  to  Governor 
Guajardo  Fajardo,  Buen  Retiro,  May  23,  1652,  ibid.,  p.  177;  order  of  Governor  Castillo 
to  General  Retana,  El  Parral,  Nov.  10,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  345. 

25  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Mar.  12,  1667,  p.  189,  infra ;  Marin  to  the 
viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  389,  391. 


Introduction  7 

was  referred  to  as  "  the  principal  place  in  that  kingdom  ",  and  the  one 
that  paid  the  king  the  greatest  income.28 

Fiscal  matters  of  the  kingdom,  such  as  the  collection  of  the  king's  fifth 
from  all  mining  production,  the  distribution  of  quicksilver,  and  the  dis- 
bursement of  the  budget,  were  attended  to  by  royal  treasury  officials  in 
charge  of  the  caja  real,  or  royal  depository,  at  Durango ;  a  fiscal  agent 
appointed  and  paid  by  these  officials  represented  them  at  the  Real  del 
Parral.27  The  only  town  that  enjoyed,  through  a  municipal  cabildo,  any 
degree  of  self-government  was  Durango.  In  ecclesiastical  matters  the 
bishop  of  Durango  and  the  ecclesiastical  cabildo  of  that  town  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  secular  clergy.28  At  the  head  of  the  Franciscan  regular  clergy 
was  a  custodio,  with  headquarters  at  the  Real  del  Parral ; 29  two  provin- 
cials of  the  Jesuit  regular  clergy  were  stationed  in  Sinaloa.30 

In  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  province  of  Santa 
Barbara  appears  to  have  been  the  most  important  subdivision  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya;  this  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  case  by  the  latter  half  of 
the  century.  At  that  time  it  seems  that  the  entire  region  from  Durango 
to  the  Real  del  Parral,  and  for  one  hundred  leagues  beyond,  and  com- 
prising what  might  be  termed  Greater  Nueva  Vizcaya,  was  under  the 
immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  governor.  In  this  latter  period  it  appears 
that  no  political  subdivisions  except  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  were  referred  to 
as  provinces. 

The  province  of  Santa  Barbara  in  1618  comprised  five  alcaldias; 
important  mining  camps  in  the  province,  and,  in  some  instances,  seats  of 
alcaldias,  were  Guanecebi,  San  Juan  de  Inde,  Santiago  de  Mapimi,  Cuen- 
came,  San  Juan  del  Rio,  and  Valle  de  San  Bartolome.31  The  first-named 
camp  was  described  in  16 18  as  "  the  most  important  mining  camp  in  the 
kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  situated  in  the  centre  of  the  Tepehuane 
country  ".32  Because  each  of  the  five  alcaldes  of  the  province  of  Santa 
Barbara  was  alleged  to  have  taken  advantage  of  his  position  as  protector 
of  the  Indians  and  as  alcalde  and  to  have  utilized  "  for  his  own  traffic  " 

26  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio  to  the  king,  Mexico,  Sept.  26,  1678,  p.  211,  infra. 
27Ursua  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  May  12,  1693,  p.  319,  infra;  fiscal's  reply,  Mexico, 
June  10,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  319;  informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  ibid.,  p.  217. 

28  The  bishopric  of  Durango  was  established  in  1620  (Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  307). 
See  also  the  fiscal's  reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  425,  427,  infra. 

29  Report  of  Governor  Castillo,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Oct.  20,  1693,  this  volume, 
p.  361,  infra.  The  heads  of  the  Franciscan  order  in  New  Spain  were  known  as  comisarios 
generates.  Next  below  them  were  provinciates,  at  the  head  of  subdivisions  known  as 
provinces.  Subdivisions  of  provinces  were  known  as  custodias,  at  the  heads  of  which 
were  custodios.  The  lowest  subdivision  in  the  organization  of  a  regular  religious  order 
was  a  presidency.   At  the  head  of  such  a  group  of  missions  was  a  president. 

30  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  445,  infra.  For  the  definition  of  provincial, 
see  the  preceding  note. 

31  Proof  of  the  services  of  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  1618,  pp.  09,  101,  infra;  papers  of 
Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  ibid.,  pp.  123,  129;  report  on  the  condition  of  Durango, 
1624,  ibid.,  p.  145. 

32  Account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  105,  infra. 


8  Introduction 

the  enforced  labor  of  the  Indians  in  his  alcaldia,  the  king  was  petitioned, 
but  in  vain,  in  1618,  to  reduce  the  five  alcaldias  to  one  corregimiento33 

The  most  important  administrative  subdivision  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in 
the  later  seventeenth  century  was  the  province  of  Sinaloa,34  which,  until 
after  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  included  Sonora.35  Until  1682 
the  viceroy  had  the  right  to  appoint  the  captain  of  the  garrison  at  San 
Felipe  y  Santiago  de  Sinaloa;  from  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  the 
captain  "  received  the  appointment  of  alcalde  mayor  .  .  .  and  was  often 
called  governor  of  Sinaloa  ".36 

However,  until  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  Sinaloa 
was  practically  ignored  by  the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.37  On  the 
other  hand,  appointees  of  the  viceroy  in  that  province  arrogated  unto 
themselves  the  garrisoning  of  it  and  even  endeavored  to  extend  their 
authority  into  Sonora.38  The  result  was,  as  will  be  shown,  that  a  bitter 
dispute  arose  about  the  middle  of  the  century  between  the  viceroys  and 
the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  over  the  rights  of  each  in  that  province. 
Finally,  in  1682  a  royal  cedula  placed  Sinaloa  under  the  undivided 
authority  of  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.39  Eleven  years  later,  in 
1693,  Sonora,  which  theretofore  had  been  administered  as  a  part  of 
Sinaloa,  was  detached  therefrom.  Thenceforth,  until  1734,  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora  were  administered  by  different  military  commandants,  "  each  of 
whom  was  subject  in  civil  and  political  matters  to  the  governor  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  ".40 

4.  The  Indians.  According  to  Orozco  y  Berra  and  Bancroft,41  the 
kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  occupied  by 
several  well-defined  linguistic  groups  of  Indians,  the  most  important  of 
which  were  the  Tepehuanes,  the  Acaxees  and  Xiximes,  the  Tarahumares, 

38  Proof  of  the  services  of  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  1618,  p.  101,  infra.  For  a  definition 
of  corregimiento  and  for  arguments  for  and  against  it,  see  vol.  I.,  this  series,  pp.  24-25, 

125,  135-139,  143-145. 

34  In  1622  the  title  of  "  governor  and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom  and  the 
provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Chiametla,  Copala,  and  Sinaloa,  and  their  provinces  "  was 
borne  by  one  of  the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  (see  papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de 
Vesga,  1620-1622,  p.  119,  infra;  report  of  Pedro  Coronado,  1625,  ibid.,  p.  147.  Such  a 
comprehensive  title  does  not  appear  to  have  been  borne  by  his  successors.  For  the 
geographical  location  of  the  above-named  provinces,  see  note  4,  supra. 

35  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  204)  says  that  "  throughout  nearly  the  whole  century  Sinaloa 
is  the  best  general  name  for  the  whole  territory  ". 

36  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  207 ;  see  also  the  extract  of  a  paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio, 
subsequent  to  1683,  p.  227,  infra. 

37  Urdifiola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  89,  infra;  the  king  to  the  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Madrid,  Mar.  27,  1651,  ibid.,  p.  171. 

38  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Madrid,  Mar.  27,  165 1,  ibid. 

39  Extract  of  a  paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio,  undated,  p.  227,  infra;  De  la  Fuente 
to  Almazan,  Janos,  Sept.  18,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  373. 

40  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  255,  520. 

41  M.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia  de  las  Lenguas  y  Carta  Etnogrdiica  de  Mexico 
(Mexico,  1864),  pp.  310-356;  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  309-319,  especially  p.  310  for  Orozco  y 
Berra*  s  map  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 


Introduction  9 

the  Conchos,  and  the  Tobosos.  The  first-named  group  occupied  the  heart 
of  the  southern  half  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  or  the  region  lying  on  either  side 
of  the  direct  road,  seventy  leagues  long,  that  led  from  Durango  northwest 
to  the  Real  del  Parral.  To  the  west  of  the  Tepehuanes,  extending  almost 
to  the  Gulf  of  California  and  north  almost  to  the  Sinaloa  River,  in  the 
region  known  as  Topia,  was  the  home  of  the  Acaxees,  Xiximes,  and  kin- 
dred tribes.  Northwest  of  the  Tepehuanes  and  extending  for  about  two- 
thirds  of  the  one  hundred  leagues  that  separated  the  Real  del  Parral  and 
the  presidio  of  Janos  was  the  region  occupied  by  the  Tarahumare  Indians. 
Northeast  of  El  Parral,  in  the  valley  of  the  Conchos  River,  were  the 
Conchos  Indians.  To  the  northeast  of  the  Tepehuanes  and  to  the  east 
of  the  Conchos  Indians  were  the  Tobosos  and  Coahuila  Indians. 

A  much  more  comprehensive  grouping  of  the  Indians  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya in  the  seventeenth  century  than  that  of  Orozco  y  Berra  and  Ban- 
croft— a  geographical  rather  than  a  linguistic  grouping — was  prepared 
by  Don  Joseph  Francisco  Marin,  viceregal  visitor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in 
1693.  Marin  divides  Nueva  Vizcaya  into  three  major  geographic  areas, 
and  for  each  area  lists  the  tribes  living  therein.  The  sum  total  of  tribes 
listed  by  Marin  is  159.  In  some  cases  Marin  recorded  the  indigenous 
names  of  the* tribes;  in  other  cases  the  tribal  names  as  given  are  merely 
descriptive  Spanish  phrases. 

According  to  Marin,  seventy-eight  nations,  the  names  of  which  are 
hereinafter  published,  lived  between  Durango  and  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,42 
a  distance  of  between  150  and  180  leagues.  The  last  eighteen  nations  in 
this  list  were  discovered  by  General  Juan  de  Retana  on  an  expedition 
which  he  made  to  La  Junta  in  July,  1693.43 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  from  La  Junta  and  between 
the  Texas  country  and  New  Mexico  there  were,  according  to  Marin, 
fifty-four  nations  of  Indians,  the  names  of  which  are  hereinafter  pub- 
lished. They  were  described  as  "  more  peaceful  than  war-like  ",  although 
the  Apaches  were  said  to  harass  them  continuously.  In  the  region  between 
the  Rio  Conchos  on  the  east,  New  Mexico  on  the  north,  and  the  Gulf  of 
California  and  the  Colorado  River  on  the  west,  there  were,  according  to 
Marin,  twenty-seven  different  nations,  some  of  which,  as  the  Pimas  and 
the  Apaches  Cruzados,  were  numerous  and  wide-spread.44 

The  total  number  of  Indians  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury cannot  be  approximated.  However,  according  to  Don  Lope  de  Sierra 
Osorio,  ex-governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  later  an  oidor  of  the  Audien- 
cia  of  Mexico,  the  native  population  was  very  large.  Writing  in  1678 
Sierra  Osorio  said :  "  Within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  there  are  many  distinct  nations,  some  of  which  are  very  large. 

42  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  393,  395- 

43  Ibid.,  p.  395. 

44  Ibid. 


10  Introduction 

Those  of  the  Tepehuanes,  Tarahumares,  and  Conchos  alone,  in  what  has 
been  explored,  will  total  300,000  families  .  .  .  each  one  [nation]  occu- 
pying one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  of  mountain  range.  When  the  In- 
dians at  the  last  point  to  which  the  padres  have  gone  are  questioned  as  to 
whether  there  are  more  Indians  further  on,  and  on  either  side,  they  reply 
that  the  multitude  is  innumerable  in  every  direction.  Solely  on  the  Rio 
del  Norte  .  .  .  there  are  so  many  nations  that  with  all  their  efforts  the 
padres  who  are  in  that  vicinity  have  not  been  able  to  learn  their  names."  45 

With  respect  to  the  Tobosos  Indians,  Sierra  Osorio  said  in  1678  that 
eleven  nations  of  hostiles  lived  to  the  right  of  the  highway  from  Durango 
to  El  Parral,  and  that,  "  because  the  bravest  among  them  are  the  Tobosos, 
all  are  commonly  called  by  that  name  ".46  Captain  Juan  Bautista  de 
Escorza,  after  he  had  made  a  reconnoitring  expedition  through  the  coun- 
try to  the  east  of  Durango  and  El  Parral  in  1693,  reported  that  he  had 
found  "  many  new  people  among  the  enemy,  for  the  hostile  Tobosos  do 
not  make  up  even  the  fourth  of  them  ",47 

With  reference  to  the  Conchos  Indians,  Sierra  Osorio,  subsequent  to 
1683,  said:  "The  other  nations  lately  in  rebellion  .  .  .  have  different 
names  such  as  Chizos,  Julimes,  and  others  which  it  is  impossible  to  remem- 
ber, included  under  the  general  appellation  of  Conchos,  which  is  the  more 
general  name."  48 

At  different  periods  during  the  seventeenth  century  the  Indian  problem 
for  the  Spaniards  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  different.  During  the  first  three- 
quarters  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Spaniards  were  engaged  in  the 
pacification  and  Christianization,  primarily,  of  the  Tepehuanes,  Acaxees, 
Tarahumares,  and  Conchos  Indians.  The  task  was  no  easy  one ;  nor  does 
the  credit  for  such  success  as  was  attained  belong  to  any  one  governor  or 
Indian  fighter.  Governor  Urdifiola  boasted  in  1604  that  as  the  result  of 
a  seven  months'  campaign  he  had  "  reduced  to  twenty-four  the  seventy- 
odd  villages  and  rancherias  "  of  the  Acaxees  in  the  Sierra  of  San  An- 
dres.49 That  Governors  Alvear,  Mateo  de  Vesga,  and  Luis  Valdes  be- 
tween 1 6 16  and  1646  concentrated  their  greatest  efforts  on  subduing  the 
Tepehuanes,  Tarahumares,  Conchos,  and  other  allied  tribes,  with  the  out- 
come long  in  the  balance,  is  abundantly  demonstrated  in  documents  here- 
inafter published.50 

After  the  middle  of  the  century  greater  success  attended  the  Spaniards 
in  the  pacification  and  conversion  of  these  Indians.   In  1678  ex-Governor 

45  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  Mexico,  1678,  p.  215,  infra. 

46  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  213,  infra;  cf.  paper  prepared  by  him, 
ibid.,  p.  219. 

47  Escorza  to  Castillo,  Cerro  Gordo,  July  13,  1693,  p.  323,  infra. 

48  Paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio,  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  221,  infra. 

49  Urdifiola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  89,  infra. 

50  See  the  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  pp.  101-115,  infra;  papers  of 
Governor  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1625,  ibid.,  pp.  1 19-143;  cedula  to  the  governor  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  Nov.  30,  1647,  ibid.,  pp.  161,  163;  cedula  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ibid., 
pp.  163,  165. 


Introduction  11 

Sierra  Osorio  asserted  that  he  had  "  reduced  to  peace  "  all  of  the  Tobosos 
Indians  and  had  settled  some  of  them  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,61 
twenty-two  leagues  northeast  of  the  Real  del  Parral.52  Sierra  Osorio  also 
reported  that  all  of  the  Tepehuanes,  Tarahumares,  and  Conchos  Indians 
were  peaceable,  and  that  a  certain  number  of  them,  "  though  very  small  ", 
had  already  been  baptized  and  "  reduced  to  the  faith  ".  He  added :  "  All 
the  nations  in  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  in  New  Mexico  can  be 
reduced  to  our  holy  faith  in  greater  facility  than  others,  and  at  much  less 
cost,  for,  besides  being  the  most  gentle  and  docile,  by  special  kindness  of 
God,  there  is  no  idolatry  among  them,  nor  do  the  inhabitants  worship 
anything  living  or  dead.  From  this — since  they  do  not  practice  idolatry 
.  .  .  — your  Majesty  will  be  able  to  infer  with  what  facility  they  may  be 
reduced  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith."  53 

Five  years  later,  in  1693,  the  viceregal  visitor,  Marin,  said :  "  The 
Tepehuanes  Indians  .  .  .  for  many  years  .  .  .  have  maintained  strict 
fidelity  and  obedience.  .  .  .  The  Tepehuanes  and  Tarahumares  .  .  .  are 
now  highly  Hispanicized,  have  some  degree  of  culture,  and  greatly  apply 
themselves  to  the  raising  of  cattle  and  the  cultivation  of  their  lands."  M 
Equally  optimistic  was  Marin's  report  on  the  Indians  of  Sinaloa.  "  Any 
uprising  ought  not  to  be  feared  there  ",  he  said,  "  because  its  inhabitants 
are  naturally  peaceable,  are  now  rooted  in  the  faith,  and  are  devoted  to 
the  cultivation  of  their  farms  and  the  raising  of  their  cattle."  53 

Despite  some  success  of  the  Spaniards  among  the  Tepehuanes,  Tarahu- 
mares, and  other  tribes,  the  last  two  decades  of  the  seventeenth  century  in 
general  were  characterized  by  marked  apostasy  among  the  Christianized 
Indians,  and  by  the  unprecedented  hostilities  of  the  heathen  Indians  all 
the  way  from  Coahuila  to  Sonora.  In  part,  these  hostilities  were  inspired 
by  the  success  of  the  Pueblo  Indian  rebellion  of  1680-1692  in  New 
Mexico ; 56  in  large  measure  they  were  due  to  the  "  boldness  and  audacity  " 
of  the  Indians  and  to  their  desire  to  plunder  and  to  harass.57  Captain 
Escorza,  after  his  reconnoitring  expedition  through  the  Toboso  country 
in  1693,  reported  that  "  the  ancient  enemies,  who,  under  the  name  of 
Tobosos,  have  invaded  these  kingdoms  for  many  years,  are  now  driven 
by  necessity  itself  and  their  own  bad  disposition  to  increase  the  ravages, 
for,  having  consumed  the  thousands  of  cattle  and  horses  that  roamed 
through  these  lands,  they  now  have  no  recourse  except  to  seize  those 
raised  by  the  Spaniards  on  their  estates  ".58  Such  was  the  hostility  after 

51  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  213,  infra. 

52  Paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio ;  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  221,  infra. 

53  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  pp.  215,  217,  infra. 

54  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  3C,  26Q3,  pp.  391,  401,  infra. 

55  Ibid.,  p.  405;  see  also  ibid.,  p.  389;  and  fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  447, 
infra. 

56  Paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  219,  infra. 

57  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  397,  infra. 

58  Escorza  to  Castillo,  Cerro  Gordo,  July  13,  1693,  .p.  325,  infra. 


12  Introduction 

1680  of  the  heathen  Indians  that  it  was  only  by  the  most  heroic  efforts 
that  Governors  Pardifias  and  Castillo  between  the  years  1687  and  1695 
saved  the  province,  as  is  related  hereinafter,59  from  utter  destruction. 

The  instigators  and  leaders  of  the  hostiles  during  these  years  were  the 
ferocious  and  apostate  Tobosos  and  their  allies.  Writing  subsequent  to 
1683,  ex-Governor  Sierra  Osorio  said  that  the  Tobosos  were  "  so  desper- 
ate and  valiant  that  they  take  or  give  no  quarter  and  they  make  slaves  of 
all  the  women  and  children  whom  they  capture  ".60  Writing  in  1693  tne 
visitor  Marin  graphically  described  the  adept  cunning  and  stratagem  em- 
ployed by  the  hostiles  in  attacking  the  Spaniards  both  on  the  highways 
and  on  their  ranches.61  With  reference  to  the  perfidy  of  the  Tobosos, 
Marin  said :  "  They  have  failed  time  without  number  in  the  obedience 
which  they  promised,  being  apostates  from  the  Evangelical  law,  which 
they  profess,  and  the  most  pernicious  and  malevolent  among  them  all. 
Furthermore  they  are  the  ones  who  instigate  and  turn  many  other  nations 
among  the  Spaniards  by  exciting  them  with  the  great  amount  of  booty 
which  they  have  acquired  through  the  carelessness  of  the  latter."  62  Marin 
further  reported  that  these  hostiles  entered  Nueva  Vizcaya  "  at  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Rio  Florido  and  the  Rio  Conchos  and  by  way  of  San  Antonio, 
Las  Cafias,  La  Herradura,  Mapimi,  and  Rio  Nazas  ".63 

The  Indians  that  harassed  the  eastern  and  central  sections  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  in  the  later  seventeenth  century  were  not  only  extremely  fero- 
cious but  were  in  a  low  stage  of  culture  and  in  some  instances  were  even 
cannibalistic.  With  reference  to  the  Tobosos  Indians  and  their  environ- 
ment, ex-Governor  Sierra  Osorio  said  in  1678:  "  In  all  their  land  there 
is  no  river,  arroyo,  or  spring  that  is  perennial ;  neither  do  they  have  towns 
nor  do  they  plant  crops,  and,  so  far  as  I  have  observed  on  two  occasions 
when  I  have  passed  through  part  of  the  region,  there  are  neither  birds  nor 
animals."  64  In  a  later  report  Sierra  Osorio  said  that  the  rebellious  and 
barbarous  Indians  sustained  themselves  "  more  like  wild  beasts  than  as 
rational  beings,  by  drinking  filthy  and  corrupt  water  from  some  few 
lagoons,  and  the  pools  that  the  rain  leaves  for  a  while  in  the  hollows  of 
the  rocks.  When  these  fail  they  sustain  themselves  with  juice  of  the  wild 
fruits,  roots,  and  the  bark  of  plants  and  trees.  At  the  same  time  they 
steal  some  cattle  or  horses  .  .  .  for  their  greatest  treat  is  this  kind  of 
food.  .  .  .  And  yet  they  are  great  endurers  of  hunger  and  thirst  and 
other  inclemencies  of  the  weather  to  which  they  are  subject  through 
their  exposure  to  the  cold  temperatures,  as  they  use  no  other  dress  than 

69  See  correspondence  and  autos  of  Pardifias,  1688-1692,  infra,  pp.  235-289 ;  autos 
of  Castillo,  1691-1694,  ibid.,  pp.  291-362;  autos  and  reports  of  Marin,  1693,  pp.  365-411; 
fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  419-457. 

60  Paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  219,  infra. 

61  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  397,  infra. 

62  Ibid.,  p.  401. 

63  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  437,  infra. 

64  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  Mexico,  1678,  p.  213,  infra. 


Introduction  13 

that  granted  them  by  nature.  They  have  no  settlement,  nor  community 
cultivation  or  planting  of  the  land  ".65 

Sierra  Osorio's  description  of  the  culture  of  the  eastern  Indians  was 
corroborated  by  the  visitor  Marin  in  1693.  He  said  that  the  hostiles  lived 
in  the  open  like  beasts,  "  obtaining  their  food  by  hunting,  and  much  of  the 
time  living  on  reptilian  animals  ".66  Marin  also  reported  that  "  their 
principal  food  consists  of  horses  and  mules,  and  any  filth  that  they  may 
,find,  even  sometimes  the  bodies  of  Spaniards,  as  has  many  times  hap- 
pened ".67  Other  evidence  of  cannibalism  was  not  lacking.  General 
Retana,  a  famed  Indian  fighter,  reported  in  1693  tnat  some  old  women 
of  the  Chizos  Indians  had  eaten  alive  a  young  Spanish  female  captive.68 

There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Tepehuanes  or  Tarahumares,  in  the  centre 
of  the  kingdom,  were  cannibals,  but  the  ferocity  of  the  latter  is  revealed 
by  the  fact  that  when  a  Spaniard  was  captured  in  the  Tarahumare  country 
in  June,  1693,  fifteen  leagues  from  El  Parral,  the  Indians  skinned  him 
alive  "  and  committed  other  inhumanities  that  are  not  to  be  told  ".69 

Comparable  to  the  ferocious  and  pernicious  Tobosos  and  other  hostiles 
on  the  eastern  and  northeastern  frontiers  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  were  the 
Pimas  and  Apaches,  in  the  northwestern  province  of  Sonora.  In  1693 
the  visitor  Marin  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  "  curbing  the  pride  of  the 
enemy  Apaches  and  the  numerous  and  wide-spread  Pima  nations  ",  who, 
he  said,  were  "  constantly  attacking  and  committing  hostilities  "  upon  the 
inhabitants  of  Sonora.  These  Indians,  Marin  said,  were  accustomed  to 
"  enter  by  one  of  the  following  three  routes — first  through  the  Valle  de 
Caaguiona,  which  is  thirty  leagues  distant  from  the  Real  de  San  Juan; 
second,  through  the  Valle  de  Babispe ;  third,  by  that  of  Teuricache,  nine 
leagues  from  the  Real  de  Nacosari  (which  the  enemy  have  almost  depopu- 
lated by  their  constant  raids)".70 

In  view  of  the  character  of  the  hostile  Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  various  officials  should  have  recommended  that  a  war 
of  extermination  should  be  waged  against  them.  Ex-Governor  Sierra 
Osorio,  for  example,  stated  that  in  his  opinion  there  was  more  justifica- 
tion in  making  war  upon  the  hostiles  and  in  enslaving  them  than  there 
was  in  fighting  and  in  enslaving  the  Turks,  "  for  the  latter  ",  he  argued, 
"  although  they  are  the  declared  enemies  of  all  Christendom,  give  quarter 
to  all  those  who  surrender  without  reaching  the  point  of  imbruing  them- 
selves in  the  blood  of  those  who  by  their  sex,  age  or  profession  are  de- 
fenseless ".71   Similar  or  even  more  drastic  recommendations  were  later 

65  Paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  221,  infra. 

66  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  401,  infra. 

67  Ibid.,  p.  397- 

68  Ibid. ;  auto  of  Retana,  pehol  of  Santa  Marta,  July  30,  1693,  p.  335,  infra. 
09  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4  to  May  2,  1693,  p.  305,  infra. 

70  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  399,  infra. 

71  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  213,  infra. 


14  Introduction 

made  by  Governors  Pardinas  and  Castillo  and  by  the  viceregal  visitor 
Marin  between  1688  and  1693. 

Although  not  a  resident  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  proper,  one  of  the  unique 
characters  of  the  northern  frontier  was  Don  Diego  de  Valdes,  chief  of 
the  Nadadores  tribe  of  Indians  of  Coahuila.  Valdes  won  the  respect  and 
confidence  not  only  of  civilians  and  officials  of  the  frontier,  but  even 
of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Injustices  that  were  done  him  were  the 
bases  for  the  pronouncement  of  important  regulations  for  the  protection 
of  loyal  Indians  by  the  viceroy. 

The  loyalty  of  Valdes  to  the  Spaniards  and  the  aid  that  he  had  ren- 
dered to  various  military  expeditions  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  hostile 
Indians  were  abundantly  attested  by  certifications  of  captains  and  mili- 
tary chiefs  of  the  frontier.  His  most  highly  prized  possession,  however, 
was  a  commission,  and  a  "  staff  as  governor  of  the  Nadadores  nation  ", 
which  the  Count  of  Monclova,  viceroy  of  New  Spain  between  the  years 
1686  and  1688,  had  given  him.  For  some  unexplained  reason  this  staff 
was  taken  from  Don  Diego  de  Valdes — an  act  which  filled  him  "  with 
the  greatest  grief  " — by  Alonso  de  Leon,72  governor  of  Coahuila,  prior 
to  the  latter's  death  in  March,  1691.73  Through  his  attorney,  Cristobal 
Vicente  de  Rivera,  Don  Diego  petitioned  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Galve, 
to  name  Sargento  Mayor  Juan  Bautista  de  Escorza  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
as  protector  of  the  Nadadores  Indians,  and  to  reinvest  himself  with  author- 
ity as  governor  and  with  "  the  said  staff  ".  The  petition  having  been  taken 
under  advisement,  the  viceroy,  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  fiscal, 
Dr.  Don  Benito  de  Novoa  Salgado,  conformed  with  this  request  on 
May  31,  1 69 1.  The  viceroy  instructed  Escorza  "to  restore  the  staff  of 
authority  "  to  Don  Diego  de  Valdes  and  also  "  everything  that  may  have 
been  taken,  either  from  him  or  from  other  Indians,  by  Spaniards  of  bad 
character  ".  Likewise  he  was  to  make  reparations  for  damages  done  to 
them.  Under  penalty  of  a  fine  of  500  pesos,  all  royal  judges  and  justices 
were  forbidden  to  place  any  impediments  or  embarrassments  in  the  way 
of  Escorza,  and  were  instructed  to  expedite  bills  of  indictment  against 
any  one  who  did  oppose  him. 

In  his  recommendations  to  the  viceroy  the  fiscal  had  characterized  the 
action  of  Captain  De  Leon  in  having  deprived  Don  Diego  of  his  staff 
as  governor  as  "  a  very  shameless  effrontery,  for  what  a  viceroy  gives  an 
inferior  cannot  take  away  without  consultation  ".  Altogether  in  accord 
with  this  attitude  of  his  fiscal,  the  viceroy  imposed  a  fine  of  500  pesos 
upon  any  captain  who,  in  the  future,  should  "  without  consultation  remove 
any  person  from  an  office  filled  by  this  Superior  Government,  for  doing 
otherwise  is  to  proceed  boldly  ".74 

72  Decree  of  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Galve,  with  enclosures,  Mexico,  May  31,  1691, 
PP.  335-339,  infra. 

73  W.  E.  Dunn,  Spanish  and  French  Rivalry  in  the  Gulf  Region  of  the  United  States, 
1678-1702  (Austin,  1917),  p.  129. 

74  Decree  of  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Monclova,  with  enclosures,  pp.  337,  339,  infra. 


Introduction  15 

Later  the  commission  issued  to  Escorza  as  protector  of  the  Nadadores 
Indians  was  transferred  by  the  viceroy  to  General  Ignacio  de  Anaya.  The 
latter,  on  June  9,  1692,  in  the  presence  of  Captain  Diego  Ramon,  gover- 
nor and  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Coahuila,  formally  notified  Don  Diego 
de  Valdes  that  he  was  ready  to  give  him  and  all  of  the  Nadadores  Indians 
"  all  the  favor  that  his  Excellency  orders  ".  Don  Diego  was  to  be  deprived 
of  his  most  highly  prized  possession,  however,  for  Anaya  recorded  that 
"  as  to  the  staff  which  his  Excellency  orders  to  be  restored  to  him,  it  is 
impossible  to  fulfill  that  order  because  Governor  Alonso  de  Leon  is  dead 
and  no  one  knows  in  whose  possession  it  was  left ".  Notwithstanding, 
he  instructed  all  of  the  Nadadores  Indians  "  to  hold  the  said  Captain 
Don  Diego  as  their  governor  ".75 

In  July  of  the  following  year,  1693,  some  Chizos  Indians  from  Nueva 
Vizcaya  made  a  campaign  into  Coahuila,  and  among  the  booty  later  taken 
from  them  by  General  Juan  de  Retana  was  a  "  governor's  title  given  to 
Don  Diego  de  Valdes  by  the  Count  of  Galve  ".76 

Meanwhile  Don  Diego  had  continued  to  enjoy  the  respect  and  confi- 
dence of  at  least  two  of  his  Spanish  friends.  On  May  18,  1692,  the  month 
before  his  title  as  governor  was,  by  order  of  the  Count  of  Galve,  restored 
to  him,  Don  Juan  Francisco  Ruiz  de  Birbiesca  commended  Don  Diego  for 
"  founding  a  mission  of  New  Indians  " ;  sent  him  as  presents  a  cloak  and 
"  a  calabash  full  of  rich  brandy  " ;  and  requested  of  him  twenty-five  In- 
dian laborers,  under  a  competent  foreman,  to  harvest  his  wheat  crop.77 
Equally  cordial  was  another  letter  sent  to  Don  Diego  on  the  same  day 
from  Parras  by  Simon  de  Echavarria.  The  latter  acknowledged  the  gift 
from  Don  Diego  of  two  buckskins,  requested  Don  Diego  to  send  him  a 
large  bezal  stone,  and  sent  to  the  wife  and  son  of  Don  Diego  a  blue  baize 
skirt-pattern  and  a  blanket,  respectively.78 

5.  The  civilian  population  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
Throughout  the  entire  seventeenth  century  Nueva  Vizcaya  remained 
essentially  a  frontier  province.  The  population  of  the  kingdom  was  never 
large,  nor  were  the  settlers  ever  very  prosperous  or  secure  from  Indian 
depredations,  faf ts  which  the  governors  of  the  kingdom  never  ceased  to 
bemoan.  In  1604  Governor  Urdifiola  referred  to  "  the  poverty  and  lack 
of  labor  from  which  the  settlers  to-day  in  this  large  government  suffer  ".79 
Durango  in  1618  was  a  town  of  about  one  hundred  settlers; 80  in  1693  it 
was  referred  to  as  the  metropolis  of  the  kingdom.81  It  was  estimated  in 
1678  that  the  entire  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  did  not  "  contain  more 

75  Auto  of  Anaya,  Nadadores,  June  9,  1692,  pp.  339,  341,  infra. 

7 *  Auto  of  Retana,  penol  of  Santa  Marta,  July  30,  1693,  p.  333,  infra. 

77  Birbiesca  to  Valdes,  San  Lorenzo,  May  18,  1692,  p.  341,  infra. 

78  Echavarria  to  Don  Diego  Chechole,  Parras,  May  18,  1692,  p.  343,  infra. 

79  Urdifiola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  91,  infra. 

80  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  103,  infra. 

81  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  389,  infra. 


16  Introduction 

than  three  hundred  citizens  ".82  Ten  years  later  Governor  Pardinas  com- 
plained that  "  the  greater  part  of  this  kingdom  has  no  Spanish  population, 
for,  since  the  war  in  it  has  been  continuous,  the  Spaniards  do  not  ven- 
ture to  settle  many  parts  that  are  very  suitable  for  towns  ".83  In  1693,  at 
which  time  the  visitor  Marin  reported  that  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  "  being 
depopulated  .  .  .  and  despoiled  of  everything  ",  the  number  of  Spanish 
families  living  in  the  kingdom  numbered  "  about  five  hundred,  more  or 
less  "." 

The  chief  occupation  of  the  settlers  was  mining  and  ranching.  Despite 
the  fact  that  mining  was  considerably  retarded  "  on  account  of  the  poverty 
and  sparseness  of  the  population  ",  Governor  Urdinola  in  1604  reported 
that  in  the  district  of  San  Andres  and  Guanecebi  alone  there  were  "  more 
than  thirty  discovered  mines,  and  eight  others  in  the  valley  of  Santa 
Barbara  and  its  vicinity  ".85 

Even  the  frontier  province  of  Conchos  was  described  in  1667  as  "  one 
of  the  most  important  of  this  kingdom,  on  account  of  the  productions  of 
its  farms  and  silver  mines  ".86  In  the  early  '8o's  there  were  said  to  have 
been  in  the  jurisdiction  of  El  Parral  and  its  vicinity  "  more  than  thirty 
irrigated  farms  ",  although  at  that  time  "  not  even  four  "  had  been  planted 
as  a  result  of  the  Indian  laborers  having  retired  to  the  mountains.87 

Despite  the  paucity  of  the  Spanish  population  the  annual  production 
of  silver  was  very  large.  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo,  on  October  7, 
165 1,  advised  the  king  that  a  train  of  wagons  was  at  that  time  ready  to 
leave  with  more  than  20,000  marks  of  silver,  which  made  a  total  of  more 
than  80,000  marks  that  had  been  despatched  from  Nueva  Vizcaya  that 
year.88  By  1678  the  annual  production  of  silver  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  was 
in  excess  of  150,000  marks,  from  which  the  king  received  "  in  fifths  and 
tithes  nearly  200,000  pesos  ".  At  the  Real  del  Parral  alone  in  a  fourteen- 
month  period  subsequent  to  1678  there  were  mined  120,000  marks  of 
silver.  Despite  the  great  production  of  silver,  the  miners  themselves  ap- 
pear not  to  have  enjoyed  opulence.  Sierra  Osorio,  for  instance,  assured 
the  king  in  1678  that  "because  of  the  great  poverty  of  the  miners  and 
excessive  cost  of  the  quicksilver  and  other  ingredients  "  they  were  not  able 
to  deepen  the  mines.89  Other  exceedingly  rich  mining  centres  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  century  besides  El  Parral  were  those  of  Cusiguriachi  and 
Urique,90  to  the  west  of  the  Real  del  Parral. 

82  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  215,  infra. 

83  Pardinas  to  the  king,  El  Parral,  Nov.  21,  1688,  p.  229,  infra. 

84  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  391,  393,  infra. 

85  Urdinola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  91,  infra. 

86  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Mar.  12,  1667,  p.  189,  infra. 

87  Extract  of  a  paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio,  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  225,  infra. 

88  The  king  to  the  viceroy,  May  23,  1652,  p.  175,  infra;  the  king  to  the  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  May  23,  1652,  ibid.,  pp.  177,  179. 

89  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  p.  217,  infra. 

90  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4  to  May  2,  1693,  this  volume,  p.  313,  fiscal's 
reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  2,  1698,  p.  459,  infra. 


Introduction  17 

A  characterization  of  the  frontier  type  of  settler  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  that 
is  of  human  interest  was  made  by  the  viceregal  inspector  Marin  in  1693  J 
it  reveals  a  spirit  of  independence  among  the  northward-moving  Latins 
that  was  as  indomitable  as  that  of  the  westward-moving  Anglo-Americans 
further  north.  Marin  said :  "  This  Real  de  Durango  and  the  country  sur- 
rounding it  are  peopled  by  farmers,  merchants,  and  miners,  and  the  same 
is  true  of  the  rest  of  the  kingdom.  Although  they  are  solicitous  for  their 
own  welfare  they  appear  to  be  solicitous  also  for  the  royal  service.  They 
are  much  influenced  by  suavity  and  gentleness  in  their  superiors,  and  the 
opposite  by  harshness;  in  fact,  as  a  result  of  their  dispositions  being 
somewhat  bellicose,  they  are  extremely  sensitive  to  the  voices  of  some 
people  which  are  naturally  harsh.  For  this  reason  whoever  governs  them 
ought  to  employ  all  character  of  tact  and  gentleness  and  ought  to  accom- 
modate himself  to  this  knowledge.  ...  By  following  a  few  such  prece- 
dents he  will  keep  them  peaceful  and  obedient.  The  inhabitants  readily 
engage  in  lawsuits,  and  since  from  Durango  to  Sonora  they  do  not  have 
a  lawyer  to  advise  them,  each  is  a  lawyer  for  himself,  while  all  presume 
that  justice  and  right  are  on  their  side."  91 

6.  The  military  strength  and  presidial  defenses  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1 604- 1 6p 3.  During  the  first  three-quarters  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  military  forces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  constituted  a  relatively  simple 
organization,  under  the  immediate  and  personal  command  or  close  super- 
vision of  the  governor.  It  was  not  until  after  1680  that  serious  consid- 
eration and  constructive  effort  were  applied  to  the  creation  of  a  unified 
and  well-organized  chain  of  presidios  and  system  of  defense  for  the 
kingdom. 

The  number  of  presidios  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  prior  to  1686  has  not  been 
ascertained,  but  that  they  were  few  is  certain.  Reference  was  made  by 
Governor  Urdifiola  in  1604  to  a  presidio  in  the  country  of  the  Acaxees 
Indians,  at  which  it  had  been  possible  to  reduce  the  number  of  soldiers.92 
In  16 1 7  Bartolome  Juarez  was  referred  to  as  "  captain  of  the  presidio  of 
San  Hipolito  among  the  Xiximes  ",  and  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide  was 
referred  to  as  the  "  captain  of  Sinaloa  ",93 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion  in  the  latter  part  of  1616 
it  appears  that  there  was  not  a  presidio  in  the  entire  region  north  of 
Durango.  At  least  not  one  is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  a  lengthy  recon- 
noitring and  punitive  expedition  made  by  Governor  Alvear  through  that 
region  between  December  19,  16 16,  and  March  4,  1617.  On  this  expedi- 
tion, however,  the  governor  left  at  Guanecebi  "  a  presidio,  with  twenty- 

91  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  407,  409,  infra. 

92  Urdifiola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  p.  89,  infra.  Urdaide  (sometimes 
spelled  Hurdaide)  was  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  from  1600  to  1626.  See  H.  E. 
Bolton  and  T.  M.  Marshall,  The  Colonization  of  North  America,  1492-1783  (New  York, 
1920),  pp.237,  239. 

93  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  109,  infra. 


18  Introduction 

five  soldiers,  powder,  and  munitions  ".  Credence  is  given  to  the  supposi- 
tion that  there  were  no  presidios  north  of  Durango  prior  to  the  establish- 
ment of  one  at  Guanecebi  by  the  statement  that  during  Governor  Albear's 
absence  "  the  affairs  of  war  of  the  kingdom  and  the  defense  of  Guadiana 
remained  in  charge  of  the  lieutenant-general,  Rafael  de  Gascue  ".9* 

In  the  course  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  the  viceroy  sent 
re-enforcements  from  Zacatecas  and  San  Luis  and  later  three  companies 
of  soldiers  from  Mexico  City,  "  paid  for  eight  months  ".  These  soldiers 
were  distributed  by  the  governor  "  where  they  would  serve  the  best  pur- 
pose ".  Before  the  rebellion  was  suppressed  it  was  reported  that  the 
governor  proposed  "  to  hold  the  territory  by  presidios  and  to  protect  the 
roads  by  escorts  ".95 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Albear,  1620-1625,  it  appears 
that  little  change  was  made  in  the  defense  system  of  the  kingdom. 
Cristobal  Sanchez  was  "  deputy  chief-justice  and  captain  of  war  of  the 
said  province  and  of  the  residents  of  the  Valley  of  San  Bartolome  ", 
while  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide  remained  "  captain  of  the  said  province 
[of  Sinaloa]  and  lieutenant-governor  and  captain-general  "  of  it.  Refer- 
ence was  also  made  to  "  the  fort  of  Montesclaros  "  in  Sinaloa.96 

A  proposal  to  establish  a  presidio  north  of  Durango  was  taken  under 
advisement  by  the  viceroy  as  early  as  1646.  The  excuse  for  recom- 
mending the  establishment  of  this  presidio  was  the  rebellion  near  the 
middle  of  the  century  of  the  Tepehuane,  Salineros,  and  other  Indians  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  at . which  time  Governor  Valdes  appealed  to  the  viceroy 
for  aid  of  men  and  money.  The  request  was  granted  and  beneficent  re- 
sults followed;  by  the  early  part  of  1646,  at  a  cost  to  the  crown  of  over 
50,000  pesos,  the  governor  had  reduced  2000  Indians  to  peace  and  had 
killed  or  hanged  1 50  others. 

As  a  result  of  this  uprising  and  as  a  guaranty  for  the  newly  arranged 
peace,  Governor  Valdes-  pointed  out  to  the  viceroy  the  desirability  of 
establishing  a  new  presidio  at  a  place  called  Cerro  Gordo,  between 
Guadiana  and  El  Parral.  The  governor  stated  that  this  new  presidio 
could  be  established  without  extra  cost  to  the  crown  by  detailing  for  it 
men  from  other  presidios  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  The  viceroy  presented  the 
matter  to  the  king  in  a  letter  of  February  26,  1646.  But  the  king  and  the 
Council  of  the  Indies,  before  passing  upon  the  recommendation,  requested 
the  viceroy  to  furnish  them  more  information  concerning  the  entire  propo- 
sition, and  all  related  details,  together  with  his  own  recommendations  in 
the  matter,97  an  action  equivalent  to  tabling  the  proposition. 

94  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  pp.  109,  III,  infra. 

95  Ibid.,  pp.  111-115,  infra. 

96  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622,  p.  131,  infra;  Coronado's  report, 
Durango,  Apr.  30,  1625,  p.  149,  infra. 

97  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Madrid,  Nov.  30,  1647,  p.  161,  infra ; 
the  king  to  the  viceroy,  Madrid,  Jan.  18,  1648,  ibid.,  p.  163. 


Introduction  19 

Shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  dispute  of  con- 
siderable importance  arose  over  the  divided  military  authority  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  and  the  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  The  bases  of  the  dispute,  according  to 
Governor  Don  Diego  Guajardo  Fajardo,  were  as  follows :  The  presidio 
of  Sinaloa,  since  its  foundation,  had  been  subject  to  the  government  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  but  the  viceroys  of  New  Spain  had  "  arrogated  to  them- 
selves the  garrisoning  of  it,  with  the  tacit  permission  of  "  the  predeces- 
sors of  Guajardo  Fajardo,  and,  with  "  no  wider  jurisdiction  than  the 
presidio  ",  were  endeavoring  in  1650  "  to  extend  their  jurisdiction  and  to 
establish  their  authority  in  the  province  of  Sonora  ".98 

This  was  being  attempted  despite  the  fact  that  Captain  Don  Pedro  de 
Perea  had  made  a  contract  with  the  viceroy,  the  Marquis  of  Cadereyta, 
as  early  as  1636,  "  for  the  settlement  of  Sonora  under  certain  conditions, 
one  of  which  was  that  he  was  to  apply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
to  issue  him  title  as  justicia  mayor  and  captain  of  war  of  the  said  province 
of  Sonora,  since  it  was  a  district  of  that  government;  in  conformity  with 
this  arrangement  he  was  to  be  subject  to  orders  issued  to  him  from  Nueva 
Vizcaya  "."  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  claimed  that  after  the  death 
of  Captain  Perea  "  the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  continued  making 
appointments  "  to  the  office  of  justicia  mayor  and  captain  of  war  of 
Sonora.  However,. the  captains  of  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  "with  no 
other  purpose  than  that  of  extending  their  authority  over  Sonora  ",  at- 
tempted to  free  themselves  not  only  from  the  subordination  which  they 
have  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  "  but  even  from  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  of  that  province  [Sinaloa]".  Moreover  they  "  endeav- 
ored to  prevent  possession  of  the  office  "  of  justicia  mayor  and  captain  of 
war  by  persons  appointed  by  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.100 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  the  dispute 
over  the  divided  authority  in  military  matters  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  first 
became  serious,  and  in  the  following  manner :  In  the  course  of  his  efforts 
to  pacify  the  Tarahumara  province,  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  commis- 
sioned Simon  Laso  de  la  Vega  as  justicia  mayor  and  captain  of  war  of 
Sonora,  and  instructed  him  to  pacify  and  explore  that  province.  In  this 
work  De  la  Vega  was  obstructed  and  opposed  by  the  presidial  captains  of 
Sinaloa  101  and  finally  met  death  in  a  suspicious  manner.  Later,  when 
Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  despatched  an  expedition  to  Sonora  by 
way  of  Sinaloa  under  General  Juan  B.  Morales  to  investigate  the  mur- 
der of  De  la  Vega  and  to  reassemble  his  dispersed  soldiers,  Don 
Pedro  Porter  Casanate,  alcalde  mayor  of  Sinaloa,  and  also  at  that  time 
captain  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa,  "  desiring  to  foment  rivalries  or  to 

98  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Mar.  27,  1651,  p.  171,  infra. 
"The  king  to  the  viceroy,  May  23,  165 1,  p.  173,  infra. 

100  Ibid.,  p.  173. 

101  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Mar.  26,  1651,  p.  171,  infra. 

3 


20  Introduction 

originate  them  between  the  governments  of  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Viz- 
caya  ",  placed  obstructions  in  the  way  of  the  expedition.  As  a  result  "  the 
assistance  was  not  received  nor  was  it  possible  to  investigate  or  punish 
the  crime  of  the  death  of  Simon  Laso  ".102 

With  the  hope  of  ending  the  uncertainty  as  to  whether  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain  or  the  governor  and  captain-general  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  had 
authority  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  as  early  as 
January  19,  1650,  petitioned  the  king  "  to  declare  to  whom  belonged  the 
government  of  those  provinces,  in  order  that  each  one  may  restrain  him- 
self within  the  limits  which  belong  to  him  ".103  In  a  later  letter,  of  Febru- 
ary 26,  1 65 1,  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  requested  the  king  to  order 
that  all  of  the  presidios  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  either  be  placed  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  "  or  else  be  all  at  once  taken  from  his 
jurisdiction,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  rivalries  ".104 

This  uncertainty  with  regard  to  military  authority  in  Nueva  Vizcaya 
produced  much  instability  and  insecurity  throughout  that  kingdom  and 
seriously  threatened  to  retard  the  mining  industry.  On  October  7,  1651, 
Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  advised  the  king  that  "  the  dangers  are  so 
continuous  .  .  .  from  the  invasions  of  the  Indians  that  there  is  not  an 
hour  of  security,  for  it  is  necessary  at  all  times  to  be  giving  aid  in  arms, 
munitions  and  men  to  different  places  ".  Complaint  was  also  made  by  the 
governor  that  the  viceroy  had  not  answered  his  various  appeals  for  aid  or 
his  suggestions  that  the  viceroy  "  provide  a  remedy  for  the  many  in- 
juries ".  He  expressed  the  fear  that  the  Indians  would  depopulate  the 
entire  kingdom  unless  the  king  adopted  some  remedial  measures.105 

The  king,  by  way  of  reply,  on  May  23,  1652,  praised  Governor  Gua- 
jardo Fajardo  for  his  efforts  to  pacify  the  rebellious  Tarahumares  and 
advised  him  to  continue  these  efforts  until  he  had  secured  the  complete 
pacification  of  the  Indians.  He  also  instructed  the  governor  to  keep  the 
viceroy  advised  concerning  developments  and  his  own  needs,  and  to  see 
that  the  pacification  proceeded  with  as  little  loss  as  possible,  "  first  using 
the  mild  methods  of  friendship  and  kind  treatment  toward  them  ".  On 
the  same  day  the  king  wrote  to  the  viceroy  to  give  the  governor  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  "  all  the  help  he  needs  to  accomplish  the  desired  end  ",  and  to 
submit  to  him  evidence  bearing  upon,  and  his  own  personal  opinion  con- 
cerning, what  the  governor  had  said  with  respect  to  the  contract  alleged 
to  have  been  made  in  1636  between  the  viceroy  and  Captain  Pedro  de 
Perea  for  the  settlement  of  the  province  of  Sonora.106 

102  The  king  to  the  viceroy,  May  23,  1652,  pp.  173,  175,  infra. 

103  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Mar.  27,  165 1,  p.  171,  infra. 

104  The  king  to  the  viceroy,  May  23,  1652,  p.  175,  infra. 

105  Ibid. ;  the  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  pp.  177,  179. 

106  The  king  to  the  viceroy,  May  23,  1652,  p.   177,  infra;  the  king  to  the  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  May  23,  1652,  pp.  177,  179. 


Introduction  21 

An  early  recommendation  aiming  at  a  systematic  reorganization  of  the 
military  defenses  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  made  by  Governor  Oca  Sar- 
miento  in  1667.  He  proposed  that  ten  soldiers  and  four  Indian  allies 
should  be  stationed  in  each  of  "  ten  watch-towers  "  to  be  located  "  at  the 
places  where  the  enemy  enters  our  lands  ",  and  distributed  in  such  a  man- 
ner that  they  "  would  support  each  other  and  keep  the  enemy  subject  to 
the  cordon  of  watch-towers  thus  formed  ",  and  would  at  the  same  time 
"  divide  the  enemy  from  the  friendly  Indians  ".  He  stated  that  these 
watch-towers  might  be  garrisoned  without  added  expense  to  the  king 
save  for  eight  additional  soldiers — thereby  implying  that  the  number  of 
soldiers  at  that  time  was  ninety-two — and  6000  pesos  at  the  outset  for  the 
construction  of  the  watch-towers.107 

As  late  as  1670  the  question  of  divided  military  authority  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  which  had  been  raised  by  Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  twenty 
years  earlier,  was  still  unsettled.  At  that  time  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
had  under  his  immediate  jurisdiction  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  Cerro 
Gordo,  and  San  Sebastian ;  at  these  three  presidios  there  were  in  all  three 
captains,  seventy-five  soldiers,  and  one  Indian  spy.  The  salary  of  each 
of  these  presidials  was  350  pesos.  At  the  same  time  the  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  exercised  authority  over  the  presidios  of  Santa  Catalina, 
among  the  Tepehuanes,  and  San  Hipolito,  among  the  Xiximes,  each  with 
a  captain,  nine  soldiers,  and  thirty  field  soldiers.  Each  of  these  presidials 
drew  an  annual  salary  of  450  pesos.  As  a  result  of  this  divided  responsi- 
bility the  Indians  were  not  kept  in  subjection,  for  the  governors  excused 
"  themselves  from  assisting  by  saying  that  they  do  not  have  a  sufficient 
force,  because  the  forces  in  the  said  presidios  "  which  were  under  the 
charge  of  the  viceroy  did  not  obey  them.  Conscious  of  the  difficulties 
with  reference  to  the  defense  and  security  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  because  of 
this  situation,  and  desirous  of  ascertaining  whether  it  would  be  wise  to 
place  all  of  the  presidios  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor,  the  queen 
regent  on  September  6,  1670,  instructed  the  viceroy  to  report  to  her  with 
his  own  recommendations  upon  the  matter.108 

The  question  of  the  divided  military  authority  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  of 
the  governor  of  that  kingdom  and  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  par- 
tially settled  in  1682.  In  that  year  a  cedula  placed  under  the  control  of 
the  governor  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  San  Sebastian, 
which  theretofore  had  been  under  the  control  of  the  viceroy.  Such  an 
arrangement,  it  was  pointed  out,  would  enable  the  viceroy  to  "  have  in 
equal  degree  the  superior  government  of  all  "  and  would  also  enable  him 
"  to  avail  himself  of  these  forces  without  opposition  in  urgencies  "  that 
might  occur.109 

107  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Mar.  12,  1667,  p.  191,  infra. 

108  The  queen  regent  to  the  viceroy,  Madrid,  Sept.  6,  1670,  p.  205,  infra. 

109  Extract  of  a  paper  prepared  by  Sierra  Osorio  subsequent  to  1683,  p.  227,  infra. 


22  Introduction 

One  of  the  most  illuminating  reports  upon  conditions  in  general  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  later  seventeenth  century  was  made,  subsequent  to 
1683,  by  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  former  governor  of  that  kingdom. 
With  reference  to  the  military  defense  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sierra  Osorio 
pointed  out  the  necessity  of  establishing  "  two  presidios  of  fifty  men 
each  "  at  El  Gallo  and  Cuencame,  which  were  the  principal  places  from 
which  the  hostiles  sallied  forth  to  do  their  damage.  This  would  "  close 
the  doors  "  to  the  Indians  and  would  "  make  safe  commerce  and  travel 
in  those  provinces  ".  These  two  new  presidios,  together  with  the  one 
already  at  Cerro  Gordo,  would  constitute  a  series  of  defenses  "  in  a  line 
formed  from  Sombrerete  ...  to  the  Real  del  Parral  ".  This  line,  one 
hundred  leagues  long,  should,  Sierra  Osorio  said,  be  "  divided  off  in  con- 
venient distances  to  allow  communication  from  one  presidio  to  another, 
and  to  reconnoitre  and  watch  the  intervening  spaces  ". 

Sierra  Osorio  also  favored  the  establishment  at  San  Francisco  de  Con- 
chos  of  a  presidio  as  a  means  of  holding  some  nations  in  check,  depriving 
others  of  communication,  and  preventing  the  outrages  and  robberies  that 
were  common  in  that  district.  The  soldiers  of  this  presidio,  together  with 
thirty  field  soldiers  that  already  constituted  a  field  company  with  head- 
quarters at  El  Parral,  should,  Sierra  Osorio  thought,  co-operate  in  oppos- 
ing possible  Indian  incursions. 

By  the  above  disposition  of  the  military  forces  of  the  kingdom  Sierra 
Osorio  believed  that  safety  would  be  assured  to  the  mining  camps,  and, 
*as  a  result  of  this  safety,  that  old  mining  camps  would  be  reopened  and 
some  security  would  be  given  to  defenseless  towns,  farms,  cattle  ranches, 
and  charcoal  establishments  which  were  necessary  for  the  "  conservation 
and  working  of  the  mines  ".  Likewise  this  line  of  defense  would  separate 
the  settled  and  subjugated  districts  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  from  the 
"  supremely  rough  and  almost  impenetrable  "  country  of  the  barbarous 
and  hostile  Indians.  Sierra  Osorio  stated  that  theretofore  many  Indians 
"  impelled  by  their  own  interests  "  had  worked  on  the  mines  and  farms 
of  the  Spaniards.  But  because  they  then  lacked  those  "  interests  ",  with 
consequent  loss  to  farming  and  mining,  and  because  they  were  "  rebels 
and  apostates  ",  Sierra  Osorio  thought  that  war  should  be  "  made  upon 
them  resolutely,  without  lifting  a  hand  from  it  ",  until  they  were  reduced 
or  subjected. 

Sierra  Osorio  urged  that  the  viceroy,  in  view  of  so  much  that  was  at 
stake,  should  be  ordered,  in  case  he  could  not  go  in  person  to  Nueva  Viz- 
caya, "  to  apply  his  whole  attention,  zeal,  and  care  "  to  the  matter  of  the 
defense  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  to  assist  the  governor  with  "  money  and 
all  character  of  supplies  of  soldiers,  arms,  horses,  and  provisions  "  that 
he  might  need.  He  also  recommended  that  the  governors  should  be  al- 
lowed to  appoint  the  captains  of  the  three  new  presidios  which  he  pro- 
posed should  be  erected  at  El  Gallo,  Cuencame,  and  San  Francisco  de 


Introduction  23 

Conchos  and  to  have  perpetual  control  over  them,  the  governor  being 
obligated  to  appoint  to  these  positions  only  men  of  good  military 
experience.110 

At  the  beginning  of  the  last  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  mili- 
tary administration  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  demanded  the  consideration 
of  the  provincial  and  viceregal  authorities.  As  a  proposed  means  of  curb- 
ing Indian  hostilities  that  were  being  committed  in  Nueva  Galicia,  Sina- 
loa, and  adjacent  provinces,  the  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadala- 
jara and  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Sinaloa  recommended  to  the  viceroy  in  1690 
that  a  new  presidio  should  be  established  for  that  region.  A  junta  de 
guerra,  upon  taking  the  recommendations  under  advisement  on  August  2, 
1690,  requested  the  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  to  secure 
the  sworn  statements  of  a  number  of  experienced  persons  with  reference 
to  the  most  suitable  site  for  the  proposed  new  presidio.  Most  of  the  per- 
sons consulted  on  this  matter  favored  Orachiche  as  the  most  suitable  site. 
At  the  same  time  the  advantages  of  moving  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  to 
Los  Cedros,  which  was  "  beyond  the  Real  de  los  Frailes  ",  was  also 
pointed  out.  The  erection  of  the  new  presidio  and  the  removal  of  that  of 
Sinaloa  was  recommended  by  the  president  of  the  Audiencia,  but,  as  a 
result  of  the  fiscal,  in  the  interest  of  economy,  having  opposed  this  joint 
proposition,  it  fell  through. 

The  proposition  calling  for  the  removal  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa 
came  up  again  however.  On  February  12,  1691,  Governor  Pardinas  wrote 
to  the  viceroy  that  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  was  no  longer  necessary  where 
it  was,  and  recommended  that  it  be  removed  to  a  site  below  Gentiles,  mid- 
way between  Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  In  March,  1691,  Juan  Ruiz  de  Mon- 
toya  and  Sebastian  de  Deymas  Ardilaga,  "  persons  thoroughly  and  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  the  provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  ",  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  was  an  "  unprofitable  and  useless 
expense  ",  and  that  it  would  be  desirable  to  move  it  to  the  site  of  Teuri- 
cache.  In  June  of  the  same  year  Don  Francisco  Marmolejo,  former  oidor 
of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico,  and  auditor-general  of  the  junta  de  guerra, 
supported  the  recommendations  of  Pardinas  and  favored  at  the  same 
time  the  creation  of  a  flying  company  to  be  composed  in  part  of  soldiers 
from  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa. 

In  view  of  these  representations  and  reports  a  junta  de  hacienda  on 
July  18,  1 69 1,  resolved  to  create  a  flying  company,  under  the  captaincy  of 
Francisco  Ramirez  Salazar,  "  in  order  that  he  might  constantly  patrol  the 
provinces  of  Sonora  "  At  the  same  time  action  on  the  proposed  removal 
of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  was  deferred. 

News  that  the  authorities  had  had  under  consideration  the  proposal  to 
suppress  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  drew  from  its  captain,  Don  Manuel  de 
Agramont,  on  January  31  and  February  4,  1692,  vigorous  representations 

110  Sierra  Osorio,  pp.  219-227,  infra. 


24  Introduction 

with  reference  "  to  the  importance  of  maintaining  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa 
and  of  the  drawbacks  and  difficulties  of  supplying  soldiers  to  the  flying 
company  "of  Captain  Ramirez  de  Salazar.  Captain  Agramont  was  sup- 
ported in  these  representations  by  Fathers  Bernabe  de  Soto  and  Ambrosio 
Odon,  Jesuit  provincials,  and  by  Father  Manuel  Gonzales,  rector  of  the 
College  of  Oposura.111  The  beginning  of  1693  found  Captain  Salazar 
still  in  command  of  forty-three  men,  including  an  armorer,  at  the  presidio 
of  Sinaloa;  all  of  these,  he  declared,  were  needed,  "  and  even  more  ".  In 
addition  seven  men  from  Sinaloa  were  then  in  Sonora.  Agramont  urged 
the  viceroy  to  order  these  men  to  return,  for,  as  he  naively  expressed 
himself,  "  if  this  presidio  [of  Sinaloa]  be  diminished,  that  is,  if  a  thing 
so  small  can  be  diminished,  it  will  surely  put  the  Yaqui  and  Sonora  coun- 
try in  danger  of  being  lost  ".112 

In  Sonora,  in  the  latter  part  of  1692  the  situation,  because  of  the  con- 
tinued "  robberies,  murders,  and  atrocities  "  of  the  hostiles,  and  also  the 
death  of  the  alcalde  mayor,  was  a  gloomy  one  for  the  settlers  of  that 
province.  As  a  temporary  measure,  designed  to  check  the  hostiles  and 
hold  that  distant  frontier,  the  viceroy  gave  instructions  that  twenty  sol- 
diers from  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  and  ten  from  those  of  Cuencame  and 
El  Gallo  should  be  sent  at  once  to  Sonora  under  Captain  Francisco 
Ramirez  de  Salazar.  Upon  arriving  in  Sonora  Salazar  found  that  his 
force  was  not  sufficient  to  cope  with  the  situation,  and,  despite  the  remon- 
strances of  the  demoralized  settlers,  went  to  Mexico  City  to  lay  the  situa- 
tion before  the  viceroy.  His  departure  was  the  occasion  for  the  hostiles 
to  renew  their  sanguinary  attacks  and  depredations  upon  the  Spaniards, 
with  the  result  that  mining  and  commerce  were  greatly  retarded.  Mean- 
while Salazar's  mission  had  been  successful,  but  he  died  at  Zacatecas 
while  en  route  to  Sonora  with  fifty  soldiers  which  the  viceroy  had  granted 
to  him.  News  of  Salazar's  death  having  reached  Sonora,  the  deputy 
alcaldes  mayores  of  five  mining  settlements,  including  that  of  the  capital, 
San  Juan  Bautista,  sent  urgent  appeals  to  the  viceroy  for  the  fifty  soldiers 
to  be  sent  on  at  once.  They  supported  their  request  by  giving  details  of 
recent  atrocities  committed  by  the  Sonora,  Soba,  Guipuru,  and  Pima 
Indians,  and  by  voicing  their  convictions  that  the  Christian  Indians  were 
on  the  point  of  joining  the  hostiles,  which,  if  true,  would  in  their  opinion 
mean  the  definite  loss  of  the  entire  province.113 

The  recommendations  that  three  presidios  be  established  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  which  were  made  by  ex-Governor  Sierra  Osorio  subsequent  to 
1683,  appear  to  have  been  adopted,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  for  in  1693 
the  viceregal  inspector,  Don  Joseph  Francisco  Marin,  referred  to  the 
"presidios  which  were  erected  in  the  year  1686  to  check  the  barbarous 

111  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  445,  infra. 

112  Agramont  to  the  viceroy,  Sinaloa,  Apr.  22,  1693,  p.  317,  infra. 

113  The  residents  of  Sonora  to  the  viceroy,  San  Juan  Bautista,  Feb.  6,  1693,  pp.  291- 
297,  infra ;  fiscal's  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  423-429. 


Introduction  25 

hostilities  of  the  Indians  ".114  In  September,  1693,  at  the  time  that  Marin 
made  a  report  upon  the  military  strength  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,115  374  sol- 
diers, under  the  command  of  nine  captains,  making  a  total  of  383  men, 
constituted  the  military  force  of  that  kingdom.  These  men  were  distrib- 
uted at  seven  presidios  and  in  two  field  companies,  as  follows : 

At  the  presidio  of  Santa  Catalina  de  Tepehuanes,  on  the  direct  road, 
seventy  leagues  long,  that  led  from  Durango  to  the  Real  del  Parral, 
Captain  Don  Benito  Pereda  y  Morales  was  in  command  of  eight  soldiers. 
This  road  by  way  of  Santa  Catalina  had  "  slight  security  "  because  squads 
of  Tobosos  constantly  spied  upon  it.  Three  presidios,  namely,  El  Pasaje, 
El  Gallo,  and  Cerro  Gordo,  were  located  along  the  road,  100  leagues  long, 
that  led  from  Durango  to  the  Real  del  Parral  by  way  of  Cuencame.  This 
road  was  more  frequently  travelled  than  the  direct  road  by  way  of  Santa 
Catalina  because  of  the  greater  security  afforded  by  the  three  presidios. 

At  the  first  of  these  presidios,  El  Pasaje,116  which  was  thirty  leagues 
from  Durango,  Captain  Juan  Bautista  de  Escorza  was  in  command  of 
fifty  men.  Twenty-four  leagues  from  El  Pasaje  was  the  presidio  of 
El  Gallo,  where  Captain  Luis  de  Quintana  was  in  command  of  another 
fifty  soldiers.  At  the  presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo,  which  was  twenty-two 
leagues  from  El  Gallo  and  twenty-four  leagues  below  the  Real  del  Parral, 
Captain  Martin  de  Ugalde  was  in  command  of  twenty-three  soldiers.  The 
Real  del  Parral  was  the  headquarters  for  a  field  company,  consisting  of 
fifty  soldiers,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Antonio  de  Medina,  al- 
though fifteen  soldiers  of  this  company  were  usually  kept  at  Durango. 
Twenty-two  leagues  northeast  of  the  Real  del  Parral  was  the  presidio  of 
San  Francisco  de  Conchos.  There  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana 
was  captain  of  fifty  soldiers.  One  hundred  leagues  northwest  of  the  Real 
del  Parral,117  and  approximately  seventy  leagues  southwest  of  the  pueblo 
of  El  Paso,118  was  the  presidio  of  Janos,  situated  in  the  province  by  that 
name.  There  Captain  Juan  Fernandez  de  la  Fuente  was  in  command  of 
fifty  soldiers.  This  presidio,  prior  to  1693,  had  been  the  principal  defense 
for  "  the  entire  province  of  Sonora  ",  which  extended  for  more  than 
another  150  leagues  beyond.  More  than  150  leagues  west  of  the  Real  del 
Parral  was  the  presidio  of  Montesclaros,  situated  in  the  province  of 
Sinaloa.  There  Don  Manuel  de  Agramont  y  Arce  was  in  command  of 
forty-three  soldiers,119  although  for  many  years  fifteen  soldiers  from  that 

114  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  387,  infra. 

115  For  this  report,  see  pp.  391,  393,  infra. 

116  Governor  Castillo  referred  in  1693  to  "the  said  presidio  of  El  Pasaje  and  Cuen- 
came" (Castillo's  orders  to  Escorza,  Durango,  Apr.  2,  1693,  p.  299,  infra).  From  this 
it  is  inferred  that  El  Pasaje  and  Cuencame  were  adjacent  to  each  other. 

117  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  393,  405,  infra ;  fiscal's 
opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  p.  431. 

118  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  311. 

119  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  393,  infra ;  fiscal's  opinion, 
Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  p.  431. 


26  Introduction 

presidio  had  served  in  Sonora  for  its  defense.  This  had  been  possible 
because  the  presidio  of  Montesclaros  was  "  in  a  quiet  province  and  one 
peaceful  for  many  years  "  prior  to  1693.  Marin  felt  that  no  uprising  need 
be  feared  there  because  its  inhabitants  were  "  naturally  peaceable  .  .  . 
rooted  in  the  faith  .  .  .  and  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  their  farms 
and  the  raising  of  cattle  ".  For  these  reasons  Marin  thought  that  the 
presidio  of  Montesclaros  might  be  suppressed.  His  plans  also  called  for 
the  ultimate  suppression  of  the  presidio  of  Santa  Catalina.120 

Prior  to  Marin's  report  of  his  inspection,  made  to  the  viceroy  in  Sep- 
tember, 1693,  seventy  additional  soldiers  had  been  sent  that  year  to  Nueva 
Vizcaya.  Twenty  of  these  had  gone  to  reinforce  the  field  company  of 
thirty  soldiers  with  headquarters  at  the  Real  del  Parral;  and,  for  the 
greater  defense  of  Sonora,  fifty  soldiers,  constituting  a  field  company, 
had  been  sent  to  that  province  from  New  Mexico  under  the  command  of 
Don  Domingo  Jironza  Petriz  de  Cruzate,  former  governor  of  the  latter 
province.121  The  annual  appropriation  in  1693  ^or  tne  maintenance  of  all 
of  the  soldiers  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  including  6000  pesos  allowed  for  a 
peace  and  war  fund  with  which  to  remunerate  loyal  Indians,  exceeded 
170,000  pesos.122 

7.  Missionary  progress  in  Nueva  Viscaya.  Bancroft's  chapters,  "  An- 
nals of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1600-1640  ",  and  "  Nueva  Vizcaya  History, 
1641-1700  ",123  together  with  the  references  therein  cited,  constitute  basic 
sources  for  a  study  of  the  ecclesiastical  organization  and  religious  de- 
velopment in  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Bancroft  in  fact 
emphasizes  these  subjects,  very  largely  to  the  exclusion  of  the  narrative 
of  political  developments.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  documents  herein- 
after printed,  there  are  only  incidental  references  to  the  ecclesiastical 
organization  and  missionary  progress  in  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

A  memorandum  of  the  baptized  Indians  under  religious  administration 
of  the  Franciscans  and  Jesuits  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  during  the  administra- 
tion of  Governor  Vesga,  1620- 162 5,  reveals  the  marked  progress — the 
discouraging  report  given  by  Bancroft  notwithstanding — which  had  at- 
tended and  was  attending  the  efforts  of  those  missionaries.  In  the  prov- 
ince of  Sinaloa  the  Jesuits  had  no  competition  and  there  they  realized 
their  greatest  achievements.  In  that  province  eighteen  Jesuits  were  ad- 
ministering to  85,428  persons;  at  each  of  two  pueblos  as  many  as  ten 
thousand  persons  were  being  ministered  to  by  one  missionary.  In  the 
provinces  and  districts  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  other  than  that  of  Sinaloa 
eighteen  Jesuits  ministered  to  9042  persons;  twelve  Franciscans  minis- 
tered to  4684  persons;  and  two  lay  licenciados  and  one  lay  bachiller 
ministered  to  2409  persons.   The  total  number  of  persons  under  religious 

120  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  405,  407,  infra. 

121  Ibid.,  pp.  391-409;  fiscal's  reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  431,  infra. 

122  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  p.  407,  infra. 

123  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  303-336,  337S72- 


Introduction  27 

ministration  of  the  Franciscans  and  Jesuits  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  at  the  close 
of  the  first  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century,  therefore,  was  101,563. 
The  names  of  the  thirty  missionaries  and  the  three  lay  administrators, 
together  with  the  number  of  persons  to  whom  each  ministered,  are  here- 
inafter published.124  A  member  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Augustine  is  men- 
tioned as  curate  and  vicar  at  Guanecebi  in  1622.125 

Some  slight  information  is  thrown  upon  the  achievements  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans in  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  a  report  made  by  Fray  Lorenzo  Cantu,  a 
Franciscan,  of  an  official  inspection  which  he  made  in  1650.  Fray  Cantu 
and  his  associates  left  Santiago  Babonoyaba  on  May  9,  1650,  and  trav- 
elled twenty-eight  leagues  in  seven  days,  visiting  en  route  the  Tepehuane 
pueblos  of  Santa  Ysabel,  San  Andres,  San  Bernabe,  and  San  Gregorio 
Yaguna.  At  the  two  last-named  pueblos  he  baptized  fifty- four  infants; 
San  Bernabe  was  rechristened  by  Fray  Cantu,  San  Bernabe  del  Nombre 
de  Dios.  Across  the  river  from  the  latter  place  Fray  Cantu  located  a  site 
for  a  church  and  a  monastery  and  arranged  for  the  denouncement  of  the 
title  to  the  same.  On  this  expedition  Fray  Cantu  found  the  Indians  alto- 
gether friendly  and  hospitable  and  anxious  for  the  Franciscan  "  white 
fathers  "  to  live  among  and  minister  to  them.  The  smaller  number  of 
Indians  whom  he  saw  with  bows  and  arrows  he  interpreted  as  "  a  sure 
sign  that  they  were  at  peace  and  quiet  in  their  towns  ".  Fray  Cantu  ad- 
vised Governor  Guajardo  Fajardo  on  May  21,  1650,  that  he  had  decided 
to  remain  at  San  Bernabe  del  Nombre  de  Dios  in  order  to  "  erect  a  temple 
to  God  and  a  house  and  monastery  "  in  which  he  might  live,  and  from 
where  he  might  minister  to  the  natives  of  six  other  pueblos  within  a 
radius  of  twenty-four  leagues  of  San  Bernabe  del  Nombre  de  Dios.126 

In  Nueva  Vizcaya,  as  elsewhere,  the  missions  were  supposed  to  be  secu- 
larized within  a  few  years  after  their  establishment,  but,  as  elsewhere, 
the  secularization  of  missions  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  attended  with  some 
irregularities.  The  bishop  of  Durango  complained  to  the  queen  regent 
that  as  the  Jesuit  missions  were  secularized  many  parish  priests — unwill- 
ing to  comply  with  various  royal  and  ecclesiastical  provisions  which  re- 
quired them  to  pass  a  satisfactory  examination  in  the  Indian  languages 
in  which  they  were  to  give  religious  instruction — were  obliged  to  hear 
confessions  through  an  interpreter.  In  reply,  the  queen  regent  on  Septem- 
ber 6,  1670,  instructed  the  bishop  to  give  the  matter  careful  and  prompt 
attention  and  "  to  take  action  to  remedy  such  a  defect  ".127 

124  "Account  and  memorandum  of  the  baptized  Indians  governed  in  the  provinces  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  ",  etc.,  pp.  1 53-159,  infra.  Compare  this  account  with  Bancroft,  op.  cit., 
PP-  335S36,  and  authorities  therein  cited.  For  an  account  dealing  with  Jesuit  missions 
in  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  1678,  see  the  Relacion  of  the  inspection  of  Juan  Ortiz  Zapata,  in 
Documentos  para  la  Historia  Eclesidstica  y  Civil  de  la  Nueva-Vizcaya,  in  Docuntentos 
para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  fourth  ser.,  III.  301-419. 

12B  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620- 1622,  p.  131,  infra. 

126  Cantu's  report,  Santiago  de  Babonoyaba,  May  21,  1650,  pp.  167-171,  infra. 

127  The  queen  regent  to  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Madrid,  Sept.  6,  1670,  p.  203, 
infra. 


28  Introduction 

Missionary  efforts  had  been  begun  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  Conchos  rivers,  probably  as  early  as 
1670,  but  by  missionaries  from  New  Mexico  128  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Custodia  de  San  Pablo  de  Nuevo  Mexico.129  Little  was  accomplished  at 
first,  but  after  the  Pueblo  Indian  revolt  in  1680  and  the  establishment 
of  settlements  near  El  Paso  by  the  Spanish  refugees  from  New  Mexico,130 
missionaries  from  El  Paso  became  very  greatly  interested  in  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Indians  at  La  Junta.  Serious  missionary  work  was  begun 
there  in  1683  and  within  one  year  seven  missions  had  been  built  by  mis- 
sionaries from  New  Mexico  for  nine  tribes  living  on  either  side  of  the 
Rio  del  Norte,131  in  what  was  unquestionably  Nueva  Vizcayan  territory. 
A  serious  rebellion  of  the  Conchos  and  Julimes  Indians  occurred  in  the 
summer  of  1684,  but  the  Christian  Indians  at  La  Junta  remained  faith- 
ful and  escaped  to  El  Parral,  taking  their  priests  and  the  vessels  and  orna- 
ments of  the  churches  with  them.132  In  the  late  spring  or  early  summer 
Father  Fray  Agustin  de  Colina  became  president  of  the  Franciscan  mis- 
sions at  La  Junta.  There,  "  with  the  consolation  that  comes  from  obe- 
dience ",  he  labored  for  one  year  and  seven  months,  subject,  in  religious 
matters,  to  the  custodio  of  New  Mexico,  with  headquarters  then  at  El 
Paso,  and,  in  secular  matters,  under  the  orders  of  the  governor  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya.133  1 

In  November,  1693,  Governor  Castillo  requested  the  viceroy  to  make 
appropriations  for  missionaries  for  2500  persons  comprising  the  Sunigu- 
gligla  and  Batayogligla  nations  and  for  eleven  other  friendly  nations  of 
the  Rio  del  Norte.  When  the  request  was  considered  in  Mexico  City  the 
fiscal  recommended  that  first  the  royal  officials  of  Durango  and  Zacatecas 
should  report  whether  there  had  ever  been  any  money  paid  through  their 
offices  for  missionaries  to  these  Indians.134 

With  reference  to  the  fiscal's  recommendations,  a  junta  de  hacienda  in 
Mexico  City  on  December  19,  1693,  ordered  that  the  Franciscan  provin- 
cial of  the  province  of  Zacatecas  should  be  requested  to  name  four  mis- 
sionaries to  instruct  the  Indians  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  and  to  give  notice 
of  their  departure  for  La  Junta  in  order  that  he  might  "  be  assisted  with 
alms  from  the  real  hacienda  "..  At  the  same  time  the  royal  treasury  offi- 
cials were  asked  to  "  report  as  to  whether  there  had  been  ministers  in  the 

128  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  pp.  330-331. 

129  See  note  29,  supra ;  Father  Colina  to  Pardifias,  Nov.  18,  1688,  pp.  245-249,  infra ', 
and  auto  of  Pardifias,  El  Parral,  July  7,  1692,  p.  285. 

130  See  C.  W.  Hackett,  "  The  Retreat  of  the  Spaniards  from  New  Mexico  in  1680,  and 
the  Beginnings  of  El  Paso",  in  Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,  XVI.  137-168, 
250-276. 

131  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  pp.  331-333 ;  Bolton  and  Marshall,  op.  cit.,  p.  245. 

132  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  358. 

133  Father  Colina  to  Governor  Pardifias,  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  Nov.  18,  1688, 
pp.  245-249,  infra;  auto  of  Pardifias,  El  Parral,  July  7,  1692,  ibid.,  p.  285.  For  the  office 
of  custodio,  see  note  29,  supra. 

134  Opinion  of  the  fiscal,  Mexico,  Dec.  16,  1693,  pp.  357,  359,  infra. 


Introduction  29 

said  places  at  any  other  time  and  whether  they  had  been  paid  from  the 
royal  depositories  'V35  On  February  9,  1694,  in  answer  to  the  viceroy's 
request  for  information,  the  royal  officials  at  Durango  reported  that 
according  to  the  books  of  that  royal  auditor's  office  no  payment  had  been 
made  "  since  time  immemorial  "  at  that  treasury  of  any  sum  designated 
as  aid  for  any  mission  "  in  the  region  known  as  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  ". 
In  giving  this  answer  the  officials  advised  that  there  were  seven  missions 
located  "  eight  or  ten  leagues  beyond  where  the  last  reduced  nations  " 
were  settled  and  that  the  distance  from  each  of  these  missions  to  the  next 
was  about  the  same.  These  missions  were  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  Santa 
Maria  Natividad,  San  Pedro  de  Alcantara  de  Amiquipa,  Santa  Ana  del 
Torreon,  Santiago  Baunoyava,  Santa  Ysabel,  and  Casas  Grandes.  To 
each  mission  there  was  annually  appropriated,  by  order  of  the  king,  one 
hundred  pesos  in  money  and  fifty  fanegas  of  corn,  valued  at  three  pesos 
for  each  fanega,  thereby  making  a  total  annual  appropriation  for  each 
mission  of  250  pesos.136 

The  mission  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  in  1693  ministered  to  six  pueblos 
of  Indians,  namely,  San  Pedro,  San  Lucas,  Santa  Cruz,  San  Pablo,  Nues- 
tra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  and  San  Antonio  de  Julimes.  The  distance 
from  the  first-named  to  the  last-named  of  these  pueblos  was  twelve 
leagues,  and  it  was  very  difficult  for  only  one  missionary  to  do  everything 
that  was  required.  For  this  reason  Governor  Castillo  on  October  20  re- 
quested the  viceroy  to  make  provision  for  another  missionary  for  this 
group  of  seven  pueblos.137 

8.  Spain's  Indian  and  paternalistic  policy  as  exemplified  in  Nueva 
Galicia  and  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  seventeenth  century.  That  the  Spanish 
Indian  policy  was  benevolent  and  humanitarian  by  intention  but  that  the 
theory  and  the  application  of  the  policy  were  widely  divergent,  resulting 
too  often  in  the  practical  enslavement  of  the  natives,  has  been  indicated 
in  a  previous  section.138  Documents,  hereinafter  published,  indicate  to  a 
certain  degree  the  extent  of  the  divergence  between  the  theory  and  the 
application  of  Spain's  Indian  policy  in  Nueva  Galicia  and  Nueva  Vizcaya 
during  the  seventeenth  century.  They  illustrate  fully  the  fact  that  the 
crown  of  Spain,  in  theory,  was  ever  solicitous  for  the  welfare  and  spiritual 
uplift  of  those  whom  it  regarded  as  its  wards — the  natives  of  the  Indies. 

The  king  was  informed  in  1601  that  cattle  ranches  of  the  Spaniards, 
in  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  Indies,  were  encroaching  upon  the  towns 
and  cultivated  fields  of  the  Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  with  the  result  that 
the  crops  and  even  the  straw  huts  of  the  Indians  were  being  devoured  by 
the  cattle,  that  the  Indians  were  dying  while  guarding  their  fields,  and 

135  Ibid. ;  fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  425,  427,  infra. 

136  Statement  of  the  royal  officials,  Durango,  Feb.  9,  1694,  this  volume,  p.  361,  infra ; 
opinion  of  the  fiscal,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  427,  infra. 

137  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Oct.  20,  1693,  pp.  361,  363,  infra. 

138  See  vol.  I.,  pp.  26-28. 


30  Introduction 

that  they  were  obliged  to  gather  their  crops  prematurely  in  order  to  save 
them  from  the  depredations  of  the  cattle.  Upon  learning  of  this  the  king 
on  July  24,  1601,  severely  rebuked  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  for  not 
having  remedied  this  situation  and  ordered  the  members  of  that  joint 
administrative  and  judicial  body 139  to  go  out  in  turn  to  inspect  the  entire 
district,  to  endeavor  "  to  remedy  the  injuries  and  oppressions  "  from 
which  the  Indians  alleged  that  they  suffered,  and  to  see  that  their  condi- 
tion was  relieved  and  ameliorated  in  every  way  possible.140  Two  years 
later  rigid  instructions  were  issued  to  the  same  audiencia  to  enforce  the 
laws  which  prohibited  Spaniards  from  living  in  Indian  towns.141 

The  king  did  not  have  occasion  to  rebuke  solely  civilians  and  adminis- 
trative officials  for  their  abuse  of  the  Indians.  For  example,  in  1605  the 
king  was  informed  that  members  of  both  the  regular  and  secular  clergy 
of  Nueva  Galicia  were  accustomed  to  urge  the  Indians  "  to  give  them 
daily  two  or  three  hens  and  corn,  and  on  Fridays,  fast-days,  and  during 
Lent,  fish  and  eggs,  and  hay  for  their  horses,  as  well  as  personal  services 
from  both  men  and  women  without  any  payment  whatsoever  for  all  this  ". 
At  once  the  king  ordered  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara,  on  June  29,  1605,  to 
effect  immediately  a  reform  with  respect  to  this  "  very  great "  abuse, 
since  the  king,  in  order  that  they  might  "  not  oppress  or  wrong  the  poor 
natives  ",  had  supplied  the  clergy  "  with  provisions  and  other  neces- 
saries "  from  the  royal  treasury.142  In  1609,  "  after  much  consultation  " 
the  king  issued  a  general  cedula  "  wherein  personal  services  from  the  In- 
dians "  were  prohibited.143 

Despite  such  action  on  his  part,  designed  to  protect  the  Indians,  the  king 
was  advised  some  years  later  that  the  Indians  of  New  Spain  were  dealt 
with  harshly,  that  they  were  forced  to  do  personal  service  in  the  homes 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  "  outside  work,  heavy  tasks,  and  other  fatiguing 
burdens  "  were  laid  upon  them.  Upon  learning  this  the  king,  "  in  words 
of  great  weight ",  personally  charged  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  on 
July  30,  1627,  to  enforce  the  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  Indians.144 

In  1645  there  were  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  which  was  ad- 
ministered by  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  184  Indian  towns,  of  which 
thirty-three  were  in  encomienda.  In  the  towns  in  encomienda  there  were 
2640  Indians  who  were  required  to  pay  each  year  the  sum  of  5392  pesos, 
seven  tomines,  and  six  grains  as  tribute.   On  February  25,  1645, the  presi- 

139  See  note  23,  supra. 

140  The  king  to  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia,  Tordesillas,  July  24,  1601,  p.  85,  infra. 

141  The  king  to  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia,  El  Pardo,  Nov.  20,  1603, 
p.  89,  infra.  For  the  laws  relating  to  restrictions  upon  the  life  in  an  Indian  village,  see 
Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  los  Reynos  de  las  Indias  Mandadas  Imprimir  y  Publicar  por 
la  Majestad  Catolica  del  Rey  Don  Carlos  II.  Nuestro  Sehor  (Madrid,  1681),  lib.  2, 
tit.  3,  leyes  19,  21,  23,  24. 

142  The  king  to  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Galicia,  Lerma,  June  29,  1605,  pp.  93,  95,  infra. 

143  The  king  to  the  viceroy,  Madrid,  July  24,  1652,  p.  181,  infra. 

144  Ibid. 


Introduction  31 

dent  of  the  audiencia,  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Baeza,  advised  the  king 
that  in  the  collection  of  this  "  insignificant  "  sum  the  Indians  suffered 
many  extortions  and-  damages  which  kept  them  in  a  state  of  constant 
anxiety,  and  that  as  a  result  of  this  and  other  injuries  which  they  experi- 
enced, as  from  "  storms  and  hard  work  in  the  mines  and  on  the  reparti- 
mientos  " ,  the  Indians  were  about  to  be  annihilated.  Moved  by  "  pity 
and  compassion  at  seeing  them  suffer  and  die  ",  President  Baeza  recom- 
mended that  the  Indians  should  be  relieved  of  all  or  of  a  part  of  their 
tribute,  so  that  "  the  entire  rehabilitation  of  those  miserable  people  " 
might  be  effected. 

In  view  of  the  above  recommendations  the  king  in  1646  expressed  to  the 
viceroy,  the  Count  of  Alva  de  Salvatierra,  his  suspicion  that  the  collectors 
were  "  making  a  business  of  mulcting  the  Indians  so  as  to  keep  them 
more  completely  under  control  ".  Accordingly  he  instructed  the  viceroy 
to  ascertain  whether  his  suspicions  were  well  founded  or  whether  the 
tributes  were  in  fact  "  heavy  and  intolerable  ".  In  the  former  case  the 
viceroy  was  instructed  to  co-operate  with  President  Baeza  in  an  endeavor 
to  find  some  other  means  whereby  the  tributes  might  be  collected  without 
hardship  to  the  Indians,  and  at  the  same  time  not  "  diminish  the  royal 
income  ".  On  the  other  hand,  in  case  the  viceroy  should  ascertain  that 
the  injury  came  from  the  imposition  of  the  tribute,  he  was,  after  con- 
sultation with  the  president  of  the  audiencia,  the  bishop,  and  other  well- 
informed  persons,  to  exercise  his  "  prudence  and  judgment  "  in  reducing 
the  amount  of  the  tribute  of  the  Indians,  whose  "  consolation  and  relief  " 
the  king  so  greatly  desired.145  In  1649  tne  king  advised  President  Baeza 
that  it  was  his  duty  and  that  of  the  audiencia  to  "  endeavor  to  secure  the 
entire  welfare  of  the  Indians,  with  all  the  attention  and  wise  means 
deemed  most  fitting  ".146  Three  years  later  Guajardo  Fajardo,  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  was  instructed  by  the  king  to  endeavor  to  accomplish 
the  pacification  and  reduction  of  the  Tarahumares  "  with  the  least  number 
of  deaths  of  Indians  that  is  possible,  first  using  the  mild  methods  of 
friendship  and  kind  treatment  toward  them,  this  being  acceptable  to  the 
service  of  God  ",  and  also  to  himself.147 

The  bishop  of  Durango  advised  the  queen  regent  in  April,  1669,  that 
Don  Juan  Constantino,  Indian  governor  of  the  Conchos  nation,  had  com- 
plained to  him  that  because  of  their  harsh  treatment  by  the  Spaniards 
many  Christian  Indians  had  fled  to  the  mountains.  Others  who  had  been 
given  in  encomienda  by  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento — notwithstanding  that 

145  The  king  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  July  24,  1652,  pp.  179-183,  infra.  When 
no  news  concerning  this  matter  had  been  received  by  the  king  and  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  by  July  26,  1652,  the  above  instructions  were  repeated  in  a  cedula  of  that  date 
addressed  to  the  viceroy. 

146  The  king  to  the  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Madrid,  Nov.  30,  1649, 
p.  165,  infra. 

147  The  king  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Buen  Retiro,  May  23,  1652,  pp.  177, 
179,  infra. 


32  Introduction 

this  was  "  prohibited  by  royal  cedulas  under  heavy  penalties  " — were  said 
to  be  "  grievously  oppressed  ".  Don  Juan  further  complained  that  Gov- 
ernor Oca  Sarmiento  had  forced  him  "  to  go  and  fetch  from  the  moun- 
tains the  Indians  who  had  been  in  encomienda  " . 

Upon  receipt  of  the  bishop's  letter  the  queen  regent  on  June  22,  1670, 
sent  identic  letters  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guada- 
lajara, and  to  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento  in  which  orders  were  given  "  to 
have  the  tribute  or  impost  which  .  .  .  has  been  laid  on  the  Indians  re- 
moved or  revoked  at  once  ",  and,  after  an  investigation,  to  report  the 
cause  or  reason  for  its  imposition,  how  long  it  had  been  collected,  to  what 
sum  it  had  amounted,  and  in  what  this  sum  had  been  invested.148 

The  enslaving  of  the  Indians  of  America  was  strictly  prohibited,  but 
that  this  law  was  not  rigidly  enforced  in  northwestern  New  Spain  in  the 
seventeenth  century  there  is  abundant  proof.  In  March,  16 17,  in  the 
course  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  220  Indian  prisoners,  including  women 
and  boys,  "  were  sentenced  and  apportioned  ".149  Five  years  later,  on 
April  16,  1622,  Cristobal  Sanchez  delivered  to  Governor  Mateo  de  Vesga 
ten  Indians  whom  he  had  captured  on  an  expedition  against  the  rebellious 
Conchos  nation.  The  prisoners  included  five  women,  a  girl,  an  Indian 
buck  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  three  boys  from  three  to  six  years 
old.  Governor  Vesga  declared  those  prisoners  to  be  slaves  and  "  that 
from  them  he  would  set  aside  for  his  Majesty  what  belonged  to  him  as 
his  royal  fifth,  delivering  it  to  the  royal  officials  of  the  real  hacienda  and 
treasury  "  of  Durango.  Accordingly  the  Indian  buck  and  one  of  the  boy 
prisoners  were  designated  as  the  king's  share;  the  other  eight  were  or- 
dered to  be  sold  at  auction  to  the  highest  bidder.  The  governor  further 
ordered  that  the  amount  of  money  thus  to  be  realized  should  be  distrib- 
uted as  follows :  one-third  to  "  be  applied  to  the  expenses  of  the  honors 
that  would  have  to  be  given  "  in  Durango  to  the  memory  of  the  late  king, 
Philip  III. ;  another  one-third  was  to  be  given  to  Captain  Sanchez  and 
his  associates  to  compensate  them  for  the  expenses  incurred  in  bringing 
the  Indians  to  Durango;  the  final  third  was  "  to  be  applied  to  the  expense 
of  this  audiencia  of  government ",  and  to  court  costs.  When  the  eight 
Indians  were  sold  at  auction,  on  April  17,  the  total  amount  realized  from 
the  sale  was  "  three  hundred  pesos  in  common  gold  ".  Later,  on  April  19, 
the  governor  ordered  that  the  entire  sum  of  300  pesos  realized  from  the 
sale  of  the  prisoner  slaves  should  be  applied  "  to  the  expenses  of  the  said 
honors  to  his  Majesty,  who  is  in  heaven  ".150 

A  quarter  of  a  century  later  the  Tepehuanes,  Salineros,  and  other  In- 
dians rebelled  against  the  Spaniards.151  According  to  information  reach- 

148  The  queen  regent  to  the  viceroy,  Madrid,  June  22,  1670,  p.  201,  infra. 

149  Brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  Indian  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  109,  infra. 

150  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622,  pp.  135,  137,  infra. 

151  For  details  of  this  rebellion,  see  Documentos  para  la  Historia  Eclesidstica  y  Civil 
de  la  Nueva-Viscaya  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  fourth  ser.,  III. 
(Mexico,  1857)  130-178. 


Introduction  33 

ing  the  king  these  Indians  became  restless  when  "  certain  alcaldes  mayores 
and  religious  instructors  .  .  .  carried  off  and  sold  their  children  to  serve 
in  mines  and  elsewhere,  disposing  of  them  as  slaves  or  giving  them  as 
presents  ".  Later,  when  Governor  Luis  de  Valdes  152  began  to  punish 
them  immoderately  and  even  seized  and  shot  some  who  had  been  sum- 
moned for  religious  instruction,  the  Indians  flew  to  arms.  On  their  raids 
they  robbed  and  murdered  and  even  broke  into  the  royal  treasury,  thereby 
causing  an  "  enormous  expense  "  The  above  reports  prompted  the  king 
to  command  Governor  Valdes  "  to  observe  precisely  and  faithfully  the 
provisions  of  the  cedulas  which  have  been  issued  commanding  that  the 
Indians  shall  not  be  enslaved  nor  given  any  cause  for  disturbance  in  that 
province  by  the  alcaldes  mayores,  religious  instructors,  or  any  other 
person,  but  they  shall  rather  be  petted,  treated  with  all  kindness  and  be- 
nignity, kept  in  peace  and  quiet,  and  accorded  just  treatment  ".153 

At  the  request  of  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monterroso,  oidor  of  the 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  and  acting  fiscal  before  that  court,  that  audi- 
encia  early  in  1672  ordered  that  the  Chinos  and  Chichimecos  Indians  and 
those  of  Sinaloa,  New  Mexico,  and  Nuevo  Leon  should  be  set  at  liberty ; 
that  owners  should  prove  titles  whereby  they  held  slaves ;  and  that  women 
and  children  of  fourteen  years,  "  even  if  taken  in  just  wars,  should  be 
free,  since  it  has  been  so  ordered  by  various  cedulas,  particularly  those 
of  the  years  1653  and  1663  ".  At  the  same  time,  in  separate  letters,  De 
Haro  y  Monterroso  and  the  audiencia  advised  the  queen  regent  that  there 
were  still  many  slaves  in  the  audiencia  districts  of  Guatemala  and  Mexico. 

In  a  letter  dated  December  13,  1672,  the  queen  thanked  De  Haro  y 
Monterroso  for  his  "  zeal  and  attentiveness  "  in  the  matter  of  freeing  the 
slaves,  and  added  that  it  was  "  just  and  proper  to  leave  the  Indians  in 
freedom  ...  on  account  of  the  scruples  of  conscience  which  their  en- 
slavement causes  ".  Like  sentiments  were  expressed  in  a  letter  from  the 
queen  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  on  December  23,  1672.  The  Audi- 
encias  of  Guatemala  and  Mexico  were  instructed  by  the  queen  on  Decem- 
ber 13,  1672,  to  set  at  liberty  Indian  slaves  in  their  respective  juris- 
dictions.154 

Three  years  later  De  Haro  y  Monterroso,  as  the  result  of  a  suit  prose- 
cuted before  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  against  "  various  powerful 
personages  concerning  the  personal  services  of  the  Indians  of  the  prov- 
inces of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  and  the  division  of  land  and  water  in  those 
provinces,  obtained  a  sentence  for  examination  and  review  in  favor  of 
the  Indians  ".  At  the  same  time  he  secured  a  writ  of  execution  and  en- 

152  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  337)  says  Valdes  was  governor  between  1642  and  1648. 

153  Cedula  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Madrid,  Nov.  30,  1647,  pp.  161,  163,  infra; 
cedula  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Madrid,  Jan.  18,  1648,  ibid.,  pp.  163,  165. 

154  The  queen  regent  to  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Dec.  13,  1672, 
pp.  205,  207,  infra;  the  queen  regent  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Dec.  23,  1672, 
pp.  207,  209,  infra. 


34  Introduction 

trusted  its  enforcement  to  Don  Joseph  Garcia  de  Salcedo,  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya.155  At  the  request  of  the  latter,  however,  the  audiencia 
ordered  the  execution  of  the  writ  to  be  suspended  until  a  report  might  be 
submitted  to  the  queen  regent.  When  advised  of  this  action  the  queen 
rebuked  the  audiencia  for  having  failed  "  to  report  the  suit  and  put  into 
execution  "  its  writ,  and  ordered  that  all  the  papers  bearing  upon  the 
subject  should  be  sent  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  at  once.156 

The  crown  of  Spain  did  not  endeavor  solely  to  protect  and  uplift  the 
subject  natives  of  America  and  to  prevent  them  from  being  enslaved,  but 
gave  positive  instructions  that  were  designed  to  secure  for  even  the  most 
ferocious  Indian  prisoners  of  war  just  and  humane  treatment.  About 
1692  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  notified  Don  Manuel  de  Agramont  y  Arce, 
captain  of  the  presidial  forces  of  Sinaloa,  that  henceforth  the  "  heads  of 
the  forces  ...  on  the  frontiers  "  were  not  to  "  punish  any  Indians  taken 
in  battle  without  first  giving  them  a  trial  and  having  sentence  passed 
upon  them  by  a  legal  adviser  ".157  In  1693  Governor  Castillo  recom- 
mended to  the  viceroy  that  his  instructions  be  modified  so  as  to  "  permit 
the  prompt  punishment  of  the  hostiles,  even  permitting  them,  without 
either  process  or  semblance  of  law,  to  be  put  to  the  sword  for  breaking 
the  peace  or  for  crimes  "  which  they  might  commit.  With  reference  to 
this  recommendation  the  fiscal  on  December  16,  1693,  advised  the  viceroy 
that  since  the  king  "  with  Catholic  piety  "  had  condemned  such  a  method 
of  procedure,  the  same  did  not  permit  of  contravention,  neither  did  the 
proposition  deserve  consideration.  "  On  the  other  hand  ",  the  fiscal  con- 
tinued, "  the  said  governor  and  the  other  captains  and  chiefs  ought  to 
conform  to  what  has  been  decreed,  conducting  the  cases  according  to  law 
and  proving  them  fully  by  admitting  the  least  testimony  that  the  character 
of  the  crimes  may  allow  ".158 

Two  documents  hereinafter  published  exemplify  the  paternalistic  policy 
of  the  Spanish  king  with  respect  to  his  subjects  resident  in  the  Indies. 
Through  recourse  to  bail  and  the  payment  of  a  certain  fine,  after  which 
they  continued  "  in  their  evil  lives  ",  married  men  in  the  Indies  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  wont  to  ignore  the  law  which 
required  them  to  return  to  Spain  to  renew  the  marital  relations  with  their 
wives.  To  correct  this  abuse  the  king  in  1603  instructed  the  fiscal  of  the 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  to  discharge  his  duty  rigorously  with  respect 
to  this  law  and  to  report  neglect  or  contravention  of  it  to  the  Council  of 
the  Indies.159 

165  According  to  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  338),  Salcedo  was  governor  from  1670  to  1673. 

156  The  queen  regent  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Apr.  2,  1676,  p.  209,  infra. 

157  Agramont  to  the  viceroy,  Sinaloa,  Apr.  22,  1693,  p.  315,  infra. 

158  The  fiscal's  reply,  Mexico,  Dec.  16,  1693,  p.  359,  infra. 

159  The  king  to  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia,  El  Pardo,  Nov.  20,  1603, 
p.  87,  infra;  see  also  note  4,  supra. 


Introduction  35 

Because  the  letters  and  reports  sent  by  the  president  of 'the  Audiencia 
of  Guadalajara  were  lacking  in  "  the  clarity  and  distinctness  desired  ", 
and  "  habitually  "  caused  great  confusion  when  the  time  came  to  consider 
and  answer  them,  the  king,  in  1624,  gave  specific  instructions  concerning 
the  form  to  be  observed  in  writing  letters  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
Judicial  reports  were  to  be  made  "  with  great  distinctness  ",  the  various 
topics  being  kept  separate.  A  letter  for  each  subject  was  to  be  written  on 
half  the  page;  on  the  other  half  there  was  to  "  appear  a  brief  abstract  of 
the  contents  of  the  letter,  or  of  the  chapters,  made  as  concise  as  possible, 
and  in  such  a  manner  that  from  the  abstract "  one  might  decide  upon  the 
action  to  be  taken.  Chapters  were  to  be  numbered  and  references  given 
to  the  records  accompanying  the  letters.160 

Some  Notable  Events  in  the  History  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
between  the  years  l602  and  1 693. 

I.  The  administration  of  Francisco  de  Urdinola  the  Younger,  1603- 
1611.  In  preceding  chapters  brief  references  were  made  to  the  services 
of  Francisco  de  Urdinola  the  Younger,  between  the  years  1575  and  1591. 
In  the  latter  year  he  was  serving  as  lieutenant  governor  and  captain- 
general  at  Saltillo  by  appointment  of  Rodrigo  del  Rio  de  Losa,  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya.161  The  services  of  none  of  the  prominent  characters 
of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  are  so  little  known  or  appre- 
ciated, and  none  deserve  to  be  as  fully  narrated  and  rightly  appraised  as 
those  of  Urdinola  the  Younger.  Fortunately,  fairly  complete  transcripts 
of  the  records  of  his  thirty-six  years'  services  on  the  northern  frontier  are 
now  available  in  this  country.162  Of  the  documents  hereinafter  published, 
however,  only  a  few  relate  to  that  remarkable  frontiersman.  For  that 
reason  reference  is  herein  made  to  only  a  few  events  in  his  notable  ad- 
ministration as  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

Urdinola  was  appointed  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  by  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  the  Count  of  Monterey,  on  May  20,  1603,163  and  he  assumed 

100  The  king  to  the  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Feb.  12,  1624,  pp.  159, 
161,  infra.        . 

161  Vol.  L,  pp.  17-18,  195. 

162  In  the  Library  of  Congress  and  in  the  University  of  Texas  Library  there  are 
transcripts  of  a  number  of  documents  in  the  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  at  Seville, 
Spain,  which  narrate  the  services  of  Urdinola.  Notable  among  the  expediences  of  these 
documents  of  which  there  are  transcripts  in  the  above-mentioned  libraries  are  the  fol- 
lowing: (1)  "  Servicios  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Urdinola  sobre  que  se  le  haga  merced  " 
(A.  G.  I.,  Audiencia  de  Guadalajara,  66-6-17),  transcript  in  the  University  of  Texas 
Library;  dates  covered,  1591-1604  (311  pp.).  (2)  "Servicios  de  Francisco  de  Urdinola 
sobre  que  se  le  haga  merced,  Guadalajara,  1612,  2a  Pieza"  (A.  G.  I.,  Audiencia  de 
Guadalajara,  66-6-17),  transcript  in  the  University  of  Texas  Library;  dates  covered, 
1607- 161 1   (123  pp.). 

163  "  Titulo  del  Virrey  que  hace  merced  del  Govierno  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  a  20  de 
Mayo  de  1603 ",  in  "  Servicios  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Urdinola ".  etc.,  loc.  cit., 
pp.  90-93. 


36  Introduction 

his  duties  as  such  at  Durango  on  June  23  of  the  same  year.164  About 
the  same  time  the  Acaxees  Indians  of  the  Sierra  de  San  Andres  renewed 
their  incendiarism  and  warfare.  In  this  they  were  led  by  a  "  pernicious  " 
Indian  by  the  name  of  Bishop,  who  even  called  himself  God,  and  who 
baptized,  said  mass,  married  the  Indians,  and  taught  them  a  new  creed. 
In  a  seven  months'  campaign  against  the  hostiles,  Urdinola  traversed  the 
mountains,  captured  and  punished  Bishop  and  his  apostles  and  other 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  and  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Indians  to  con- 
gregate in  twenty-four  villages.  These  were  advantageously  located  and 
at  them  the  Jesuits  at  once  began  their  labors  with  marked  success. 
Urdinola  boasted  that  he  had  accomplished  all  this  at  an  expense  of  less 
than  5000  pesos  to  the  crown  and  at  an  estimated  personal  expense  of 
more  than  20,000  pesos. 

Urdinola  made  his  successes  in  this  campaign  the  basis  for  petitioning 
the  king  to  relieve  him  of  his  duties  as  governor  and  to  recompense  his 
services,  since  he  was  growing  "  old  and  infirm  ",  by  granting  to  himself 
and  to  his  two  marriageable  daughters  "  some  favor  ",iai  That  his  re- 
quest to  be  relieved  from  active  service  had  not  been  granted  as  late  as 
161 1  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  in  April,  1607,  Urdinola  reported  to  the 
king  that  a  valuable  salt  deposit  had  been  discovered  twenty-five  leagues 
beyond  the  province  of  Santa  Barbara,  and  pointed  out  that  great  profit 
might  be  derived  from  it  for  the  royal  treasury.  In  reply,  on  Septem- 
ber 3,  161 1,  the  king,  addressing  Urdinola  as  "  governor  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya  ",  gave  instructions  that  laws  should  be  obeyed  which  prescribed 
the  freedom  of  all  salt  deposits  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  in  the  rest  of  the 
Indies.166 

2.  The  Tepehuane  rebellion,  November  15,  1616,  to  May  16,  1618. 
In  November,  16 16,  the  previously  tractable  Tepehuane  Indians  initiated 
a  rebellion  "  hardly  equalled  in  the  annals  of  the  northwest  " ;  it  was  "  an 
outbreak  of  religious  and  patriotic  fanaticism  ".167  In  a  contemporary 
anonymous  account  of  this  rebellion,  hereinafter  published,  the  statement 
is  made  that  the  Tepehuanes  "  were  inspired  to  apostatize  through  in- 
stinct and  the  persuasion  of  the  devil.  They  set  up  an  idol;  they  were 
governed  by  wizards;  and,  in  order  better  to  establish  their  new  projects 
.  .  .  they  at  once  attempted  ...  to  convoke  all  the  other  nations  of  that 
jurisdiction  ".168  It  was  the  plan  of  the  apostates  to  make  simultaneous 
attacks  upon  all  the  towns  of  the  kingdom,  and  November  22,  16 16,  had 
been  fixed  as  the  day  for  beginning  the  attack  on  the  capital  of  the  juris- 

164  Administration  of  the  oath  of  office  to  Urdinola,  Durango,  June  23,  1603,  in 
"  Servicios  del  Capitan  Francisco  de  Urdinola  ",  etc.,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  93-94-  Bancroft  {North 
Mexican  States  and  Texas,  I.  306)  erroneously  says  that  Urdinola  became  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  in  1602. 

165  Urdinola  to  the  king,  Durango,  Mar.  31,  1604,  pp.  89-93,  infra. 

166  The  king  to  Urdinola,  San  Lorenzo,  Sept.  3,  161 1,  p.  95,  infra. 

167  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  320. 

168  A  brief  account  of  the  Tepehuane  rebellion,  1616-1618,  p.  101,  infra. 


Introduction  37 

diction,  Guadiana,  the  destruction  of  which  was  to  be  the  chief  aim  of  the 
rebels.109  Some  of  the  Indians,  however,  "  moved  by  their  avaricious 
zeal  ",  began  their  attacks  as  early  as  November  15  or  16.170 

As  soon  as  Governor  Don  Gaspar  de  Alvear 171  learned  of  this  wide- 
spread rebellious  movement  he  ordered  on  November  21  Rafael  Gascue, 
lieutenant-captain-general,  "  to  seize  craftily  "  seventy-five  of  the  gover- 
nors, caciques,  and  principal  men  of  the  Indians.  This  was  done,  and  that 
night,  when  the  inhabitants  of  Guadiana  were  thrown  into  a  frenzy  of 
fear  because  of  the  reported  advance  of  2000  Indian  warriors,  the  ma- 
jority of  the  prisoners  were  executed.  The  following  morning  the  others 
were  executed  at  the  hour  at  which  the  Indians  had  intended  to  attack 
Guadiana. 

The  death  of  their  leaders  caused  the  Tepehuanes  to  lose  courage  and 
to  flee  to  the  mountains.  This  in  turn  enabled  Governor  Alvear  to  lead 
in  person  an  offensive  campaign  against  the  rebels  that  lasted  from 
December  14,  16 16,  until  March  4,  161 7.  In  the  course  of  this  campaign 
Guanecebi  was  succored  on  January  15.  There  the  town  had  been  pil- 
laged and  burned  and  the  survivors  were  making  their  last  stand  in  the 
church.  In  a  reconnaissance  tour  of  the  towns  round  about  Guanecebi, 
Governor  Alvear  found  the  bodies  of  ten  missionaries  and  over  260  other 
persons  who  had  been  murdered  by  the  rebels.  By  a  remarkable  forced 
march  of  sixteen  leagues  on  the  day  and  night  of  February  12,  Governor 
Alvear  was  able  to  make  a  surprise  attack  on  the  Indians  at  Tenerapa. 
Sixty  Tepehuanes  were  killed  there  and  220  prisoners,  including  women 
and  children,  were  sent  in  chains  to  Guadiana  on  March  4.  The  prison- 
ers later  "  were  sentenced  and  apportioned  ". 

Meanwhile  in  three  other  widely  separated  parts  of  the  country  other 
Spaniards  had  assumed  offensive  operations  against  the  rebels.  At  Gua- 
diana an  attack  ordered  by  Lieutenant-General  Rafael  de  Gascue  upon  the 
Indians  assembled  not  far  away,  at  El  Tunal,  resulted  in  disaster  for  the 
Indians.  A  successful  punitive  expedition  was  made  through  the  Tepe- 
huane  towns  to  the  west  of  Guadiana  by  Captain  Bartolome  Juarez,  pre- 
sidial  captain  at  San  Hipolito.  By  him  punishment  was  exacted  of  the 
Xiximes  for  having  confederated  with  the  Tepehuanes.  From  Sinaloa, 
150  leagues  distant  from  Guadiana,  Captain  Domingo  Martinez  de  Hur- 
daide  instituted  a  campaign  against  the  Tepehuanes  in  the  mountains  to 
the  west  of  Sinaloa.  Unrest  among  the  Indians  of  Sinaloa,  however, 
prevented  him  from  achieving  much  success. 

169  Ibid. 

170  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  322)  says  that  the  rebellion  began  on  Nov.  16.  Unless  other- 
wise indicated,  the  contemporary  account,  hereinafter  printed  (pp.  101-115),  will  be  fol- 
lowed.  For  details  not  herein  given,  see  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  pp.  320-329. 

171  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  306)  says  that  Gaspar  de  Alvear  y  Salazar  was  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  from  1615  to  1618. 


38  Introduction 

Between  March  and  September,  1617,  Governor  Alvear,  at  the  request 
of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  made  a  strenuous  expedition  to  Nueva 
Galicia  to  put  down  rebellions  that  had  broken  out  in  some  of  the  towns 
along  the  South  Sea,  in  that  province.  En  route  to  Nueva  Galicia, 
Governor  Alvear  suppressed  an  uprising  in  the  province  of  Chiametla, 
after  which  he  succored  the  presidio  of  Acaponeta  in  Nueva  Galicia. 
Having  restored  peace  in  that  region,  he  returned  to  Guadiana.  Shortly 
after  his  return  three  companies  of  soldiers  arrived  at  Guadiana  from 
Mexico  City.  These  had  been  sent  by  the  viceroy  at  the  request  of 
Lieutenant-General  Gascue. 

The  Indians,  who  by  that  time  had  resumed  the  offensive,  at  once  be- 
gan to  retire.  They  "  separated  into  six  armed  congregations,  or  groups, 
many  leagues  distant  each  from  the  other,  so  that  they  had  come  to  em- 
brace the  entire  government,  the  Tepehuanes  having  mingled  with  many 
other  nations  ".  This  called  for  offensive  action  on  the  part  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  between  November,  161 7,  and  May,  16 18,  five  fairly  success- 
ful expeditions  were  made  against  the  rebels.  Captain  Juarez  led  a  cam- 
paign against  the  Mesquital  and  the  Guazamota  Indians  and  their  allies ; 
Captains  Ontiveros,  Castaneda,  and  Aguirre  were  in  charge  of  operations 
in  the  direction  of  Santa  Barbara;  Captain  Montano  was  sent  to  Guane- 
cebi  by  way  of  El  Diablo  Pass  and  Tecuchiapa;  and  Captain  Mosquera 
proceeded  against  the  Salineros,  the  Conchos,  Tobosos,  and  the  Nofio- 
ques  Indians.  From  early  February  until  mid-March,  1618,  Governor 
Alvear  was  also  in  the  field.  Within  fifteen  days  after  he  left  Guadiana 
he  had  captured  and  executed  a  very  warlike  Tepehuane,  Gogojito  by 
name,  and  had  put  the  latter's  followers  to  flight.  This  influenced  the 
Xiximes,  the  Acaxees,172  and  various  other  nations  in  that  district  to 
submit.  After  an  absence  of  seventy  days  Governor  Alvear  returned  to 
Guadiana.   The  Tepehuane  rebellion  had  been  suppressed. 

According  to  Bancroft,  the  Indians  "  had  devastated  the  whole  district 
of  central  Durango,  destroying  a  large  amount  of  mining  and  agricul- 
tural property  and  retarding  the  industrial  progress  of  the  country  by  at 
least  fifty  years.  .  .  .  They  had  lost  one  thousand  warriors  including 
their  best  chieftains;  many  of  their  women  and  children  were  captives; 
their  fields  had  been  ravaged;  and  most  of  their  plunder  was  lost.  Above 
all  their  god  had  utterly  disappointed  them;  not  one  of  his  predictions  had 
come  to  pass  ".173 

3.  The  administration  of  Governor  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1625.  As 
early  as  December  14,  1620,  and  as  late  as  April  30,  1625,  Admiral  Mateo 
de  Vesga  was  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  "  kingdom  and  prov- 

172.  According  to  Bancroft  {op.  at.,  I.  324)  the  Tepehuanes  "could  not  draw  into  the 
open  revolt  the  pueblos  of  the  Acaxees  and  Xiximes,  though  they  were  able  through 
certain  disaffected  individuals  and  bands  to  cause  much  trouble,  doubtless  receiving  aid 
and  shelter  throughout  the  war  ". 

173  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  I.  328-329. 


Introduction  39 

inces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Chiametla,  Copala,  and  Sinaloa,  and  their 
provinces  'V74  If  the  records  of  his  administration,  hereinafter  pub- 
lished,175 do  only  half  justice  to  Governor  Vesga,  he  is  to  be  rated  not  only 
as  a  most  efficient  and  constructive  administrator,  but  as  a  great  pacifier 
of  the  Indians  of  his  vast  jurisdiction.  In  a  report  upon  the  condition  of 
Durango  and  of  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  dated  June  17,  1624, 
Governor  Vesga  states  that  at  the  time  that  he  took  office  as  governor 
he  found  Durango  "  in  a  wretched  state  with  respect  to  people  and  citizens 
as  well  as  dwelling  houses  .  .  . ;  farms  were  destroyed,  the  churches  and 
dwellings  of  the  fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  who  were^  governing 
the  affairs  of  the  Indians,  were  burned  and  destroyed,  and  the  reduction 
works  for  taking  out  silver  at  the  mining  camps  and  the  adjacent  farms 
were  burned  ".176  By  1624,  however,  commerce  and  population  were  in- 
creased, an  unprecedented  building  campaign  was  under  way  in  Durango, 
and  new  farms  and  mining  establishments  and  settlements  had  been  de- 
veloped in  the  vicinity  of  the  latter  town.  The  various  buildings  that  were 
in  the  course  of  construction  in  Durango  were  listed  by  Governor  Vesga, 
and  included  an  Augustinian  monastery;  twenty-two  new  residences, 
including  one  "  very  sumptuous  and  large  house  of  great  value  "  which 
belonged  to  the  factor,  Rafael  Gascue;  two  houses  that  were  being  re- 
modelled; and  ten  stores.  A  half -league  from  Durango  the  governor  had 
founded  the  Indian  pueblo  of  San  Antonio,  settled  by  recently  pacified 
Indians.  Within  a  radius  of  several  leagues  of  Durango  one  lime-kiln 
had  been  established  and  five  new  farms  and  ranches  had  been  settled. 
Furthermore,  since  Governor  Vesga  from  the  beginning  had  governed 
with  characteristic  "  good  management,  ability,  and  good  administra- 
tion ",  farms,  mines,  and  Jesuit  churches  and  dwellings  that  had  been 
burned  or  destroyed  prior  to  the  beginning  of  his  administration  had  by 
the  middle  of  1624  been  re-established.177 

As  a  pacifier  of  the  turbulent  Indians  of  his  jurisdiction  Governor 
Vesga  deserves  even  greater  credit  than  as  an  administrator.  The  records 
of  his  early  successes  in  this  respect  were  compiled,  as  the  result  of  a 
gubernatorial  order  dated  April  28,  1622,  by  Luis  de  la  Puente,  royal  and 
government  clerk,  in  order  that  the  king  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
might  have  knowledge  concerning  "  the  present  state  of  this  government 
in  the  matter  of  the  tranquillity  and  peace  of  its  Indians  ".178  Between 
December  14,  1620,  and  January  17,  1621,  forty-six  Indian  governors, 
caciques,  captains,  and  other  natives  from  the  district  of  San  Pablo,  the 

174  See  papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620- 1622,  p.  119,  infra,  and  Coronado's 
report  to  Governor  Vesga,  ibid.,  pp.  147-153.  In  a  list  of  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
given  by  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  p.  306)  the  name  of  Governor  Vesga  does  not  appear.  For 
the  location  of  the  above  named  provinces,  see  note  4,  supra. 

175  See  pp.  1 19-153,  infra. 

176  Auto  of  Governor  Vesga,  June  17,  1624,  p.  145,  infra. 

177  Ibid.,  pp.  145,  147- 

178  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622,  p.  119,  infra. 


40  Introduction 

pueblos  of  Las  Milpillas  Grande,  and  those  of  El  Zape,  El  Potrero,  Ayupa, 
Las  Lajas,  Casaria,  and  Cocorotame  appeared  before  Governor  Vesga  in 
Durango  and  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  him  individually  and  in  the 
name  of  their  subjects.179 

This  happy  progress  in  the  pacification  and  submission  of  the  Indian 
chiefs  was  rudely  disturbed  by  reports  which  Governor  Vesga  received 
on  January  21,  1621,  from  various  religious  and  lay  officials.  These  ad- 
vised that  the  Tepehuanes  of  the  valley  of  San  Pablo  and  San  Ignacio, 
together  with  some  Tarahumares,  had  rebelled,  and  that  they  had  com- 
mitted arson  and  robbery  in  addition  to  having  murdered  some  of  the 
Spaniards  and  friendly  Indians  upon  the  farms  of  that  district.  A  relief 
expedition  was  at  once  despatched  to  the  scene  of  the  rebellion.  Later 
Governor  Vesga  himself  led  a  punitive  expedition  against  the  rebels. 
From  the  valley  of  San  Pablo,  where  the  governor  halted,  Maestre  de 
Campo  de  la  Cueba  with  a  force  of  Spanish  soldiers  and  200  friendly 
Indians  advanced  into  the  country  of  the  Tarahumares.  After  eighteen 
days  De  la  Cueba  returned,  bringing  with  him  eleven  Tarahumare  pris- 
oners, including  Don  Juan  Code,  the  self-styled  "  king  of  all  the  Tara- 
humare nation,  numbering  four  thousand  Indians  ".  Don  Juan  Code 
and  two  other  Tarahumares  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  Governor  Vesga 
and  promised  henceforth  to  aid  the  Spaniards  against  the  Tepehuane 
rebels.  The  Tarahumare  prisoners  were  discharged  after  having  been 
paid  for  the  time  they  had  served. 

En  route  back  to  Durango  Governor  Vesga  divided  his  forces  at  the 
valley  of  San  Bartolome  and  with  one  division  visited  the  pueblos  and 
rancherias  of  the  Tepehuane  Indians,  who  were  at  peace  with  the  Span- 
iards. Between  May  13  and  May  20,  1621,  the  pueblo  of  El  Zape,  in  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  mines  of  Guanecebi,  the  pueblos  of  Santa  Catalina  and 
Santiago  Papasquiaro,  and  the  pueblo  of  Capinamaiz,  in  the  jurisdiction 
of  San  Juan  del  Rio,  were  visited.  At  each  of  these  pueblos  the  native 
chiefs  and  the  entire  populace  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  the  governor. 
In  addition  the  native  officials  and  residents  of  the  pueblos  of  Las  Mil- 
pillas, La  Sauceda,  and  Canatu  met  the  governor  at  Capinamaiz  and  asked 
to  be  allowed  to  make  peace  pacts  with  him. 

After  the  return  of  Governor  Vesga  to  Durango  delegations  of  Indians 
continued  to  visit  him  and  to  solicit  ratification  of  peace  pacts.  Among 
those  who  came  for  this  purpose  were  an  Indian  chief  of  the  Toboso 
nation  and  four  other  Toboso  Indians.  They  notified  the  governor  on 
May  27  that  the  Toboso,  the  Achaelame,  the  Nonotie,  and  the  Xipocale 
Indians  had  gone  down  to  the  pueblo  of  Atotonilco  for  the  double  pur- 
pose of  making  peace  and  harvesting  their  crops  in  the  valley  of  San 
Bartolome.  The  governor  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  them  and,  in 
order  to  insure  their  protection,  offered  a  writ  of  protection  in  their  favor 
to  be  issued  to  the  justice  court  of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome. 

179  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  pp.  119-121,  infra. 


Introduction  41 

The  following  year,  on  January  16,  1622,  the  cacique  and  governor  of 
the  Tepehuanes,  who  lived  near  the  mines  of  Mapimi,  craved  peace  of 
the  governor.  On  March  6  a  very  bellicose  Tepehuane  chieftain  named 
El  Xixicutta  accepted  from  the  governor  an  offer  of  pardon  for  himself 
and  followers,  after  they  had  been  in  retirement  in  the  sierras  for  four 
years.  On  April  II,  1622,  Cocani,  the  governor  and  cacique  of  the  pueblo 
of  Guaricame,  one  of  the  pueblos  of  the  Umes  nations,  and  twenty  of  his 
subjects  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  Governor  Vesga.  Seventeen  days 
later  Cristobal,  the  alcalde,  and  eight  natives  of  the  new  pueblo  of  San 
Francisco  de  Ocatan  appeared  before  the  governor  to  notify  him  that 
theretofore  they  had  been  afraid  to  come  down  from  the  sierras,  but 
"  trusting  that  his  lordship  as  a  Christian  would  favor  and  protect  them, 
they  had  come  down  and  had  settled  the  new  pueblo  called  San  Francisco 
de  Ocatan  ".  The  governor  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  them  as  they 
desired.180 

After  this  Governor  Vesga  received  reports  from  Captain  Francisco 
de  Castro,  alcalde  mayor  of  the  mines  of  Guanecebi,  which  advised  that 
Don  Pedro,  cacique  of  El  Zape  pueblo,  and  Don  Lorenzo,  of  El  Potrero 
pueblo,  had  disappeared  and,  in  co-operation  with  a  half-breed  by  the 
name  of  Captain  Mateo  Canelas,  were  conspiring  to  effect  a  rebellion  and 
elect  "  for  their  king  and  chief  the  said  Mateo  Canelas  ".  Current  reports 
that  the  Indian  Francisco  Onate,  who  had  rebelled  some  days  earlier,  was 
operating  in  the  mountain  ranges  of  El  Carnu  in  the  vicinity  of  El  Zape 
and  El  Potrero,  together  with  the  slight  confidence  which  the  governor 
had  in  the  Tepehuanes,  induced  Governor  Vesga  to  proceed  cautiously 
and  to  endeavor  to  induce  Onate  to  make  peace.  Accordingly  he  sent  to 
Onate  an  offer  of  friendship  and  as  a  present  a  handsome  "  banner  of 
crimson  taffeta  silk,  bearing  in  the  centre  a  picture  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Rosary  ".  The  present  and  the  offer  of  peace  were  both  accepted  by  Fran- 
cisco Onate  and  on  April  27,  accompanied  by  his  two  sons,  he  appeared 
before  alcalde  mayor  Francisco  de  Castro  at  Las  Casas,  the  latter's  place 
of  residence.  In  the  presence  of  several  military  and  religious  persons 
Francisco  Onate,  at  his  earnest  solicitation,  was  pardoned  for  his  offenses 
and  entered  into  peace  pacts  with  the  Spaniards.181 

Meanwhile  disorders  among  the  Conchos  Indians  had  occasioned  Gov- 
ernor Vesga  considerable  anxiety.  It  appears  that  during  the  year  1621 
Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez,  deputy  chief  justice  and  war  captain  of  the 
residents  of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome,  had  despatched  a  Concho  cacique 
into  the  interior  country  to  summon  his  fellow-tribesmen  to  come  to  work 
in  the  fields  and  farms  of  the  valley,  as  was  their  annual  custom.  On  this 
occasion,  however,  the  native  emissary  of  the  Spanish  justice  was  at- 
tacked and  seriously  wounded.  Because  of  this  the  residents  of  the  valley 

180  Ibid.,  pp.  12 1- 129,  infra. 

181  Ibid.,  pp.  129- 13 1,  infra. 


42  Introduction 

of  San  Bartolome  offered  to  make  a  punitive  expedition  against  the  of- 
fending Conchos  at  no  other  expense  to  the  king  than  a  barrel  of  powder, 
necessary  iron  for  shoeing  horses  and  mules,  and  the  cost  of  a  pack-train 
to  carry  the  provisions  for  the  friendly  Indians  who  were  to  accompany 
the  expedition.  Governor  Vesga  learned  of  the  above  developments  on 
November  5,  162 t.  The  following  day  he  assembled  a  junta,  composed 
of  the  persons  experienced  in  war,  to  deliberate  upon  the  proposed  expe- 
dition to  be  made  by  the  citizens  of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome  against 
the  bellicose  Conchos  Indians.  The  members  of  the  junta  unanimously 
recommended  that  the  governor  should  accept  the  offer  of  the  citizens 
of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome  to  serve  without  pay,  that  he  should  ap- 
point an  experienced  soldier  to  lead  the  expedition,  and  that  the  latter 
should  be  warned  not  to  permit  any  harm  to  be  done  to  the  Indian  women 
and  children.  It  was  further  recommended  that  the  equipment  asked  for 
by  the  citizens  of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome  should  be  provided,  and 
that  a  pack-train  of  thirty  mules  should  be  equipped  for  a  period  of  two 
months,  the  cost  of  all  of  which  should  be  taken  from  the  6000  pesos 
that  was  annually  appropriated  as  a  peace  and  war  fund. 

The  above  recommendations  were  carried  out  on  November  8  and  the 
same  day  instructions  were  drawn  up  for  Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez, 
deputy  alcalde  mayor  of  the  province,  as  the  leader  of  the  expedition. 
Captain  Sanchez  received  his  commission  and  the  supplies  on  Novem- 
ber 22  and  at  once  enlisted  a  Spanish  force  and  eighty-five  caciques,  gov- 
ernors, captains,  and  subjects  of  the  Concha  nation.  The  expedition  left 
the  town  of  San  Francisco  on  December  25,  162 1,  and  after  several  en- 
counters with  the  rebellious  Indians  a  number  of  the  latter  were  captured 
and  punished.  As  a  result  the  others  made  peace.182 

During  1624  Governor  Vesga  continued  to  receive  the  submission  of 
Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  In  March,  1624,  he  was  visited  by  Don  Bal- 
tasar,  cacique  and  governor  of  the  pueblo  of  Ticonazo,  who,  with  his 
Christian  Indian  followers,  was  then  residing  by  command  of  the  gover- 
nor in  Cerro  Gordo.  Don  Baltasar  was  accompanied  by  a  Tepehuane 
Indian  named  Don  Agustin,  who  told  Governor  Vesga  that  eighty-five 
Indian  men  and  women,  desiring  peace,  had  come  down  to  submit,  and 
that  he  had  established  them  at  a  settlement  in  Cerro  Gordo.  At  the  same 
time  Don  Baltasar  notified  the  governor  that  he  had  imprisoned  and  hanged 
in  El  Canutillo  a  Tepehuane  Indian  named  Juan,  a  native  of  the  pueblo 
of  El  Zape,  who  had  engaged  in  highway  robbery  and  rebellious  activity. 
As  a  result  of  this  drastic  warning  the  other  Indians  had  remained  quiet 
and  the  country  was  pacified.  As  a  reward  for  their  services  and  because 
they  promised  thenceforth  to  arrest  any  highwaymen,  the  two  Indians 
begged  the  governor  to  give  them  some  clothes  and  to  permit  them  to 
continue  to  dwell  in  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Maria  del  Cerro  Gordo.    The 

182  Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  pp.  131-135,  infra. 


Introduction  43 

governor  gave  them  the  craved-for  permission  to  remain  and  live  in  the 
pueblo  of  Santa  Maria,  and  ordered  that  Don  Baltasar  and  Don  Agustin 
and  their  followers  should  be  supplied  with  such  articles  as  common  cloth, 
serges,  hats,  blankets,  petticoats  for  their  women,  axes,  machetes,  and 
two  young  bulls  which  they  were  to  kill  and  distribute  among  their  people. 
In  addition  they  were  given  seven  pesos  and  a  fraction  of  money.  The 
cost  of  these  presents  was  ordered  paid  from  the  6000  pesos  which  was 
appropriated  annually  as  a  peace  and  war  fund. 

On  May  7,  1624,  Father  Fray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa,  guardian  of  the 
Franciscan  convent  of  San  Buenaventura  at  the  pueblo  of  Atotonilco,  in 
the  province  of  Santa  Barbara,  arrived  in  Durango,  accompanied  by 
Don  Jusepe,  the  Indian  governor  and  cacique  of  Atotonilco ;  Diego,  son 
of  Don  Agustin,  the  captain  and  governor  of  the  Toboso  nation ;  Alonso, 
captain  of  a  rancheria  of  Toboso  Indians;  and  another  Toboso  Indian 
named  Jacobo.  The  chiefs  Diego  and  Alonso  told  Governor  Vesga  that 
they  and  their  subjects,  the  Nofiojes,  or  Cochames  Chicos,  and  some  of 
the  Tepehuanes  and  Salineros  had  been  at  war  with  the  Spaniards  for 
twenty  years,  during  which  time  they  had  not  submitted  to  the  Spanish 
king,  nor  had  they  received  Christian  instruction ;  on  the  visit  of  Governor 
Vesga  in  1622  to  the  Santa  Barbara  district  they  had  declined  to  accept 
his  peace  terms  and  had  dared  the  governor  to  come  into  the  mountains 
against  them.  It  was  against  them  that  the  governor  had  sent  an  expe- 
dition under  Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez.  Confessing  the  errors  of  their 
past  actions,  they  begged  the  governor  in  the  name  of  a  large  number 
of  their  subjects,  settled  at  a  place  fifteen  leagues  from  Atotonilco,  to 
accept  their  offer  of  peace  and  to  indicate  where  they  might  settle.  The 
governor  accepted  their  offer  and  gave  instructions  that  they  were  to 
settle  six  leagues  from  Atotonilco,  at  San  Felipe  on  the  Rio  Florido, 
where  they  were  to  build  a  church  and  dwellings  and  plant  their  crops. 
Before  they  left  the  governor  ordered  that  gifts  of  clothing,  knives,  shoes, 
hats,  needles,  and  thread  should  be  given  to  the  Indians.  As  a  token  of 
appreciation  of  his  efforts  to  effect  this  happy  submission,  and  as  reim- 
bursement for  what  had  been  spent  in  the  undertaking,  it  was  ordered  that 
Fray  Espinosa  should  be  paid  seventy-five  pesos  in  silver.183 

From  the  far  western  province  of  Sinaloa  on  the  last  day  of  April, 
1625,  Pedro  Coronado,  a  duly  accredited  emissary  of  Captain  Diego 
Martinez  de  Urdaide,  lieutenant  governor  and  captain-general  of  the 
province  of  Sinaloa,  arrived  in  Durango  to  report  to  Governor  Vesga 
concerning  the  state  of  that  province  and  the  progress  of  the  war  which 
Captain  Urdaide  had  waged  against  the  Soes,  Calimones,  and  other  na- 
tions of  that  province.  Coronado  informed  the  governor  that  the  chief 
operations  of  Captain  Urdaide  had  been  directed  against  the  Soes  Indians, 

183  "  From  the  bundle  of  papers  touching  upon  the  affairs  of  the  rebellious  Indians  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  ",  etc.,  pp.  137-143,  infra. 


44  Introduction 

who  lived  only  four  leagues  from  the  presidio  and  Jesuit  mission  of  Mon- 
tesclaros.  A  Soes  Indian  named  Jocopillo  had  been  the  chief  organizer 
of  the  rebellion  and  had  enlisted  the  co-operation  of  the  Calimones,  who 
lived  five  leagues  from  the  Soes,  and  the  Apacales,  whose  captain  was  a 
very  bellicose  Indian  by  the  name  of  Huechuri. 

At  the  time  of  the  moon  agreed  upon,  the  Soes  assembled  for  the  pur- 
pose of  killing  the  Jesuits,  Fathers  Castin  and  Julio  Pascual,  and  the 
Christian  neophytes.  Fathers  Castin  and  Pascual  escaped  because  of 
having  gone  to  other  missions,  but  eight  Christian  chiefs  were  killed  at 
the  pueblo  of  Vaca  because  they  were  not  willing  to  join  in  the  rebellion. 
At  the  same  time  the  Indians  at  the  pueblo  of  Calimones,  which  was  not 
far  from  that  of  Vaca,  rebelled,  burned  the  town,  and  defied  Captain 
Urdaide  to  meet  them  on  the  field  of  battle.  A  messenger  who  was  sent 
to  them  with  certain  demands  was  roasted  and  eaten  by  them. 

Fearing  that  the  uprising  would  spread  to  the  other  nations  of  the  prov- 
ince, Captain  Urdaide  took  the  field  against  the  rebels  with  forty-eight 
well-equipped  Spaniards  and  five  hundred  friendly  Indians.  At  the  end 
of  a  twelve-days'  campaign,  Captain  Urdaide  laid  siege  to  the  hostile 
Indians  who  had  retired  to  a  "  rough  and  strong  "  rock.  The  siege  en- 
dured thirty  days,  at  the  end  of  which  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies 
divided  into  squads,  "  gained  the  said  rock,  and  gave  battle  to  the  enemy  ". 
One  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  hostiles  were  killed,  many  were  wounded, 
forty  men  and  women  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  others  fled  to  the 
sierras.  During  the  siege  four  Spaniards  were  wounded  and  thirty  of 
their  Indian  allies  were  killed.  Before  he  returned  to  Montesclaros 
Captain  Urdaide  hanged  twenty  Indians,  and  after  he  reached  Montes- 
claros twenty-six  of  the  prisoners,  "  criminals  and  murderers  ",  were 
either  banished  from  the  province  or  sentenced  "  to  personal  service  for 
a  limited  time  ".  One-third  of  the  profit  therefrom  was  applied  "  to  the 
court  expenses  of  his  Majesty  and  the  expenses  of  the  expedition  ".  At 
the  time  that  Coronado  left  Sinaloa  Captain  Urdaide  was  ill  in  bed. 
suffering  from  a  broken  arm,  but  the  province  was  entirely  at  peace. 
Three  soldiers  who  had  accompanied  Coronado  to  Durango  corroborated 
his  statements.184 

4.  The  administration  of  Governor  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  1666- 
1670.  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  formally  entered  upon  his  duties  as 
governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  at  Durango  early  in  January,  1666.185  Under 
instructions  from  the  crown  he  was,  without  limitation  as  to  time,  to 
conduct  the  residencia  of  his  predecessor,  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez,186 

184  Coronado's  report  to  Governor  Vesga,  pp.  141-153,  infra. 

185  Bancroft  {North  Mexican  States,  I.  337)  says  that  Oca  Sarmiento  was  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  during  the  period  from  1665  to  1670.  See  Documentos  de  la  Nueva- 
Vizcaya,  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  fourth  ser.,  III.  231-266,  for  cor- 
respondence relating  to  missionary  interest  in  the  Casas  Grandes  region  during  the 
administration  of  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento. 

186  Bancroft  (op.  cit.,  I.  337)  says  that  Francisco  de  Gorraez  Beaumont  was  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  during  the  years  1662- 1665. 


Introduction  45 

and  in  addition  was  to  investigate  the  murder  of  some  natives,  alleged  to 
have  been  due  to  the  negligence  of  Governor  Gorraez  and  his  ministers, 
and  also  certain  alleged  frauds  in  the  administration  of  the  finance  of 
the  province.  A  special  cedula  of  June  8,  1665,  issued  in  his  favor  granted 
him,  during  his  incumbency  as  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  complete  im- 
munity from  interference  by  residencies  judges  of  the  Audiencia  of 
Guadalajara. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Durango  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento  learned  that 
the  Salineros,  Tonoza,  Yacoclames,  and  other  Indians  were  allied  in  a 
formidable  rebellion.  Two  weeks  later,  while  the  governor  was  en  route 
to  El  Parral,  which  was  then  the  permanent  residence  of  the  provincial 
governors,  a  wagon-train,  which  had  been  despatched  for  quicksilver 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Pedro  de  Andrade,  was  attacked  at  a 
point  seventy  leagues  distant  from  El  Parral  and  all  of  the  men  in  it, 
including  the  soldier  escort,  were  killed.  Accordingly,  before  proceeding 
to  El  Parral,  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento  recruited  all  the  soldiers  and 
Indian  allies  that  he  could  and  took  the  field  against  the  rebels.  First 
he  put  to  flight  the  Indians  who  had  attacked  the  wagon-train,  after 
which  he  reconnoitred  the  adjacent  country  and  the  passes  by  which  the 
Indians  were  accustomed  to  enter.  Upon  finally  reaching  El  Parral  the 
governor  learned  that  the  rebellious  activity  of  the  Conchos  Indians  was 
seriously  interfering  with  the  normal  commerce  between  the  rich  and  pro- 
ductive territory  of  those  Indians  and  the  provinces  of  New  Mexico  and 
Sinaloa.  The  governor  accordingly  led  an  expedition  against  them.  He 
met  with  quick  success,  and  after  he  had  punished  the  leaders  he  was  able 
to  conclude  a  complete  reconnaissance  of  the  entire  kingdom. 

The  residencia  of  Governor  Gorraez  had  been  partially  concluded  by 
Governor  Oca  Sarmiento,  assisted  by  Don  Juan  Zessati,  oidor  of  the 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  by  March  19,  1667,  and  the  former  governor 
had  been  sentenced  "  except  in  the  matter  of  a  forced  loan  ",  which  he 
asserted  that  he  had  secured  under  direct  authority  from  the  king.  The 
sentence  as  passed  required  Gorraez  to  make  restitution  of  certain  funds 
to  the  real  hacienda.  In  the  matter  of  the  forced  loan,  Oca  Sarmiento 
found  that  Gorraez  had  called  for  it  in  Durango,  the  Real  de  Cuencame, 
the  Real  de  Guanecebi,  and  a  few  other  settlements  without  authority  for 
having  done  so,  and  also  that  "  he  had  not  proceeded  judicially  either  in 
safeguarding  the  fund  or  in  keeping  an  account  of  it  in  proper  manner  ". 
Oca  Sarmiento  also- reported  that  the  declarations  of  Gorraez  did  not 
seem  to  conform  with  the  amounts  which  he  declared  that  he  had  col- 
lected, "  the  amounts  being  greater  and  the  provinces  more  numerous  " 
than  he  acknowledged  in  his  declaration.  The  investigation  concerning 
the  forced  loan  had  not  been  concluded  by  March  19,  1667,  at  which  time 
Gorraez,  whose  health  was  greatly  impaired,  had  been  granted  permis- 
sion to  go  to  Mexico  City  for  treatment,  after  having  been  required  to 
designate  by  power  of  attorney  a  competent  person  to  represent  him. 


46  Introduction 

The  residencia  of  Gorraez  revealed  the  fact  that  Valerio  Cortes,  who 
had  served  during  the  entire  term  of  Gorraez  as  sargento  mayor,  had 
been  found  guilty,  "  upon  his  own  answers  ",  of  insubordination  to  Gov- 
ernor Gorraez.  Particularly  was  he  under  suspicion  because  on  one  occa- 
sion he  had  even  boasted  that  he  was  "  the  key  to  the  kingdom  ".  In  order 
to  put  to  a  test  the  loyalty  and  ability  of  Cortes,  Governor  Oca  Sarmiento 
placed  him  in  command  of  an  expedition  against  some  Indians.  Cortes 
disobeyed  his  instructions,  proved  himself  to  be  incompetent,  and  was 
removed  from  his  command  by  the  governor,  who  charged  him  "  with  all 
the  faults  and  crimes  which  were  shown  in  the  answers  given  by  Don 
Francisco  de  Gorraez  ".  The  ensuing  investigation  revealed  that  Cortes 
had  been  guilty  of  habitual  mistreatment  of  the  natives,  which  had  re- 
sulted in  many  murders  and  in  uprisings  of  friendly  Indians,  who  were 
then  "  waging  the  worst  wars  "  in  that  kingdom.  It  was  also  revealed  that 
he  had  committed  atrocities  against  his  "  slaves  and  servants  from  which 
deaths  resulted  ". 

At  this  juncture  Cortes,  who  had  been  proceeding  in  a  most  patronizing 
manner,  secured  from  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  a  writ  instructing 
Governor  Oca  Sarmiento  to  remit  the  case  against  him  and  to  take  no 
cognizance  of  it.  In  view  of  his  royal  commission,  which  instructed  him 
to  conduct  the  residencia  of  the  preceding  administration,  Governor  Oca 
Sarmiento  denied  that  the  audiencia  had  power  to  inhibit  him  in  the 
matter  and  continued  to  investigate  the  crimes  of  Cortes.  These  investi- 
gations revealed  that  Cortes  had  as  accomplices  an  expelled  Jesuit  by  the 
name  of  Don  Francisco  de  los  Rios,  who  had  been  most  bitter  and  lacking 
in  decency  in  his  opposition  to  Governor  Gorraez,  and  a  fractious  indi- 
vidual and  murderer  by  the  name  of  Don  Francisco  Samosa,  to  whom 
Cortes  had  agreed  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage.  At  the  request  of 
Governor  Oca  Sarmiento,  the  bishop  of  Durango  ordered  Don  Francisco 
de  los  Rios  to  quit  both  the  kingdom  and  the  diocese,  while  the  governor 
arrested  and  imprisoned  Samosa.  The  latter  soon  afterward  escaped 
during  the  absence  of  the  governor  on  a  campaign  to  pacify  the  Conchos 
and  to  punish  the  Tobosos  Indians.  Thereupon  the  three  men  appealed  to 
the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara.  Fearful  that  these  men  would  attempt 
to  embarrass  him  in  the  further  prosecution  of  his  duty,  in  contravention 
of  the  specific  cedula  of  June  8,  1665,  which  gave  him  immunity  from 
interference  of  residencia  judges  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Gov- 
ernor Oca  Sarmiento  requested  the  queen  to  give  orders  that  the  above 
cedula  should  be  respected.  With  reference  to  the  investigation  into  the 
conduct  of  Cortes,  the  governor  requested  the  queen  to  "  command  the 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  to  stop  interfering  in  a  matter  of  so  great  im- 
portance to  the  service  of  his  Majesty  as  the  peace  and  quiet  of  this 
kingdom  and  its  provinces,  the  satisfaction  of  the  real  hacienda,  and  the 
relief  of  the  natives  "  whom  Cortes  had  "  so  often  persecuted  with  harsh- 
ness ".  Similar  requests  were  made  of  the  viceroy,  who  was  asked  further 


Introduction  47 

to  instruct  the  audiencia  "  that  in  the  affairs  of  ordinary  jurisdiction  " 
they  should  "  admit  appeals  only  ".18T 

5.  The  administration  of  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1676-1678. 
Don  Martin  de  Revollar,  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  died  at  El  Parral 
on  November  19,  1676.188  After  his  death  so  many  murders  and  other 
atrocities  were  committed  by  eleven  nations  of  hostile  Indians  who  lived 
in  the  mountain  ranges  on  the  right  side  of  the  highway  from  Guadiana 
to  El  Parral  that  the  entire  province,  according  to  reports  made  to  the 
viceroy,  was  in  danger  of  being  lost.  These  hostiles  were  commonly  re- 
ferred to  as  Tobosos,  although  that  name  was  applied  only  to  the  bravest 
of  the  several  nations.  To  cope  with  this  dangerous  situation  the  viceroy 
appointed  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  oidor  of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico, 
as  governor  and  captain-general  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.189  Don  Lope  left 
Mexico  City  for  El  Parral  on  January  23,  i6jj,  and  arrived  at  the  latter 
place  on  April  21,  1677.190  His  term  was  a  short  one  for  in  December  of 
the  next  year  he  was  serving  as  visitor  of  Guatemala.191 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  Don  Lope  found  that  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  kingdom  the  "  hostile  Indians  were  wan- 
dering about,  committing  murders  and  robberies  without  resistance  ". 
He  at  once  assumed  the  offensive,  with  the  result  that  in  a  few  days  after 
his  arrival  thirty-three  of  the  hostiles  were  killed  in  a  surprise  attack. 
His  subsequent  successes  the  governor  later  naively  reported  to  the  king 
as  follows :  "  In  the  period  of  the  first  four  months  our  Lord  favored  me 
with  other  very  happy  successes  in  that  we  killed  and  took  from  them 
more  than  three  or  four  hundred  persons,  while  they  did  not  kill  or 
wound  any  of  our  force.,,  The  Tobosos  were  finally  reduced  to  peace  and 
by  Governor  Sierra  Osorio  were  settled  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos. 
There  they  soon  became  "  such  enemies  to  the  rebellious  Indians  "  that 
they  constituted  in  1678  "  the  principal  defense  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  ",  and 
were  the  ones  whom  the  hostile  Indians  feared  most. 

Because  of  their  faithlessness,  apostasy,  and  inhuman  methods  of  war- 
fare, Governor  Sierra  Osorio  did  not  feel  very  charitably  disposed  to 
some  of  the  Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  In  fact  it  was  his  expressed  con- 
viction that  there  was  among  them  no  Indian  with  bow  and  arrow  who 
did  not  "  merit  pain  of  death  ".  The  governor  predicted  that  unless  very 
determined  war  was  made  upon  them  there  was  a  risk  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
Nueva  Galicia,  and  New  Mexico  being  completely  lost.   It  is  interesting 

187  Oca  Sarmiento  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Mar.  12,  1667,  pp.  189-195,  infra ;  Oca  Sar- 
miento  to  the  queen,  El  Parral,  Mar.  19,  1667,  ibid.,  pp.  195-199. 

188  A.  Robles,  Diario  de  los  Anos  1665-1703,  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico,  first  ser.,  II.  (Mexico,  1853)  224. 

189  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  pp.  211-217,  infra. 

190  Robles,  op.  cit.,  p.  230;  Documentos  de  la  Nueva-Vizcaya,  in  Documentos  para  la 
Historia  de  Mexico,  fourth  sen,  III.  298-300. 

191  J.  A.  Villcorta,  Historia  de  la  America  Central  (Guatemala,  1920),  p.  09. 


48 


Introduction 


to  note  that  this  statement  was  made  only  two  years  before  the  disastrous 
Pueblo  Indian  rebellion  in  New  Mexico. 

During  his  administration  Governor  Sierra  Osorio  learned  of  a  royal 
order  which  fixed  the  price  of  quicksilver  at  220  pesos  per  quintal  and 
required  the  miners  to  go  to  Vera  Cruz  for  it.  The  governor  at  once 
notified  the  king  that  he  believed  that  this  price  was  exorbitant  and  that 
it  would  have  a  very  depressing  influence  on  the  mining  industry.  At  the 
same  time  he  told  the  king  that  if  quicksilver  were  supplied  to  the  miners 
at  cost  the  royal  fifths  192  alone  would  amount  to  "  three  times  as  much 
as  the  price  of  quicksilver  sent  to  the  Indies  ".  Finally,  because  of  the 
excessive  poverty  of  the  miners  and  the  great  distance  to  Vera  Cruz  the 
king  modified  his  ruling  and  ordered  the  quicksilver  to  be  placed  in  royal 
depositories  and  apportioned  to  the  miners  on  four  months'  credit.193 

6.  The  administration  of  Governor  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar 
de  Francos,  1687-1693,  and  fears  of  French  aggressions  on  the  Texas 
coast.  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos  assumed  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  early  fall  of  1687  and  served  until  the 
early  part  of  1693. 194  After  he  entered  upon  his  duties  there  was  dis- 
covered in  the  region  of  the  recently  converted  Tarahumare  Indians  one 
of  the  richest  mineral  deposits  that  had  thereto  been  discovered.  By  the 
latter  part  of  1688  this  deposit  was  yielding  a  great  deal  of  silver,  and 
machines,  both  for  fire  and  quicksilver,  were  being  utilized  for  extracting 
the  ore. 

The  paucity  of  the  Spanish  population  and  the  hostility  of  the  Indian 
tribes  constituted  the  greatest  potential  handicaps  for  the  peace  and  de- 
velopment of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Governor  Pardinas  in  1688  reported  some 
success  in  his  efforts  to  reconcile  the  Indians  who  lived  along  the  highway 
between  El  Parral  and  Sonora  to  the  settlement  of  Spaniards  in  their 
territory,  but  stated  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  reduce  the  hostiles  of  the 
kingdom  despite  the  fact  that  he  had  made  constant  war  upon  them.  In 
part  he  attributed  his  lack  of  success  in  this  respect  to  the  openness  of 
the  country,  which  enabled  the  Indians  to  attack,  rob,  and  kill  with 
impunity. 

In  order  to  put  an  end  to  this  deplorable  situation,  Governor  Pardinas 
made  offensive  war  upon  the  hostile  Indians,  yet  his  only  success  was  in 
a  campaign  against  the  Pimas.  This  populous  and  brave  Indian  nation 
had  repudiated  its  allegiance  to  the  king  and  had  caused  some  of  the  best 
mines  in  the  province  of  Sonora  to  be  depopulated.    Governor  Pardinas 


192  A  tax  paid  by  miners  to  the  Spanish  crown  and  amounting  to  a  fifth  on  all  metals 
mined.  "The  'fifth'  was  the  name  always  applied  to  this  tax,  though  it  soon  became 
only  a  tenth."  H.  I.  Priestley,  The  Mexican  Nation:  a  History  (New  York,  1923), 
p.  131. 

193  Informe  of  Sierra  Osorio,  1678,  pp.  211-217,  infra. 

194  Pardinas  to  the  king,  El  Parral,  Nov.  21,  1688,  p.  229,  infra;  fiscal's  reply,  Madrid, 
Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  419,  455- 


Introduction  49 

sent  reinforcements  to  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Sonora,  with  the  result  that 
the  enemy  was  harassed,  "  after  many  deaths  on  both  sides  ",  and  finally 
was  forced  to  sue  for  peace.  After  this  Governor  Pardinas  reported  that 
the  Pimas  had  been  settled  in  pueblos  and  rancherias  and  that  they  had 
asked  "  for  the  largest  number  of  ministers  to  instruct  them  in  the  holy 
Catholic  faith  (a  thing  which  it  has  not  been  possible  to  accomplish  in 
more  than  forty  years)". 

It  was  the  boast  of  Governor  Pardinas  that  he  controlled  and  patrolled 
his  vast  jurisdiction  without  extra  expense  to  the  real  hacienda.  This 
was  effected  by  making  use  of  three  grades  of  soldiers,  namely,  regular 
presidial  soldiers,  drafted  civilians,  and  Indian  auxiliaries.  The  presidials 
were  employed  in  guarding  the  highways  and  in  serving  as  convoys  for 
commercial  expeditions.  The  civilians  were  used  upon  expeditions  which 
the  governor  led  in  person.  The  auxiliaries,  who  were  paid  and  provi- 
sioned from  the  annual  fund  for  peace  and  war,  were  regarded  by  Gov- 
ernor Pardinas  as  absolutely  indispensable  for  maintaining  order  and  for 
obstructing  the  expeditions  of  the  hostiles.  It  was  Governor  Pardinas's 
expressed  belief  that  by  the  use  of  these  soldiers  Sonora  had  been  spared 
"  the  same  peril  that  was  experienced  in  New  Mexico  "  in  the  Indian 
rebellion  of  1680. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1688  Governor  Pardinas  received  ominous  reports 
of  foreign  aggression  in  the  north.  In  a  letter  to  the  king  on  November  21, 
1688,  he  said :  "  The  Indians  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  whom  I  have  confi- 
dence, have  informed  me  that  some  foreign  people  are  in  that  territory 
.  .  .  and  are  trying  to  thrust  themselves  upon  the  natives  ".195  Such  a 
menace  called  for  and  resulted  in  a  prompt  investigation.  The  documents 
which  narrate  the  full  story  of  the  Spanish  defensive  preparations  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya  in  view  of  what  proved  to  be  the  French  menace  on  the 
Texas  coast  are  hereinafter  published  for  the  first  time.  They  show,  for 
the  first  time,  that  the  selfish  interest  displayed  by  La  Salle  in  the  silver 
mines  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  at  the  time  that  he  presented  his  two  petitions, 
or  memorials,  to  Louis  XIV.196  did  not  wane,  even  in  the  face  of  discour- 
agement and  hardships,  after  the  establishment  of  Fort  St.  Louis  on  the 
Texas  coast.  In  fact,  the  documents  hereinafter  published  show  that 
expeditions  were  actually  made  by  the  French  up  the  Rio  Grande  del 
Norte  to  within  seven  days'  journey,  or  an  estimated  distance  of  sixty- 
seven  leagues,197  of  La  Junta,  at  the  junction  of  the  Rio  Grande  and 
Conchos  rivers.  A  summary  of  this,  one  of  the  most  romantic  episodes 
in  the  history  of  the  Spanish  advance  in  North  America,  follows  : 

Between  the  years  1685  and  1689  tne  Spanish  and  viceregal  courts  in 
Madrid  and  Mexico  City  were  profoundly  agitated  by  the  news  that  an 

195  Pardinas  to  the  king,  El  Parral,  Nov.  21,  1688,  pp.  229-233,  infra. 

196  See  F.  Parkman,  La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West  (Boston,  1884), 
PP.  322-330. 

197  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  El  Parral,  Apr.  11,  1689,  pp.  263,  265,  infra. 


50  Introduction 

expedition  under  La  Salle  had  established  a  foothold  for  France  some- 
where on  the  Gulf  Coast  between  Tampico  and  Apalache  Bay.198  Expedi- 
tions were  promptly  sent  out,  both  by  land  and  by  sea,  to  find  and  to  de- 
stroy this  settlement.  In  1688  Alonso  de  Leon,  governor  of  Coahuila, 
who  had  previously  led  two  expeditions  from  Nuevo  Leon  in  search  of 
the  French,  learned  that  some  Indians  north  of  the  Rio  Grande  were 
ruled  over  by  a  white  chief.  Concluding  that  this  man  must  be  a  French- 
man, Governor  De  Leon  at  once  organized  an  expedition  to  go  in  search 
of  him.  At  a  distance  of  forty-two  leagues  northeast  of  present  Mon- 
clova,  De  Leon  and  his  force  crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  about  twenty 
leagues  further  on  reached  the  rancheria  of  the  white  chief.199  He  proved 
to  be  a  demented  Frenchman,  by  the  name  of  Jarri,  or  Jean  Gery,200  who 
was  pretending,  in  grotesquely  crude  yet  barbaric  splendor,  to  play  the 
role  of  king.201  Apparently  he  was  not  one  of  La  Salle's  settlers,  but  in- 
stead was  an  independent  adventurer  who  had  wandered  into  Texas  from 
the  Illinois  country  or  from  Canada.202 

Governor  De  Leon  carried  the  Frenchman  to  Monclova  and  later  sent 
him  to  the  viceroy  in  Mexico  City.  Little  or  no  satisfactory  information 
could  be  secured  from  him,  however,  and  the  search  by  the  Spaniards  for 
La  Salle's  settlement  was  continued.  The  following  year  De  Leon  finally 
reached  the  then  abandoned  French  fort  near  the  so-called  Bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo  on  the  Texas  coast.203  By  that  time  the  French  menace,  at  least 
temporarily,  had  been  dispelled  as  the  joint  result  of  maritime  disaster, 
pestilence,  Indian  hostility,  and  the  treachery  and  jealousy  of  some  of 
the  Frenchmen  themselves.204  Before  the  menace  was  dispelled,  however, 
it  agitated  profoundly  far-western  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  aroused  the  heroic 
and  defensive  efforts  of  the  officials  of  that  distant  frontier  province. 
Indeed,  these  efforts  were  so  effective  that  the  officials  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
learned  of  "  the  activities  and  final  fate  of  La  Salle's  colony  before  the 
viceregal  government,  with  all  its  industry,  succeeded  in  clearing  up  the 
mystery  ".205 

The  first  news  to  reach  Nueva  Vizcaya  of  foreign  aggressions  on  the 
Gulf  Coast  appears  to  have  been  received  by  way  of  La  Junta  de  los  Rios. 
In  the  course  of  the  year  1687  some  Cibolo  and  Jumano  Indians,  whose 
rancheria  was  three  days'  journey  below  La  Junta,206  asked  Father  Colina, 

198  Dunn,  Spanish  and  French  Rivalry,  pp.  36-47. 

199  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  pp.  85-87. 

200  H.  E.  Bolton,  The  Spanish  Borderlands  (New  Haven,  1921),  p.  214;  Dunn,  op.  cit., 
p.  88,  n.  9. 

201  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  p.  86. 

202  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  p.  214. 

203  For  the  location  of  La  Salle's  fort,  see  H.  E.  Bolton,  "  The  Location  of  La  Salle's 
Colony  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ",  in  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  II.  165-182. 

204  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  pp.  86-109. 

205  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 

206  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  p.  265,  infra ;  declaration  of  Miguel,  ibid.,  p.  269. 


Introduction  51 

president  of  the  Franciscan  group  of  missions  there,  for  a  letter  for  some 
Spaniards  who,  they  stated,  "  were  going  and  coming  among  the  Texas 
Indians  ".  By  way  of  reply  Father  Colina  requested  that  a  letter  from 
these  Spaniards  should  first  be  brought  to  him,  and  this  the  Cibolos  and 
Jumanos  promised  to  do.  The  following  year,  in  September,  five  Cibolos 
visited  Father  Colina  and  reported  that  a  white  man,  whom  they  referred 
to  as  a  Moor,  was  living  with  a  nation  "  adjacent  to  the  Texas  Indians  " ; 
that  he  possessed  a  long  but  damaged  harquebus  and  a  plate  of  armor, 
with  helmet;  and  that  he  had  been  of  so  much  help  to  the  Indians  with 
whom  he  was  living  that  they  had  been  able  to  destroy  half  of  the  Michi 
Indians,  their  enemies.207  It  seems  safe  to  infer  that  the  white  man  re- 
ferred to  was  the  demented  Frenchman  Jean  Gery. 

Still  later  other  Cibolo  Indian  traders  arrived  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios. 
They  reported  that  strangers  -were  accustomed  to  go  among  the  Texas 
Indians  to  trade  axes,  clothing,  and  other  things  for  horses  and  fruits  of 
the  land  "  and  also  some  portions  of  red  earth  ".  It  was  further  reported 
that  these  strangers  went  about  in  plate  armor,  that  they  went  to  sleep 
at  night  on  the  water  where  they  had  wooden  houses,  one  of  which  had 
been  sunk,  and  that  the  strangers  had  said  that  the  Spaniards  of  El  Parral 
were  not  good  people,  but  that  they,  the  strangers,  were,  and  that  they 
were  going  to  penetrate  the  land  of  the  Spaniards  in  wagons.208  The 
visiting  Indian  traders  further  reported  that  the  Cibolo  captain,  Don 
Nicolas,  and  all  of  his  people,  from  their  rancheria  three  days'  journey 
below  La  Junta,209  were  en  route  to  La  Junta  and  that  with  them  was  a 
"  Moor  (for  in  this  manner  they  referred  to  him)"  who  claimed  to  have 
escaped  from  others,  "  marching  near  the  kingdom  of  the  Texas  Indians  ", 
because  they  desired  to  kill  him.  This  Spaniard,  in  addition  to  possessing 
a  damaged  harquebus,  was  reported  to  have  cut  off  his  beard  and  to  have 
trimmed  his  hair  in  Indian  fashion.210  It  was  further  reported  that  the 
Cibolos  en  route  to  La  Junta  were  bringing  letters  from  the  Spaniards, 
or  foreigners,  who  were  near  the  Texas  Indians,  that  were  addressed  to 
the  missionaries  on  the  Rio  del  Norte.211 

Before  the  Cibolos  arrived  at  La  Junta  the  superiors  of  the  Order  of 
Saint  Francis  instructed  the  missionaries  there  to  abandon  that  region 
because  of  unrest  among  the  Sumas  Indians  212  and  because  of  the  inability 
to  afford  protection  to  the  missionaries.213    On  November  20,   1688, 

207  Declaration  of  Father  Agustin  de  Colina,  pp.  241,  243,  infra. 
20SIbid.;  declaration  of  Father  Hinojosa,  p.  243,  infra. 

209  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  p.  265,  infra ;  declaration  of  Miguel,  ibid.,  p.  269. 

210  This  may  have  been  Jean  Gery,  who  was  captured  by  Governor  De  Leon  in  the 
early  summer  of  1688. 

211  Declaration  of  Fathers  Colina  and  Hinojosa,  loc.  cit. ;  declarations  of  Don  Nicolas, 
Juan  de  Salieses,  and  Salvador,  pp.  235-239,  infra. 

212  The  Sumas  Indians  lived  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  about  twelve 
leagues  below  present  El  Paso.   Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  310,  and  authorities  cited. 

213  Father  Colina  to  Governor  Pardifias,  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  Nov.  18,  1688, 
pp.  245,  247,  infra. 


52  Introduction 

General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de 
Conchos,  learned  that  Fathers  Colina  and  Hinojosa,  accompanied  by  three 
Indians  from  La  Junta,  were  at  the  mission  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos. 
General  Retana  heard  the  testimony  of  the  three  Indians  on  November  21, 
1688  ;214  the  following  day  he  despatched  two  Indian  couriers  to  La 
Junta  to  bear  messages  of  friendship  and  cheer  to  the  Indians  of  La  Junta 
and  to  the  captains  of  the  upper  Rio  del  Norte.  General  Retana  also  re- 
quested Don  Nicolas,  the  Cibolo  captain,  to  send  him  the  letters  which 
he  was  bringing  and  to  meet  him  at  La  Junta.215  The  following  day 
General  Retana  heard  the  testimony  of  Fathers  Colina  and  Hinojosa.218 
Two  days  later,  November  25,  General  Retana  forwarded  the  original 
depositions  of  the  two  missionaries  and  of  the  three  Indians  to  Governor 
Pardinas  at  El  Parral.217 

Meanwhile  Governor  Pardinas  had  heard  that  foreigners,  whom  he 
suspected  to  be  Frenchmen,  were  settled  at  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  and 
were  approaching  La  Junta.  In  view  of  this,  and  because  of  the  rebellious 
activity  of  the  Tobosos,  Salineros,  Cabesas,  Chizos,  Chichitames,  and 
Cholemes  Indians,  Governor  Pardinas  as  early  as  November  2,  1688,  had 
ordered  General  Retana,  with  ninety  Spaniards,  to  set  out  from  his  pre- 
sidio of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  on  November  15  and  to  proceed  to 
La  Junta.  With  reference  to  the  rebellious  Indians,  General  Retana  was 
instructed  to  wage  a  vigorous  campaign  until  they  were  "  reduced  or 
punished  so  that  through  fear  they  may  desire  peace  ".  Detailed  instruc- 
tions for  combating  the  purported  French  menace  were  given  to  him. 
He  was  to  cross  the  Rio  del  Norte  at  La  Junta,  and  by  entering  into 
friendly  relations  and  making  satisfactory  peace  terms  with  the  Indians 
living  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  he  was  to  forestall  a  possible  alliance 
between  them  and  the  Frenchmen  supposed  to  be  approaching  La  Junta. 
Next,  formal  possession  of  the  region  was  to  be  taken,  both  in  the  name 
of  the  king  and  for  the  church,  after  which  the  locality  was  to  be  recon- 
noitred. In  case  he  should  learn  of  any  Indians  in  that  region  who,  like 
the  Texas  Indians,  lived  under  an  organized  government  "  with  a  king, 
cacique,  or  chief  whom  they  obey  ",  General  Retana  was  to  form  an  alli- 
ance with  them,  thereby  "  to  prevent  the  said  strangers  from  doing  it ", 
while  the  religious  were  to  "  cause  them  to  know  .  .  .  the  things  of  our 
holy  faith  ".  He  was  also  to  see  that  the  soldiers  behaved  most  circum- 
spectly in  their  relations  with  the  natives.  Finally,  General  Retana  was 
instructed  to  reconnoitre  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  or  any  other  port 
where  he  might  learn  that  any  foreigners  were  settled.  Through  spies  he 
was  to  endeavor  to  learn  of  the  number  of  the  foreigners  and  the  charac- 
ter of  their  fortifications.    A  full  record  of  "  the  places,  day's  marches, 

214  See  note  213. 

215  Auto  of  Retana,  pp.  239,  241,  infra. 

216  Declarations  of  Fathers  Colina  and  Hinojosa,  pp.  241,  243,  infra. 

217  Auto  of  General  Retana,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Nov.  25,  1688,  p.  245,  infra. 


Introduction  53 

routes,  altitudes,  and  rivers  "  was  to  be  kept  and  sent  to  the  governor. 
Ample  authority  was  conferred  upon  General  Retana  to  exercise  disci- 
pline over  the  Spaniards  and  Indian  auxiliaries  who  were  to  accompany 
him.  Munitions,  supplies,  and  mules  necessary  for  the  expedition  were 
furnished  on  the  governor's  personal  credit,  until  the  accounts  might 
be  paid.21'' 

En  route  to  La  Junta,  General  Retana  exacted  punishment  of  three 
rebellious  Indian  nations  and  took  from  them  stolen  horses,  which  he 
sent  back  to  the  rightful  owners.  After  he  reached  La  Junta  he  sent 
Indian  scouts  to  study  the  routes  from  there  to  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo. 
Shortly  afterward  General  Retana  learned  that  the  principal  chief  of  the 
Cibolo  and  Jumano  Indians  was  approaching  La  Junta  on  his  return  from 
a  visit  to  the  Texas  Indians,  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  letters  for  the 
Spaniards,  and  that  he  would  give  an  account  of  everything.  Accordingly 
General  Retana  went  out  to  meet  the  Indian  chief,  who  proved  to  be  an 
old  friend  of  the  Spaniards  by  the  name  of  Juan  Xaviata,  or  Sabeata.219 
This  Indian,  in  the  interval  between  the  issuance  of  Governor  Pardinas's 
instructions  to  General  Retana  on  November  2,  1688,  and  the  latter's 
arrival  at  La  Junta  some  time  before  March  3,  1689,  had  made  a  journey 
to  the  east  as  far  as  the  country  of  the  Texas  Indians — without  having 
waited  for  General  Retana,  as  the  latter  had  requested — to  trade  and 
"  to  bring  more  certain  news  concerning  everything  ".22°  Xaviata  cor- 
dially welcomed  the  Spaniards  with  General  Retana  and  told  them  "  that 
the  Moors,  for  it  is  thus  that  the  Indians  call  the  French,  were  already 
dead,  for  the  neighboring  nations  attacked  and  killed  them  .  .  .  and  that 
there  was  not  now  one  alive  where  they  resided  ".  However,  four  or  five 
Frenchmen  were  reported  to  be  living  among  the  Texas  Indians,  described 
as  "  an  extensive  nation  that  ought  in  reason  to  border  on  Florida  ". 
Xaviata  stated  that  he  had  seen  some  spoils  taken  from  the  French,  among 
which  were  "  some  papers  "  and  a  painting  of  a  ship  on  parchment  which 
had  been  given  to  him.  These  Xaviata  stated  he  was  taking  to  Governor 
Pardifias. 

True  to  his  expressed  intentions  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  accompanied  by 
Miguel,  a  captain  of  the  Cibolo  and  Jumano  Indians  and  by  two  heathen 
Indians,  presented  himself  before  Governor  Pardifias  at  El  Parral  on 
April  10,  1689.  Xaviata  assured  the  governor  that  the  "  Moors  "  had 
been  destroyed,  and  as  proof  presented  to  him  "  two  sheets  of  paper 
which  appear  to  be  from  some  book  printed  by  hand,  apparently  in  the 

-18Auto  of  Governor  Pardifias,  El  Parral,  Nov.  2,  1688,  pp.  249,  251,  infra;  "Order 
for  an  expedition  to  reconnoitre  the  Rio  del  Norte",  El  Parral,  Nov.  2,  1688,  pp.  251- 
257,  infra. 

219  For  brief  references  to  Juan  Xaviata,  see  H.  E.  Bolton,  "  The  Spanish  Occupation 
of  Texas,  1519-1600",  in  Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,  XVI.  19-20;  H.  E.  Bolton, 
"  The  Jumano  Indians  in  Texas  ",  in  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, XV.  pp.  72-73 ;  and  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  96-09,  133. 

220  Declarations  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  pp.  263,  265,  infra. 


54  Introduction 

French  language,  and  a  frigate  painted  on  parchment  with  some  annota- 
tions ",  all  of  which  were  "  tied  up  in  a  neckcloth  of  fine  wide  lace  ".221 
To-day  these  most  interesting  papers,  "  preserved  in  this  most  interesting 
manner  "  and  characterized  as  "  doubtless  the  only  relics  of  La  Salle's 
Texas  colony  ",222  are  still  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies,  at 
Seville,  Spain.  Photographs  of  them  are  herein  published  for  the  first 
time.223 

The  day  after  the  arrival  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata  and  his  companions  at 
El  Parral  Governor  Pardinas  took  the  sworn  testimony  of  each  concern- 
ing the  country  and  the  foreigners  to  the  east  of  La  Junta.  The  witnesses 
were  asked  the  distance  and  the  condition  of  the  road  from  El  Parral  to 
the  Texas  Indians  and  to  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo — whether  there  were 
obstacles  along  it,  or  rivers  to  be  forded;  how  many  and  what  nations 
lived  along  this  road;  whether  the  foreigners  were  still  at  the  Bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo ;  and,  in  case  the  foreigners  were  still  there,  whether  they 
had  conversed  with  them,  and,  if  so,  what  had  been  said.224  The  deposi- 
tions of  these  Indians,  which  shed  some  new  light  upon  the  sad  fate  of 
the  La  Salle  expedition  and  which  are  printed  hereinafter,225  are  most 
interesting,  even  though  they  are  not  satisfactorily  illuminative  in  all 
details. 

According  to  the  Indian  deponents,  foreigners,  with  "  coats  or  breast- 
plates of  steel,  and  helmets  on  their  heads  ",  and  carrying  long  harque- 
buses, had  on  no  less  than  three  occasions  ascended  the  Rio  del  Norte. 
On  the  first  two  visits  they  ate  and  danced  with  the  Indians,  told  them 
that  they  were  going  to  be  their  relatives,  and  gave  them  axes,  knives, 
and  ribbons,  and,  to  the  women,  beads.  They  had  with  them  an  interpre- 
ter, and  through  him  they  inquired  how  far  it  was  to  where  the  Spaniards 
were  mining  silver.226  Between  the  first  and  second  visits  there  was  a 
lapse  of  two  moons  and  between  the  second  and  the  third  visit  there  was 
a  lapse  of  over  three  moons.227  On  the  third  and  last  visit  six  foreigners 
and  an  Indian  interpreter  came  up  the  river  in  canoes  and  four  other  for- 
eigners came  by  land  to  a  rancheria  seven  days'  journey,  or  an  estimated 
distance  of  sixty-seven  leagues,  below  La  Junta.  Again  the  foreigners 
fraternized  with  the  natives,  to  whom  they  gave  copper  ladles,  ribbons, 
table-knives,  and  pocket-knives;  to  the  captains  they  gave  some  shirts. 
Again  they  asked  the  Indians  how  many  Spaniards  there  were  in  the 

221 "  The  governor  arrives  from  the  Rio  del  Norte  ",  p.  261,  infra. 

222  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  p.  99,  n.  28.   See  the  Appendix  to  this  volume. 

223  See  opposite  pp.  257  and  476.  It  was  through  the  courtesy  of  Miss  Irene  A.  Wright 
that  these  photographs  were  secured. 

224  Auto  of  Governor  Pardinas,  El  Parral,  Apr.  II,  1689,  p.  263,  infra. 
226  Pp.  263-281,  infra. 

226  Declaration  of  Cuis  Benive,  a  heathen  Cibolo,  p.  275,  infra ;  declaration  of  Muy- 
gisofac,  a  heathen  Cibolo,  ibid.,  p.  279. 

227  Declaration  of  Miguel,  a  Christian  Cibolo,  p.  269,  infra;  declaration  of  Cuis 
Benive,  ibid.,  p.  275. 


Introduction  55 

region  of  El  Parral  where  silver  was  being  mined,  and  they  interrogated 
those  Indians  who  had  been  to  harvest  crops  for  the  Spaniards  in  the 
valley  of  San  Bartolome.  They  also  told  the  Indians  that  the  Spaniards 
were  not  good  people,  but  that  they  were.  The  visitors  remained  at  the 
rancheria  for  three  days,  after  which  they  returned  by  way  of  the  river. 
Because  the  foreigners  had  rosaries,  and  "  spoke  to  them  of  God  ",  and 
took  nothing  from  them,  the  Indians  judged  them  to  be  good  people,  like 
the  Spaniards.  The  only  thing  that  seemed  strange  to  them  was  that 
they  wore  doublets  of  steel.228 

Three  moons  after  the  Frenchmen  had  left  the  Indian  rancheria  on 
the  Rio  Grande,  Don  Juan  Xaviata  and  certain  of  the  Cibolo  chiefs 
started  on  their  journey  to  the  country  of  the  Texas  Indians.229  While  on 
this  journey  they  learned  that  all  the  foreigners,  except  a  few  who  had 
gone  to  trade  with  the  Texas  Indians  for  maize,  had  been  killed,230  and 
that  those  who  had  killed  them  intended  "  to  do  likewise  with  as  many 
as  might  come  in  wooden  houses  ".231 

The  Cibolos  also  saw  "  plunder  of  garments  and  clothing  and  other 
articles  "  that  had  belonged  to  the  foreigners,  including  a  cape  at  one 
rancheria  which  resembled  those  worn  by  the  Franciscan  missionaries. 
At  one  place  the  Indians  danced  about  much  plunder,  around  which  they 
"  had  placed  banners  of  silk  on  sticks  ".232  None  of  the  Christian  Cibolos 
ventured  to  visit  the  site  of  the  French  settlement,  but  two  heathen  Cibolos 
did  so.  One  estimated  the  site  to  be  ten  and  the  other  twelve  days'  jour- 
ney from  La  Junta.  One  of  them  stated  that  "  they  found  it  abandoned 
and  almost  in  ruins.  They  saw  some  very  large  harquebuses  (the  way 
these  people  have  of  describing  pieces  of  artillery),  but  they  saw  no  living 
thing  except  some  of  the  pigs  which  they  had  ".  The  other  heathen  Cibolo 
stated  that  "  inside  the  place  where  the  strangers  had  lived  were  many 
broken  chests  ".233  Thus  did  two  Rio  Grande  Indians  who  had  been  to 
the  Texas  coast,  who  had  returned  from  there  to  La  Junta,  and  who  had 
gone  on  eighty  leagues  from  there  to  El  Parral  describe  the  ruins  of 
La  Salle's  settlement.  This  description,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  was  given 

228  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  governor  of  the  Cibolos,  p.  265,  infra ;  declara- 
tion of  Miguel,  captain  of  the  Cibolos,  ibid.,  pp.  269,  271 ;  declaration  of  Cuis  Benive, 
ibid.,  p.  275. 

229 Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  p.  265,  infra;  declaration  of  Cuis  Benive,  ibid., 
p.  277. 

-80  Don  Juan  Xaviata  testified  (p.  265,  infra)  that  the  Indians  near  the  sea  told  him 
that  they  had  killed  the  foreigners.  Miguel,  captain  of  the  Cibolos,  testified  that  "the 
Indians  of  the  region  where  the  sun  rises  had  destroyed  and  killed  the  said  foreigners  " 
(p.  221).  Cuis  Benive,  a  heathen  Cibolo,  testified  (p.  275)  that  the  Indians  of  the  sierra 
had  killed  the  foreigners.  Muygisofac,  another  heathen  Cibolo,  testified  (p.  279)  that 
the  "  Indians  who  live  in  the  sierras  and  those  of  the  sea-coast  had  killed  them  all ". 

23i  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  p.  265,  infra. 

232  Ibid.;  declaration  of  Miguel,  ibid.,  pp.  271,  273;  declaration  of  Cuis  Benive,  ibid.,  p. 
275 ;  declaration  of  Muygisofac,  ibid.,  p.  279. 

233  Declaration  of  Cuis  Benive,  pp.  275,  277,  infra ;  declaration  of  Muygisofac,  ibid., 
p.  279. 


56 


Introduction 


in  El  Parral  eleven  days  before  Governor  De  Leon  of  Coahuila  on  his 
fourth  expedition  reached  the  ruins  of  the  French  fort  on  April  22, 
1689.234 

Before  returning  to  La  Junta  the  Cibolo  Indians  visited  the  Texas 
Indians,  who  lived  at  an  estimated  distance  of  from  eighteen  to  twenty- 
six  days'  journey  from  La  Junta.235  While  among  the  Texas  Indians  the 
Cibolos  met  and  conversed  with  five  of  the  survivors  of  the  La  Salle 
expedition,  who  received  the  Indians  courteously  and  inquired  concerning 
the  Spaniards.  Because  Miguel,  the  Cibolo  captain,  offered  to  conduct 
them  "  to  a  land  of  Christian  Spaniards  ",  the  Frenchmen  started  to 
accompany  the  Cibolos  on  their  return  journey  to  La  Junta.  But  on  the 
third  day's  journey,  because  they  heard  that  there  were  many  warlike 
Indians  along  the  way,  the  Frenchmen  returned  to  the  Texas  Indians,236 
after  having  instructed  the  Cibolos  to  notify  the  Spaniards  of  their 
presence  among  the  Texas  Indians,  and  to  ask  them  to  come  and  "  take 
them  out  ".237 

En  route  to  La  Junta,  after  having  left  the  Texas  Indians,  Don  Juan 
Xaviata  was  presented  with  "  a  good  bundle  of  papers  "  by  an  Indian 
captain  of  one  of  the  rancherias  near  the  Texas  Indians.  Later  all  of 
these  papers,  except  the  two  sheets  of  paper  and  the  picture  of  a  ship 
which  Xaviata  presented  to  Governor  Pardifias  upon  his  arrival  at  El 
Parral,  were  stolen  from  him  by  a  Coahuila  Indian  who  spoke  Spanish.238 

The  testimony  of  the  four  Indians  who  had  been  to  the  Texas  country 
convinced  Governor  Pardifias  that  no  longer  was  there  urgent  necessity 
for  reconnoitring  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo.  Accordingly  on  April  12, 
1689,  just  ten  days  before  Governor  Alonso  de  Leon  reached  the  deserted 
French  settlement,  and,  as  later  evidence  showed,  corroborated  in  large 
measure  the  testimony  of  the  four  above-mentioned  Indians,  Governor 


234  For  a  description  of  De  Leon's  discovery  of  the  French  fort,  see  Dunn,  op.  cii., 
pp.  100-109. 

135  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  p.  267,  infra.  Miguel,  the  captain  of  the  Cibolos, 
estimated  (p.  273)  that  the  distance  from  La  Junta  to  the  Texas  Indians  was  only  eight 
days'  journey.  This  was  a  gross  underestimate  of  the  distance.  Upon  evidence  secured 
while  he  was  in  the  La  Junta  region  in  1689,  General  Retana  estimated  that  the  distance 
from  La  Junta  to  the  country  of  the  Texas  Indians  was  twenty-two  days'  M  marches  by 
wagon  ".   See  Retana  to  Pardifias,  Rio  Salado,  Mar.  3,  1689,  pp.  257,  259,  infra. 

236  In  the  latter  part  of  April,  1689,  Governor  De  Leon  met  two  of  the  survivors  of 
La  Salle's  colony  twenty-five  leagues  beyond  the  San  Marcos  River,  and  learned  of  two 
other  Frenchmen  who  had  been  living  among  the  Texas  Indians.  The  Frenchmen  en- 
countered by  De  Leon  were  Jean  Larcheveque  and  Jacques  Groslet  (see  Dunn,  op.  cit., 
p.  105).  Doubtless  these  were  two  of  the  Frenchmen  whom  the  Cibolo  Indians  had 
conversed  with  when  they  were  visiting  the  Texas  Indians.  Five  other  Frenchmen  were 
rescued  by  De  Leon  in  Texas  in  1690,  and  were  sent  by  him  to  the  viceroy.  Letter  of 
Father  Font  Cuberta  to  the  father  custodio,  p.  283,  infra. 

237  Declaration  of  Don  Juan  Xaviata,  pp.  265,  267,  infra ;  declaration  of  Miguel,  ibid., 
pp.  271,  273 ;  declaration  of  Cuis  Benive,  ibid.,  p.  275 ;  declaration  of  Muygisofac,  ibid., 

p.  279- 

238  Same  references. 


Introduction  57 

Pardifias  countermanded  his  previous  instructions  for  General  Retana 
to  reconnoitre  the  site  of  the  French  settlement.239 

The  following  year,  1690,  Don  Juan  Xaviata  again  visited  the  country 
of  the  Texas  Indians,  where  he  found  the  situation  very  different  from 
what  it  had  been  on  his  former  visit.  The  De  Leon-Massanet  expedition 
of  1690  had  burned  the  desolate  French  fort  near  the  Bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo,  had  encountered  several  other  Frenchmen,  and  had  founded  the 
temporary  mission  of  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas  at  a  site  eighteen 
leagues  northeast  of  the  Trinity  River.  After  the  establishment  of  the 
mission  Governor  De  Leon  and  Father  Massanet  had  departed  for  Coa- 
huila  on  June  2,240  leaving  at  the  new  mission  only  three  missionaries, 
one  lay  brother,  and  three  Spanish  soldiers.241  Father  Massanet  was 
absent  until  the  following  year,  when  he  returned  to  the  Texas  country 
with  the  Teran  expedition.  Soon  after  his  departure  for  Coahuila  Don 
Juan  Xaviata  arrived  at  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas.  On  September  4 
Father  Font  Cuberta,  one  of  the  three  missionaries  who  had  been  left 
there,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Father  custodio  at  El  Paso  and  entrusted  it 
to  Don  Juan  Xaviata.  The  letter  related  briefly  the  circumstances  that 
had  left  him  and  his  associates  at  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas  and  told 
of  reports  that  white  men,  whom  he  suspected  to  be  Frenchmen,  were 
"  some  distance  to  the  north  "  of  the  Texas  country,  where  there  was 
reported  to  be  a  river  so  large  that  it  could  not  be  crossed  on  horseback. 
Father  Font  Cuberta  stated  that  Don  Juan  Xaviata  had  told  him  that  it 
was  "  no  more  than  five  days'  journey  "  from  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas 
to  El  Paso,242  and,  in  view  of  this,  and  the  rumors  that  the  French  were 
going  to  come  there,  suggested  that  "  it  would  be  a  great  assistance  "  if 
it  were  "  possible  for  some  soldiers  to  come  and  see  if  these  Frenchmen 
were  approaching  ".243 

Don  Juan  Xaviata  did  not  return  to  La  Junta  promptly,  and  the  follow- 
ing June,  1 69 1,  the  Teran  expedition  while  en  route  from  Coahuila  to 
Texas  encountered  Don  Juan  Xaviata  and  a  large  number  of  Jumanos 
and  their  allies  on  the  Guadalupe  River.  Xaviata  had  letters  from  the 
missionaries  at  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas  which  told  of  the  death  of 
Father  Font  Cuberta.244  A  year  later,  July  7,  1692,  Don  Juan  Xaviata 
gave  to  Governor  Pardifias  at  El  Parral  an  account,  hereinafter  pub- 
lished,245 of  his  latest  expedition  to  the  Texas  country.  He  stated  that 
he  had  gone  there  in  fulfillment  of  Governor  Pardinas's  request  that  he 

239  Auto  of  Governor  Pardifias,  pp.  281,  283,  infra. 

240  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  p.  122. 

241  Father  Font  Cuberta  to  the  father  custodio,  p.  283,  infra;  Dunn  {op.  cit.,  p.  122) 
says  that  only  six  Spaniards  were  left  at  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas. 

242  Don  Juan  Xaviata  later  repudiated  this  estimate  and  stated  that  the  missionary 
doubtless  had  misunderstood  him.    See  auto  of  Governor  Pardifias,  p.  287,  infra. 

243  Father  Font  Cuberta  to  the  father  custodio,  pp.  283,  285,  infra. 

244  Dunn,  op.  cit.,  p.  133. 

245  Pp.  285-289,  infra. 


58  Introduction 

try  to  ascertain  whether  any  foreigners  had  returned  to  the  Bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo.  He  explained  his  long  absence  by  the  fact  that  the  Span- 
iards whom  he  had  met  in  Texas  "  were  not  suspicious  people  .  .  .  and 
so  he  wandered  among  different  nations  ...  a  period  of  ten  moons  ". 
After  his  return  to  La  Junta  he  had  exacted  vengeance  on  certain  Indian 
nations  who  had  killed,  during  his  absence,  a  number  of  his  people  be- 
cause they  had  not  been  willing  to  join  in  a  rebellion  against  the 
Spaniards.246 

During  the  closing  months  of  Pardinas's  administration,  and  while 
the  decision  was  pending  with  respect  to  the  question  of  removing  or 
retaining  its  presidio,247  the  western  province  of  Sinaloa  was  enjoying 
comparative  peace  and  stability.  At  that  time,  however,  it  appears  that 
the  authority  of  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Sinaloa  was  not  recognized  along 
the  boundary  with  Nueva  Vizcaya,  for  Captain  Agramont  complained  to 
the  viceroy  in  April,  1693,  that  his  subordinates  there  did  "  only  what  the 
alcalde  mayor  of  the  Real  de  San  Juan,  and  deputy  of  Nacosari  ",  who 
resided  in  Corodeguachi  "  for  the  guarding  of  that  frontier  ",  told  them 
to  do. 

The  most  serious  troubles  in  Sinaloa  in  the  spring  of  1693  were  occa- 
sioned by  "  an  epidemic  of  measles  in  its  worst  form  "  and  by  a  pro- 
longed drought.  Because  of  the  former,  work  at  the  camps  was  at  a 
standstill,  there  not  being  "  so  much  as  the  stroke  of  a  pick  ".  As  a  result 
of  the  drought,  and  consequent  hunger  because  of  short  crops,  the  In- 
dians at  first  had  blamed  "  the  God  of  the  Spaniards  ",  and  later  some 
had  run  away  from  their  pueblos  and  rancherias.  The  drought  was  also 
blamed  for  "  another  epidemic  among  the  animals  ". 

Captain  Agramont  reported  to  the  viceroy  in  April,  1693,  that  9800 
pounds  of  quicksilver  had  previously  been  distributed  among  the  miners 
of  that  region  and  that  another  consignment  of  10,200  pounds  was  ex- 
pected. An  assayer  and  his  assistant  were  also  expected  and  upon  their 
arrival  the  most  advantageous  site  for  a  smelter  was  to  be  selected.248 

7.  The  administration  of  Governor  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo.  Don 
Gabriel  del  Castillo  arrived  at  Durango  on  March  30,  1693,  and  at  once 
assumed  the  governorship  of  Nueva  Vizcaya;  as  late  as  April  28,  1696, 
he  was  still  serving  as  governor.249  Upon  his  arrival  he  found  that  a 
crisis  was  threatening  the  very  existence  of  that  kingdom.  A  "  general 
epidemic  "  prevailed  and  many  of  the  soldiers  were  ill.  About  two  weeks 
before  his  arrival  the  Indians  renewed  their  depredations  and  by  the  be- 
ginning of  April  they  had  committed  so  many  murders,  atrocities,  and 

246  Auto  of  Governor  Pardirias,  pp.  285,  287,  infra. 

247  See  pp.  317,  379,  infra. 

248  Agramont  to  the  viceroy,  Sinaloa,  Apr.  22,  1693,  pp.  315,  317,  infra. 

249  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  p.  301,  infra ;  fiscal's  report, 
Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  p.  419;  reply  of  the  fiscal,  Madrid,  Apr.  2,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  459, 
461. 


Introduction  59 

horse-thefts  that  the  governor  expressed  the  fear  that  outlying  ranches 
and  towns  of  the  kingdom  would  be  totally  destroyed. 

To  forestall  such  a  contingency  Governor  Castillo  commissioned 
Sargento  Mayor  Juan  Bautista  Escorza,  captain  of  the  thirty-five  soldiers 
stationed  at  the  presidio  of  El  Pasaje,  to  make  a  two-month  campaign 
against  the  hostiles.  Escorza  was  instructed  to  take  in  all  fifty  soldiers, 
recruited  in  part  from  his  own  presidial  force  and  in  part  from  those  at 
the  presidios  of  El  Gallo  and  Cerro  Gordo,  and  with  these  to  reconnoitre 
twelve  designated  localities  and  four  mountain  passes  by  which  the  hos- 
tiles were  accustomed  to  enter  the  kingdom.  In  case  the  hostiles  were  not 
encountered  at  any  of  these  places,  Escorza  was  to  proceed  to  the  Sierra 
del  Diablo  and  reconnoitre  various  water-holes  and  camping  sites  fre- 
quented by  the  Indians ;  in  case  the  Indians  were  encountered  he  was  to 
endeavor  to  completely  put  them  to  the  sword ;  in  case  they  were  put  to 
flight  he  was  to  pursue  them  until  he  either  overtook  them  or  forced  them 
into  a  place  where  he  could  besiege  them,  at  which  time  reinforcements 
were  to  be  summoned  if  they  were  needed.  Should  Escorza  find  a  trail 
of  the  Indians  that  led  toward  either  of  the  presidios  of  El  Gallo  or  Cerro 
Gordo,  or  toward  El  Parral,  he  was  to  notify  the  respective  captain,  so 
that,  co-operating,  they  might  "  catch  the  enemy  between  them  and  com- 
pletely put  them  to  the  sword  ".  Under  no  circumstances  was  he  to  con- 
sider peace  proposals  unless  the  hostiles  and  all  their  families  agreed  to 
submit  to  the  unconditional  terms  of  the  governor.250 

Escorza  was  delayed  in  starting  upon  his  expedition  because  of  being 
obliged  to  await  the  arrival  of  some  flour  from  El  Parral,  and  in  making 
other  necessary  arrangements.  Governor  Castillo  expressed  his  belief 
on  May  2,  however,  that  Escorza  with  fifty  soldiers  and  twenty-four 
friendly  Indians  was  by  that  time  in  the  field.251 

A  royal  cedula  of  July  21,  1691,  had  instructed  the  governors  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  not  only  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  but  to 
report  to  him  "  concerning  everything  which  they  might  accomplish  ".252 
In  conformity  with  this  cedula  Governor  Castillo  gave  an  account  to  the 
viceroy  on  May  2,  1693,  °f  ms  activities,  and  at  the  same  time  made 
various  recommendations  concerning  the  distribution  of  the  soldiers  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya.  Under  the  arrangement  existing  at  that  time,  as  has  been 
stated,  thirty  field  soldiers  were  assigned  to  the  Real  del  Parral,  although 
fifteen  of  them  were  usually  kept  there  and  the  other  fifteen  were  kept  at 
Durango.  At  first  Governor  Castillo  had  been  of  the  opinion  that  it  would 
be  unnecessary  to  keep  the  fifteen  soldiers  at  Durango,  but  later  he  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  essential  to  keep  at  least  ten  of  them  there. 

250  Governor  Castillo's  instructions  to  Sargento  Mayor  Juan  Bautista  Escorza, 
Durango,  Apr.  2,  1693,  pp.  297-301,  infra;  fiscal's  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1608,  ibid., 
p.  427. 

201  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  p.  303,  infra. 

25z  Fiscal's  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  419,  421,  infra. 


60  Introduction 

He  thought  that  a  minimum  of  thirty  field  soldiers  should  be  kept  at 
El  Parral  instead  of  fifteen,  as  was  then  the  case,  but  that  it  would  be 
much  better  if  forty  field  soldiers  were  permanently  stationed  there. 
Accordingly,  he  recommended  that  five  of  the  fifteen  soldiers  at  Durango 
and  twenty  additional  soldiers  should  be  sent  to  reinforce  the  fifteen  sol- 
diers at  the  Real  del  Parral,  thereby  increasing  to  forty  the  soldiers  at 
that  place.253 

Indeed,  the  need  of  soldiers  at  El  Parral  was  felt  to  be  so  urgent  that 
early  in  May  Governor  Castillo  countermanded  previous  instructions  for 
the  fifteen  soldiers  there  to  come  to  Durango  and  serve  as  his  convoy  to 
El  Parral.254  In  lieu  of  this  plan  he  took  under  advisement  the  withdrawal 
of  three  soldiers  from  each  of  five  presidios  to  serve  as  his  body-guard ; 255 
later  he  expressed  doubt  as  to  the  advisability  of  diverting  a  single  soldier 
from  any  presidio.256 

About  the  time  of  Governor  Castillo's  arrival  in  Durango  decision  was 
pending  as  to  whether  the  viceroy  should  transfer  fifty  soldiers  from  New 
Mexico — where  Governor  Diego  de  Vargas  the  year  before  had  received 
the  nominal  submission  of  all  of  the  rebellious  Pueblo  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  257 — to  Nueva  Vizcaya  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  the  garrison 
of  General  Juan  de  Retana.258  Governor  Castillo  told  the  viceroy  in  his 
letter  of  May  2,  1693,  that  in  case  these  soldiers  were  transferred  to 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  which  action  he  regarded  as  a  necessity,259  it  was  his 
intention  to  put  two  additional  squads  in  the  field,  comprising  in  all  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Spanish  soldiers  and  one  hundred  friendly  Indians, 
and  to  keep  them  there  until  the  kingdom  was  made  safe.  Governor  Cas- 
tillo justified  these  plans  by  expressing  the  belief  that  the  only  remedy 
for  a  province,  "  with  Indians  scattered  over  200  leagues  of  it  commit- 
ting atrocities  ",  was  for  three  such  squads  to  pursue  them  "  simulta- 
neously for  more  than  300  leagues  in  their  own  country,  in  order  to  destroy 
or  reduce  them  ".260  General  Retana,  captain  of  fifty  men  at  his  presidio 
of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  was  to  be  in  command  of  one  squad  of 
sixty  men,  and  was  to  leave  ten  men  at  his  presidio  during  his  absence. 
Martin  de  Ugalde,  captain  of  twenty-four  soldiers  stationed  at  the  pre- 
sidio of  Cerro  Gordo,  was  to  command  another  squad  of  forty  men,  and 
was  to  leave  eight  others  at  his  presidio.261  These  with  the  fifty  soldiers 
then  in  the  field  with  Escorza  would  make  a  total  of  150  men  in  the  three 

253  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  pp.  303,  307,  313,  infra; 
fiscal' s  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  p.  421. 

254  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  p.  305,  infra. 

255  Ibid.,  p.  303. 

256  Ibid.,  p.  307. 

257  H.  H.  Bancroft,  History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  1 530-1888  (San  Francisco, 
1889),  pp.  197-202. 

258  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  pp.  303,  311,  infra. 
™  Ibid.,  p.  303. 

260  Ibid.,  pp.  303,  305,  309. 
2elIbid.,  pp.  299,  311. 


Introduction  61 

squads.  It  was  not  purposed  to  take  any  troops  from  Janos,  and  Captain 
Luis  de  Quintana  was  to  remain  with  all  of  his  troops  at  his  presidio  of 
El  Gallo.262 

Governor  Castillo  advised  the  viceroy  that  the  so-called  war  and  peace 
fund  of  6000  pesos  that  was  annually  appropriated  to  the  government  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  for  the  expense  of  maintaining  one  hundred  Indian  allies 
in  the  field  would  not  be  sufficient  for  that  purpose  and  at  the  same  time 
allow  for  emergency  expenses  that  might  arise  in  case  the  hostiles  should 
submit  and  congregate  in  pueblos  under  the  governor's  orders.  Accord- 
ingly Governor  Castillo  urged  the  viceroy  to  authorize  the  royal  treasury 
officials  at  Durango  to  supply  him,  in  case  of  an  emergency  such  as  sug- 
gested above,  with  necessary  funds.263 

Just  at  the  time  that  Governor  Castillo's  hopes  were  high,  as  a  result 
of  prospective  reinforcements  from  New  Mexico,  that  a  vigorous  offen- 
sive might  be  undertaken  against  the  hostiles,  disquieting  news  came 
from  Sonora  that  the  viceroy  had  decided  to  withdraw  fifty  soldiers  from 
the  five  presidios  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  constitute  of  them  a  flying  squad 
for  Sonora,264  under  the  command  of  Don  Domingo  Jironza  Petriz  de 
Cruzate,  former  governor  of  New  Mexico.265  This  information  brought 
forth  a  vigorous  protest  to  the  viceroy  from  Governor  Castillo.  He 
argued,  while  admitting  the  desirability  of  such  a  company  for  Sonora, 
that  he  was  unable  to  spare  a  single  soldier  and  that  it  would  be  far  more 
sensible  to  strengthen  rather  than  thus  to  weaken  his  provincial  forces. 
He  therefore  implored  the  viceroy  "  to  raise  the  fifty  men  for  Sonora  in 
some  other  place  than  Vizcaya  ".266  Governor  Castillo  supported  his 
several  requests  and  recommendations  by  detailing  various  murders  and 
outrages  recently  committed  by  the  Indians.267 

Late  in  April  a  shipment  of  silver  valued  at  4000  marks  reached 
Durango  from  El  Parral.  This  was  despatched  from  Durango  south  on 
May  2,  by  Governor  Castillo.268 

As  the  instructions  issued  by  Governor  Castillo  on  April  2  had  called 
for  him  to  do,  Captain  Escorza  remained  in  the  field  with  his  squad  for 
two  months  and  even  longer.  The  route  which  he  followed  carried  him 
south  and  southeast  to  San  Juan  de  Acosta,  on  the  frontier  of  Nueva 
Galicia.  From  there  he  turned  north  on  June  16,  going  by  way  of  the 
Nieves,  Parras,  and  Laguna  regions  to  Mapimi,  where  he  arrived  on 
July  1.   Eleven  days  later  he  reached  the  presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo. 

202  Ibid. 

263  Ibid.,  pp.  303,  305 ;  fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  421,  infra. 

264  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  p.  309,  infra. 

265  For  Cruzate,  see  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  324. 

266  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  Durango,  Apr.  4-May  2,  1693,  p.  309,  infra;  fiscal's  report, 
Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  421,  423. 

267  Ibid.,  pp.  305,  307,  309. 

268  Ibid.,  p.  313. 


:* 


62 


Introduction 


From  the  standpoint  of  military  achievements  Escorza's  expedition 
could  hardly  be  characterized  as  successful.  At  no  place  did  he  engage 
any  hostile  Indians  in  battle,  and  on  the  Nueva  Galicia  frontier  nothing 
at  all  was  heard  of  the  hostiles.  On  the  night  of  June  20  Escorza  chased 
the  enemy  all  night  "  without  being  able  to  catch  or  kill  a  single  one  ". 
Between  Laguna  and  Mapimi  the  Indians  fled  from  their  rancherias  at 
the  approach  of  the  Spaniards;  along  this  stretch  Escorza  reported  the 
loss  of  eight  horses  and  the  exhaustion  of  one-half  of  the  remainder. 
Between  Mapimi  and  Cerro  Gordo,  Escorza  reconnoitred  various  places 
frequented  by  the  Indians  but  without  having  engaged  any  in  battle, 
although  one  party  of  approximately  forty  well-equipped  and  armed 
Indians  was  sighted  in  the  sierra. 

When  Escorza  reached  Cerro  Gordo  he  reported  to  Governor  Castillo 
that  in  the  region  visited  affairs  were  "  in  a  worse  state  "  than  they  had 
ever  been.  He  stated  that  many  new  people  were  among  the  enemy, 
including  nations  from  the  region  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  northern 
Coahuila,  not  less  than  sixty  leagues  distant,  and  that  they  were  having 
a  very  demoralizing  effect  upon  the  friendly  Indians.  Accordingly 
Escorza  recommended  that  action  be  taken  both  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  and 
by  the  captain  of  Coahuila  to  prevent  these  Indians  from  entering  the 
former  province.  Furthermore,  Escorza  found  that  the  enemy  nations, 
under  the  name  of  Tobosos,  had  been  "  driven  by  necessity  ...  to  in- 
crease their  ravages  ".  This,  and  the  fact  that  the  local  Indians  were  so 
weak  that  they  were  helpless  to  prevent  strange  Indians  from  coming  in 
"  but  rather  solicit  them  and  invite  them ",  constituted,  in  Escorza's 
opinion,  the  causes  for  the  bad  situation  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya.269 

Governor  Castillo  heartily  congratulated  Captain  Escorza  on  July  15 
for  having  "  entirely  fulfilled  "  his  obligation,  and  thanked  him  for  all 
that  he  had  done.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered  Escorza  to  send  the  sol- 
diers comprising  his  squad  back  to  the  presidios  from  which  they  were 
enlisted,  and  to  instruct  the  lieutenant  at  El  Gallo  to  arm  and  provision 
the  twenty  soldiers  from  that  presidio  who  had  been  with  Escorza  and 
"  enough  others  to  make  up  the  number  of  forty-two  ".  These  were  in- 
structed to  take  the  field  at  the  latest  by  the  end  of  this  month.  Escorza 
was  also  told  to  send  scouts  to  various  places  in  the  mountains  with 
orders  to  maintain  great  vigilance  until  the  squads  took  the  field.270 

Meanwhile  in  Mexico  City  the  viceroy  had  called  a  junta  general  de 
guerra  on  June  5,  1693,  to  consider  the  recommendations  of  Governor 
Castillo.  By  this  junta  it  was  decided  that  twenty  soldiers,  to  be  paid 
"  in  cash  and  goods  ",  should  be  added  to  the  thirty  field  soldiers  assigned 
to  the  Real  del  Parral,  and  that  the  fifteen  soldiers  at  Durango,  out  of 


269  Escorza  to  Castillo,  Cerro  Gordo,  July  13,  1693,  pp.  3^9S25,  infra. 

270  Castillo  to  Escorza,  El  Parral,  June  15,  1693,  pp.  327,  3^9,  infra. 


Introduction  63 

deference  to  the  opinion  of  the  governor,  the  bishop,  the  ecclesiastical 
cabildo,  and  the  municipal  cabildo,  should  remain  there.  Later,  on 
December  19,  1693,  a  junta  de  hacienda  authorized  the  fifteen  soldiers 
assigned  to  Durango  to  go  out  twenty  leagues  from  the  city  to  explore, 
provided  they  were  accompanied  by  the  lieutenants  of  the  governor.  It 
was  also  resolved  at  the  June  junta  that  the  royal  treasury  officials  of 
Durango  should  be  authorized,  "  in  urgent  cases  which  did  not  admit  of 
communication  with  the  viceroy  ",  to  supply  Governor  Castillo  "  with 
what  he  might  ask  for,  in  case  the  six  thousand  pesos  peace  and  war  fund 
should  not  be  sufficient,  its  distribution  and  account  to  fall  to  the  care 
of  the  factor  of  the  Real  del  Parral  ",  who  should  be  obliged  to  account 
for  all  expenditures  to  the  Court  of  Accounts.  The  junta  also  agreed 
not  to  take  soldiers  from  the  presidios  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  for  the  pro- 
posed flying  company  of  Don  Domingo  Jironza.  At  the  same  time  the 
instructions  which  Governor  Castillo  had  given  to  Captain  Don  Juan 
Bautista  de  Escorza  when  he  made  his  reconnaissance  to  the  borders  of 
Nueva  Galicia  were  approved  by  the  junta.271 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1693  punitive  and  recon- 
noitring expeditions,  similar  to  the  one  that  Captain  Juan  Bautista  de 
Escorza  had  led,  were  sent  out  by  Governor  Castillo.  The  bases  from 
which  these  later  expeditions  were  sent  out  were  San  Francisco  de  Con- 
chos  and  Janos,  on  the  northeastern  and  northwestern  frontiers  of  the 
kingdom,  respectively.  On  the  expeditions  that  were  sent  out  from  San 
Francisco  de  Conchos  against  the  Chizos  and  other  allied  Indian  tribes. 
General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  presidio  at  that  place,  played  the 
leading  role.  On  his  first  expedition,  while  he  was  at  the  post  of  Los 
Posalmes,  on  July  19,  he  was  visited  by  a  Sunigugligla  captain,  who  was 
escorted  by  Don  Nicolas,  governor  of  the  Cibolo  Indians.  To  the  Suni- 
gugligla captain  Retana  pointed  out  the  advantages  of  submitting  to 
the  Spaniards.  By  way  of  reply  the  native  chief  stated  that  he  had  re- 
cently deserted  the  hostiles  and  expressed  a  desire  to  settle  with  his  people 
at  that  place  and  also  a  willingness  to  conduct  Retana  to  three  rancherias 
of  the  hostile  Chichitames,  Guazapayogliglas,  and  Sisimbles  Indians, 
which  were  distant  three  days'  journey  from  that  place.  These  proposi- 
tions Retana  accepted.  Thereupon  Don  Nicolas,  accompanied  by  the  Suni- 
gugligla captain,  whom  Retana  had  greatly  pleased  by  giving  him  gifts 
of  biscuit,  jerked  beef,  and  tobacco,  went  away  to  bring  "  the  rest  of  the 
friendly  people  of  the  lower  river  "  for  the  proposed  expedition  against 
the  hostiles,  who  were  said  to  have  scattered  in  different  directions."72 

On  July  28  plans  were  agreed  upon  by  General  Retana  and  the  captains 
of  the  Indian  allies  for  an  attack  upon  the  Chizos  Indians.  These  plans 
called  for  an  assault  early  the  following  morning  upon  the  pefiol  of  Santa 

271  Fiscal's  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  425,  427,  429,  infra. 

272  Auto  of  Retana,  Los  Posalmes,  July  19,  1693,  p.  329,  infra. 


64  Introduction 

Marta,  upon  which  the  Chizos  were  stationed,  and  in  this  assault  the 
Spaniards  under  Retana  were  to  be  aided  by  more  than  200  Indian  allies ; 
among  these  were  three  Cibolo  spies.273  When  the  attack  was  made  at 
daybreak  on  the  morning  of  July  29,  the  Chizos,  through  failure  of  some 
of  the  Indian  allies  to  adhere  to  the  plans  that  had  been  agreed  upon,  were 
able  to  retreat  to  the  most  inaccessible  part  of  the  penol.  Retana  was  not 
to  be  outdone,  and  between  daybreak  and  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
he  made  three  or  four  ineffective  assaults  upon  the  penol,  in  the  course 
of  which  one  Indian  was  killed  and  four  Spaniards  and  ten  Indian  allies 
were  wounded.  At  this  juncture  the  Chizos  sent  word  to  Retana  that  they 
were  willing  to  come  down  from  the  penol  "  even  though  they  should  be 
hanged  ".  Retana  accepted  the  offer,  whereupon  they  requested  that 
Father  Fray  Gabriel  Montes  de  Oca  should  be  sent  to  the  slope  of  the 
penol  in  order  that  he  might  accompany  them.  Retana  also  agreed  to 
this,  and  gave  instructions  for  the  Chizos  to  be  conducted  to  the  camp  of 
the  Spaniards.  Instead  of  following  these  instructions,  however,  the 
Chizos  were  located  at  twilight  at  a  spring  at  the  foot  of  the  sierra. 
Shortly  afterward  it  was  reported  to  Retana  that  the  Chizos  had  not 
come  down  from  the  sierra  in  good  faith ; 274  the  following  morning  a 
bloody  trail  indicated  the  route  by  which  the  hostiles  had  fled  during  the 
night.  In  a  reconnoissance  of  the  slopes  of  the  penol  the  bodies  of  twenty- 
two  dead  Chizos  men  and  eight  women  were  found.275 

The  same  day  among  the  pillage  that  the  Chizos  had  assembled  at  their 
rancheria  were  found  various  articles  and  papers,  apparently  from  a 
mission  in  Coahuila;  a  commission  issued  by  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of 
Galve,  to  Don  Diego  de  Valdes,276  Indian  governor  of  the  Nadadores 
nation  in  Coahuila;277  and  the  saddle  and  other  articles  of  a  Spaniard, 
Andres  de  Jauregui,  whom  the  hostiles  had  killed  on  San  Pablo  Hill.278 

According  to  the  testimony  of  a  young  Indian  captive  heard  by  Retana 
on  July  30,  the  Chizos  and  their  allies,  guided  by  "two  old  Indian  women 
who  had  escaped  after  having  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards  of  Coa- 
huila ",  had  attacked  eight  days  earlier  a  mission  in  Coahuila,  distant  four 
days'  journey  from  that  place.  The  missionary  doubtless  escaped  martyr- 
dom by  being  absent  from  the  mission.  Ten  people,  however,  including 
an  Indian  governor,  were  reported  to  have  been  killed.  A  young  Spanish 
girl  who  was  captured  was  killed  and  eaten  by  the  old  women.  Other 
Spaniards  in  the  district  of  Coahuila,  or  Parras,  were  also  reported  to 
have  been  killed.  According  to  the  same  deponent  the  Sunigugligla  In- 
dians "  some  days  before  "  had  attacked  the  Chizos  and  had  killed  five 

273  Auto  of  Retana,  July  28,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  331. 

274  Auto  of  Retana,  penol  of  Santa  Marta,  July  29,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  33^-333- 

275  Auto  of  Retana,  penol  of  Santa  Marta,  July  30,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  333. 
27B  Ibid. 

277  Decree  of  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Galve,  with  enclosures,  Mexico,  May  31,  1691, 
PP.  335-339,  infra. 

278  Auto  of  Retana,  penol  of  Santa  Marta,  July  30,  1693,  p.  333,  infra. 


Introduction  65 

of  them  and  taken  off  all  of  their  horses.  Two  days  before  the  Spaniards 
attacked  the  Chizos  "  another  rancheria  of  many  people  left  them  ".279 

Several  weeks  later,  September  5,  at  his  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de 
Conchos,  General  Retana  received  the  submission  of  several  Indian 
chiefs,  including  Don  Santiago,  the  Chizo  captain  who  had  violated  his 
pledge  at  the  penol  of  Santa  Marta.  General  Retana  interrogated  these 
Indians  and  from  them  he  learned  that  the  Hijos  de  la  Tierra  (Sons  of 
the  Earth),  Las  Piedras  (the  Stones),  and  the  Acoclames  had  planted 
their  crops  at  a  water-hole  in  the  mountains,  and  that  their  usual  habitat 
was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Sierra  de  Xacue  and  Las  Encinillas.  The  de- 
ponents told  Retana  that  these  Indians  had  tried  to  dissuade  them  from 
joining  the  Spaniards,  and,  failing  in  this,  they  had  intimidated  them. 
They  stated  that  the  Cocoiomes  and  their  allies  under  Don  Francisco 
Tecolote,  Lorencillo,  Contreras,  and  other  leaders  were  in  the  Sierra  de 
Xacue  and  in  the  region  between  Acatita,  La  Grande,  and  Guapague. 
The  deponents  made  suggestions  concerning  a  proposed  attack  on  these 
Indians,  and  offered  to  join  Retana  upon  it.  On  cross-examination  they 
stated  that  the  Osatayogliglas,  the  Guazapayogliglas,  the  Chichitames, 
and  the  Sisimbles  had  only  forty-two,  thirty-eight,  thirty,  and  fifty-four 
bow  and  arrow  men,  respectively.280 

In  November,  1693,  as  a  result  of  Retana's  campaigns,  four  of  the 
Chizos  nations  namely,  the  Chichitames,  the  Satapayogliglas,  the  Guaza- 
payogliglas, and  the  Osatayogliglas,  had  been  settled  at  the  presidio  of 
San  Francisco  de  Conchos.  Led  by  the  Cocoiomes,  however,  other  hos- 
tiles  between  that  presidio  and  the  Rio  del  Norte  continued  to  harass  the 
entire  kingdom.281  Finally,  exasperated  by  the  deplorable  situation  result- 
ing from  their  atrocities,  convinced  that  there  was  "  no  other  remedy  than 
to  pursue  them  and  seek  them  in  their  own  country  ",  and  aware  that  the 
"  gentle  methods  "  used  theretofore  against  the  hostiles  "  had  only  served 
to  encourage  them  ",  Governor  Castillo  in  November,  1693,  decided  that 
the  only  alternative  left  was  "  to  make  war  upon  them  with  blood  and 
fire  ",  not  only  because  he  felt  that  they  deserved  it  but  because  the  king- 
dom was  being  "  annihilated  with  the  thefts  of  horses  and  the  murders 
therein  of  many  people  ". 

Acting  upon  authority  granted  by  the  viceroy,  in  a  junta  general  of 
June  5,  Governor  Castillo  on  November  10  instructed  General  Juan  de 
Retana  to  take  the  field  at  once  with  eighty  soldiers  and  sufficient  sup- 
plies for  four  months.  At  the  same  time  provision  was  to  be  made  for 
two  other  squads  to  be  in  the  field  at  the  same  time,  one  to  be  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Juan  de  Escorza  and  the  other  under  Martin  de 

™Ibid.,  pp.  333,  335- 

280  Auto  of  Retana,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Sept.  5,  1693,  p.  343,  infra ;  declaration 
of  Retana,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Sept.  5,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  343,.  345. 

281  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  20,  1693,  p.  349,  infra ;  Marin  to  the  Count 
of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  399. 

/ 


66  Introduction 

Ugalde.  Of  the  soldiers  for  this  expedition  Retana  was  to  take  forty  from 
the  fifty  at  his  own  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  twenty  were 
to  be  taken  from  .the  presidio  of  El  Gallo,  and  another  twenty  were  to 
be  taken  from  the  field  company  of  Captain  Antonio  de  Medina.  Also, 
Retana  was  to  take  fifty  paid  Indians,  including  some  from  the  four 
recently  surrendered  Chizos  nations,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  other 
Indians  from  the  nations  that  had  recently  submitted.  These  were  to  be 
given  only  their  food  and  "  some  assistance  in  expenses  upon  their 
return  ". 

Retana  was  instructed  to  seek  the  enemy,  beginning  at  the  Sierra  de 
Conula  and  Papagua  and  continuing  from  there  to  the  "  interior  of  the 
Rio  del  Norte  region  ",  examining  at  his  discretion  El  Diablo  Sierra. 
In  case  he  should  encounter  old  enemies  of  the  Spaniards  he  was  to 
endeavor  "  to  put  them  completely  to  the  sword  or  else  pursue  them  until 
they  were  forced  by  hunger  and  thirst  to  surrender  ".  In  this  contingency 
Retana  was  to  receive  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  men,  women, 
and  children,  in  the  name  of  Governor  Castillo,  who  was  to  be  notified 
at  once  so  that  he  might  dictate  terms  to  them.  In  case  General  Retana 
should  pick  up  a  trail  of  the  enemy  that  led  to  either  of  the  three  distant 
pueblos,  he  was  to  advise  them  so  that  they  might  be  on  their  guard  and 
might  be  advised  of  the  fact  that  two  other  squads  were  then  in  the  field 
besides  Retana's. 

Because  the  chiefs,  Don  Francisco  El  Tecolote,  Contrerillas,  Loren- 
cillo,  Luguillas,  Cola  de  Coiote,  and  Maimara,  had  been  the  unyielding 
ring-leaders  in  the  atrocities  committed  against  the  Spaniards,  Governor 
Castillo  felt  that  it  would  be  fitting  to  exterminate  them  altogether. 
Accordingly  Retana  was  instructed  to  offer  the  Indian  allies  in  the  name 
of  the  king  a  reward  of  one  hundred  pesos  for  either  of  these  chiefs.282 

Just  as  General  Retana  was  ready  to  take  the  field  from  the  presidio 
of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  Governor  Castillo  at  El  Parral  heard 
rumors  of  the  disloyalty  of  the  four  Chizos  nations  settled  at  the  above 
presidio.  It  was  reported  to  him  that  these  nations  had  entered  into  a 
conspiracy  with  the  Cocoiomes  and  other  hostile  nations  whereby  General 
Retana  was  to  be  allowed  to  take  the  field,  after  which  the  Chizos  at 
Conchos  were  to  kill  all  the  women  and  the  ten  soldiers  left  there  on  the 
first  feast  day  when  they  should  be  celebrating  mass,  and  were  then  to 
join  the  hostiles  in  an  endeavor  to  destroy  Retana's  squad.  Since  Retana 
was  taking  seventy  Chizos  Indians  with  him,  Governor  Castillo  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  Indians  could  succeed  in  their  plans. 

Upon  receipt  of  this  disquieting  information  Governor  Castillo  sent 
instructions  to  Governor  Don  Nicolas  of  the  Cibolos  at  La  Junta  to  meet 
Retana,  with  reinforcements,  twenty  leagues  beyond  Conchos.  At  the 
same  time  instructions  were  issued  to  Captain  Martin  de  Ugalde  to  pro- 

282  Order  of  Castillo  to  Retana,  El  Parral,  Nov.  10,  1693,  pp.  345-349,  infra. 


Introduction  67 

ceed  in  haste  and  secrecy  to  the  vicinity  of  Conchos  and  enter  into  com- 
munication with  Retana.  By  a  prearranged  plan  between  the  two  captains 
two  days  after  Retana  took  the  field  from  San  Francisco  de  Conchos, 
Ugalde  with  his  squad  was  to  appear  unexpectedly  at  that  pueblo.  There 
he  was  to  investigate  the  reports  of  the  projected  uprising  of  the  Chizos, 
while  Retana  was  to  conduct  a  similar  investigation  wherever  he  might 
be  encamped.  In  case  the  reports  were  confirmed  as  a  result  of  these 
investigations,  Retana  was  to  execute  "  without  further  scruple  "  the 
seventy  Chizos  with  him;  Ugalde,  after  executing  the  Chizos  men  left 
at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  was  to  send  the  women  and  children  to 
Governor  Castillo  at  El  Parral.283 

Again  Retana's  forces  proved  to  be  invincible  before  the  heathen  In- 
dians. The  royal  fiscal  in  Madrid  summed  up  Retana's  achievements  in 
1698  as  follows:  "  In  the  space  of  one  year  the  presidial  squads,  includ- 
ing friendly  Indians,  commanded  by  Retana,  made  eight  surprise  attacks 
on  the  enemy  Indians,  killed  more  than  three  hundred  of  them,  and  re- 
duced to  the  dominion  of  his  Majesty  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  in  the 
north,  two  nations  which  contain  more  than  four  hundred  families,  and, 
at  the  pueblo  of  San  Francisco,  near  the  presidio  of  Conchos,  four  other 
nations,  containing  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  families."  284 

Meanwhile  Governor  Castillo  had  made  the  reports  of  the  projected 
uprising  of  the  Chizos  Indians  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  the  basis, 
as  already  shown,  for  requesting  the  viceroy  to  "  amplify  "  his  instruc- 
tions so  as  "  to  permit  the  prompt  punishment  of  the  hostiles,  even  per- 
mitting them,  without  either  process  or  semblance  of  law,  to  be  put  to 
the  sword  for  breaking  the  peace  or  for  the  crimes  "  which  they  might 
commit.  In  making  this  request  Governor  Castillo  said :  "  Before  God 
I  assure  your  Excellency  that  it  is  contrary  to  reason  not  to  put  the  In- 
dians to  the  sword.  ...  By  merely  making  some  attacks  upon  them  they 
can  escape  by  retiring  far  into  the  impenetrable  mountains  .  .  .  where 
.  .  .  they  can  hold  their  convocations  and  can  decide  to  fall  upon  us 
when  we  are  least  expecting  it."  28h  The  reasons  for  the  fiscal's  disap- 
proval of  these  suggestions  have  already  been  noted.286  At  the  same 
time  the  fiscal  also  unqualifiedly  disapproved  Governor  Castillo's  sug- 
gestion that  the  women  and  children  of  the  executed  warriors  should  be 
deported  to  Mexico  City.  Aside  from  the  expense  necessary  for  their 
transportation,  the  fiscal  stated  that  the  demoralization  of  the  unfortu- 

283  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  20,  1693,  pp.  349,  351,  infra;  opinion  of  the 
fiscal,  Mexico,  Dec.  16,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  355-36i. 

284  Fiscal's  report,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  427,  infra.  The  number  of  families  in  the 
four  nations  congregated  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  was  one  hundred  and  forty-eight 
See  fiscal's  opinion,  Mexico,  Dec  16,  1693,  p.  357,  infra. 

285  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  20,  1693,  p.  351,  infra;  fiscal's  opinion, 
Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  427,  429. 

288  See  p.  129. 
6 


68  Introduction 

nates  would  be  such  because  of  lack  of  work  and  a  place  to  live  that  they 
would  be  a  constant  expense  to  the  real  hacienda.2*7 

At  the  time  that  Governor  Castillo  requested  the  viceroy  to  modify 
instructions  so  as  to  permit  the  summary  execution  of  certain  notorious 
Indians,  there  were  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  families  of  Chizos  In- 
dians settled  at  the  presidio  of  Conchos  for  whom  the  governor  held  some 
slight  hope  that  they  would  "  continue  in  the  reduction  and  peace  agreed 
to  ".  Since  their  arrival  at  this  presidio  Governor  Castillo  had  been 
assisting  these  Indians  with  supplies  of  meat  and  corn  and  in  November, 
1693,  he  requested  the  viceroy  to  continue  this  assistance  for  the  year 
that  they  would  have  to  wait  until  their  crops  might  be  planted  and  har- 
vested, the  expense  of  which  would  amount  to  6000  pesos.  On  Decem- 
ber 16  the  fiscal  in  Mexico  City  pointed  out  to  the  viceroy  the  slight  bene- 
fits that  had  resulted  from  similar  grants  made  in  the  past,  but  neverthe- 
less advised  the  viceroy  to  grant  the  request — the  royal  treasury  officials 
to  be  instructed  to  deliver  to  the  factor,  Don  Joseph  de  Ursua,  the  neces- 
sary funds,  and  the  governor  to  be  cautioned  "  to  effect  rigid  economy  in 
the  said  expenditures  ".288  A  junta  de  hacienda  in  Mexico  City  on 
December  19,  1693,  adopted  the  recommendations  of  the  fiscal,  and  au- 
thorized the  treasury  official  at  El  Parral  to  deliver  to  Governor  Castillo 
as  much  as  ten  thousand  pesos  for  emergency  measures.289 

Meanwhile,  plans  had  been  formulated  for  an  expedition  to  be  sent 
into  far  distant  Sonora.  In  August,  1693,  Governor  Castillo  despatched 
Captain  Juan  Fernandez  de  la  Fuente  from  El  Parral  with  instructions 
for  him  to  take  a  squad  of  soldiers  and  make  a  reconnoissance  through 
that  province.  At  the  same  time  Don  Manuel  de  Agramont,  captain  of 
the  presidio  of  Sinaloa,  was  instructed  to  aid  De  la  Fuente  with  as  many 
soldiers  as  possible,  in  case  the  latter  might  feel  the  need  of  them.290  The 
following  month,  September,  1693,  found  Governor  Castillo  at  the  pre- 
sidio of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  where  he  was  expediting,  although 
convalescing  from  a  serious  illness,  the  organization  of  Retana's  expe- 
dition that  was  about  ready  to  be  sent  from  that  presidio  against  the 
rebellious  Indians  on  that  frontier.291 

Captain  De  la  Fuente  started  from  El  Parral  for  his  presidio  at  Janos, 
but  when  he  reached  Cusiguriachi  he  was  told  that  the  Pimas  of  Sonora 
were  in  rebellion.  He  at  once  wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Castillo  in 
which  he  advised  him  of  this  report  and  assured  him  "  that  if  a  remedy 
were  not  applied  the  whole  province  [of  Sonora]  was  on  the  verge  of 
being  lost ".   At  the  same  time  De  la  Fuente  despatched  a  courier  to  re- 

287Fiscal's  opinion,  Mexico,  Dec.  16,  1693,  p.  359,  infra. 
***Ibid.,  pp.  357,  359- 

289  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1608,  p.  427,  infra. 

290  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  23,  1693,  p.  353,  infra. 

291  Auto  of  Marin,  El  Parral,  Sept.  14,  1693,  pp.  365,  367,  infra;  auto  of  General 
Domingo  de  la  Puente,  El  Parral,  Sept.  13,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  369. 


Introduction  69 

quest  Don  Manuel  de  Agramont  to  send  him  twenty-five  soldiers  at 
once.292 

Captain  De  la  Fuente's  letter  was  received  at  El  Parral  on  September  13 
by  General  Domingo  de  la  Puente,  lieutenant  captain-general  at  El  Parral 
during  the  absence  and  illness  of  Governor  Castillo  at  San  Francisco 
de  Conchos.  The  latter  at  once  sent  orders  to  Captain  De  la  Fuente  at 
Janos  to  observe  the  instructions  which  Governor  Castillo  had  previously 
given  to  him  "  for  the  aid  and  defense  of  Sonora  ",  to  leave  such  a  guard 
as  he  deemed  proper  at  Janos,  and  "  to  succor  the  said  province  with  all 
promptness  ".  At  the  same  time  he  called  upon  "  all  the  present  citizens 
and  inhabitants  "  of  Sonora  to  take  orders  from  Captain  de  la  Fuente; 
and,  as  lieutenant  captain-general,  he  sent  "  orders  on  his  own  behalf  to 
the  captains  of  presidios  to  obey  him  "  and  to  do  as  he  commanded.293 

The  authority  thus  assumed  and  the  orders  thus  issued  by  General 
de  la  Puente  were  to  be  of  no  avail.  It  happened  that  at  that  time  there 
was  an  official  in  El  Parral  clothed  with  authority  by  the  viceroy  to  coun- 
termand De  la  Puente's  orders.  This  was  the  alcalde  mayor,  Don  Joseph 
Francisco  Marin,  who  had  earlier  been  sent  to  Nueva  Vizcaya  as  judge 
of  the  residencia  of  ex-Governor  Don  Juan  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Fran- 
cos. In  August  the  viceroy,  who  desired  to  restore  "  the  arms  of  his 
Majesty  .  .' .  to  their  former  standing  against  the  enemies  and  rebels  ", 
had  written  to  Marin  that  since  he  was  about  to  assume  his  duties  as 
residencia  judge  he  would  receive  "  no  slight  information  concerning  the 
state  of  those  provinces,  the  condition  of  their  inhabitants,  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  forces  of  their  frontiers  and  presidios  ".  Therefore  the 
viceroy  had  commissioned  Marin  to  inform  him  of  the  condition  of  those 
provinces  and  of  the  means  which,  "  in  view  of  the  damage  that  has  been 
and  is  now  being  experienced  ",  might  be  put  into  practice  "  for  the  pur- 
pose of  chastising  the  enemy  Indians,  establishing  the  security,  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  the  inhabitants,  and  avoiding  disagreements  among  them 
which  may  prejudice  their  good  government  ".294 

Clothed  with  such  authority,  Marin,  the  day  after  General  De  la  Puente 
had  on  his  own  behalf  sent  commands  to  Captain  De  la  Fuente  at  Janos 
and  to  other  captains,  issued  an  order  requiring  De  la  Puente  "  to  abstain 
from  sending,  despatching,  or  issuing  orders  to  the  captains  of  presidios  " 
under  penalty  of  a  fine  of  500  pesos.  At  the  same  time  Captain  De  la 
Fuente  at  Janos  was  advised  that  after  he  had  repelled  the  numerous 

292  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  23,  1693,  p.  353,  infra;  auto  of  Domingo 
de  la  Puente,  El  Parral,  Sept.  13,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  369. 

293  Notification  given  by  General  Domingo  de  la  Puente,  El  Parral,  Sept  13,  1693, 
P.  365,  infra ;  auto  of  Marin,  El  Parral,  Sept.  14,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  365,  3°7 ',  m*o  of  General 
Domingo  de  la  Puente,  El  Parral,  Sept.  13,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  369,  37^ 

294  The  Count  of  Galve  to  Marin,  Mexico,  Aug.  3,  1693,  pp.  385,  387,  infra.  See  also 
auto  of  Marin,  El  Parral,  Sept.  13,  1693,  ibid.,  pp.  365,  367 ;  Valdes  to  Marin,  El  Parral, 
Sept.  26,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  379;  Marin  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Sept.  20,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  387; 
decree  of  the  viceroy,  Mexico,  Sept.  7,  1693,  ibid.,  p.  411. 


70  Introduction 

invasions  reported  to  have  occurred  on  his  frontier  295  he  might  then 
u  secure  the  safety  of  the  province  of  Sonora  ".  Also,  general  orders  were 
issued  to  the  other  captains  not  to  obey  the  commands  of  any  lieutenants- 
general  "  who  may  not  have  served  or  who  do  not  have  practice  and  ex- 
perience in  affairs  of  war  ".2S<J 

Marin  justified  his  action  on  the  ground  that  the  governor  of  the 
kingdom  had  once  complained  to  the  viceroy  that  De  la  Puente  was  not 
a  military  man  and  had  had  but  slight  knowledge  and  experience  in  mili- 
tary matters,  which  fact  caused  resentment  among  the  presidial  captains 
who  were  obliged  to  receive  orders  from  him.  The  slight  experience  of 
General  De  la  Puente,  said  Marin,  was  quite  evident  from  the  mere  fact 
that  the  latter  had  instructed  Captain  De  la  Fuente,  who  had  only  thirty- 
five  men  under  his  command,  to  leave  a  guard  of  fifteen  men  at  Janos 
and  with  the  other  soldiers,  only  two  of  whom  had  horses,  to  penetrate 
almost  one  hundred  leagues  into  the  enemy's  country  for  the  defense  of 
Sonora  at  a  time  when  "  very  active  war  "  was  in  progress  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  own  presidio.  To  do  this  would,  Marin  felt,  only  embolden  the 
enemy  with  consequent  loss  to  the  crown  and  the  Church.  For  these  rea- 
sons, and  because  he  deemed  it  to  be  his  duty  during  the  illness  of  Gover- 
nor Castillo  "  to  promote  the  greater  service  of  his  Majesty  ",  Marin 
countermanded  De  la  Puente's  instructions.  At  the  same  time  he  enjoined 
and  requested  Governor  Castillo  not  to  permit  De  la  Puente  or  any  of  his 
other  lieutenants  to  give  orders  to  the  presidial  captains.297 

In  this  way  and  in  other  ways  did  Don  Joseph  Francisco  Marin  exer- 
cise in  a  thorough-going  fashion  his  authority  as  visitor  of  the  presidios 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  By  the  last  of  September  he  had  actually  visited  most 
of  the  presidios  and  knew  "  their  distances,  the  manner  in  which  the 
enemy  Indians  practise  their  hostilities,  and  everything  else  .  .  .  such 
as  their  natural  barbarity,  ferocity,  and  the  slight  insecurity  of  the  peace 
terms  "  which  they  were  accustomed  to  make.298 

The  above  orders  were  issued  by  Marin  at  the  Real  del  Parral  on 
September  14.  Four  days  later,  but  apparently  before  Marin's  instruc- 
tions were  received,  Captain  De  la  Fuente  at  Janos  expressed  his  inten- 
tion of  taking  some  citizens  from  his  jurisdiction  and  proceeding  as  far 
as  the  Sierra  de  Chiguicagui.299  In  case  he  was  joined  there  by  twenty- 
five  soldiers  whom,  by  authorization  of  Governor  Castillo,  he  had  re- 
quested Manuel  de  Agramont,  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa,  to  send 
him,  it  was  his  intention  to  go  at  once  on  a  campaign  against  the  Pimas 
and  their  allies.    Captain  De  la  Fuente  felt  that  this  offensive  action 

295  por  an  account  of  the  atrocities  committed  in  the  vicinity  of  Janos,  see  De  la 
Fuente  to  Almazan,  Janos,  Sept.  18,  1693,  p.  373,  infra. 

296  Auto  of  Marin,  El  Parral,  Sept.  13,  1693,  pp.  367,  369,  infra, 
wibid. 

298  Valdes  to  Marin,  Sept.  26,  1693,  p.  381,  infra. 

299  For  the  location  of  this  sierra  and  the  character  of  its  Indians,  see  note  171,  p.  468. 


Introduction  71 

would  be  wise  because  it  was  uncertain  when  General  Don  Domingo 
Jironza  would  arrive  with  his  soldiers  from  New  Mexico;  even  after  he 
arrived  De  la  Fuente  predicted  that  there  would  be  further  delay  because 
he  would  "  come  lacking  everything  and  his  soldiers  will  not  be  able  to 
serve  to  good  advantage  until  the  coming  year  ".300 

On  account  of  his  illness,  Governor  Castillo  at  San  Francisco  de  Con- 
chos  was  not  shown  Captain  De  la  Fuente's  letter,  advising  of  the  reported 
Pima  rebellion,  until  September  17.  That  same  day,  apparently  unaware 
of  the  action  that  had  been  taken  at  El  Parral  by  the  visitor  Marin, 
Governor  Castillo  instructed  De  la  Fuente  to  advise  the  inhabitants  "  to 
maintain  themselves  with  the  fifteen  soldiers  that  were  there  "  until  De  la 
Fuente  might  arrive  in  that  province.  After  having  sent  this  cheering 
message,  De  la  Fuente  was  instructed  to  leave  a  guard  at  Janos  and,  with 
the  other  soldiers  under  his  command,  together  with  a  citizens'  contin- 
gent, to  take  the  field  against  the  Pimas — instructions  being  left  at  Janos 
for  the  soldiers  from  Sinaloa,  upon  their  arrival  at  Janos,  to  join  him 
in  Sonora. 

Some  days  after  these  orders  had  been  issued  Governor  Castillo  was  ad- 
vised by  Captain  De  la  Fuente  that  the  report  of  an  uprising  of  the  Pimas 
was  untrue.  About  the  same  time  he  received  equally  gratifying  infor- 
mation from  Don  Manuel  de  Agramont  that,  despite  "  the  great  need 
experienced  by  all  the  people  "  at  his  presidio,  he  would  send  the  soldiers 
which  De  la  Fuente  requested.  This  information  and  the  fact  that  the 
residents  of  Sonora  would  co-operate  with  Captain  De  la  Fuente  caused 
Governor  Castillo  to  express  confidence  to  the  viceroy  late  in  November 
that  De  la  Fuente  would  "  obtain  good  results  with  his  squad  ".301 

Proposals  for  the  Defense  and  Development  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

1 693- 1 698. 

1.  Marin's  inspection  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  About  the  beginning  of 
1693  tne  suggestion  was  made  to  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Galve,  that 
expenses  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  might  be  reduced  if  the  soldiers  stationed  at 
the  presidios  that  were  erected  in  the  year  1686  were  formed  into  a  flying 
company,  which  might  repair  to  whatever  section  was  in  need  of  assis- 
tance and  which  might,  at  the  same  time,  serve  as  a  convoy  to  the  travel- 
lers and  traders  in  the  kingdom.  By  so  doing  it  was  thought  that  some 
of  the  soldiers  as  well  as  some  of  the  presidial  captains  might  be  dis- 
pensed with. 

On  February  20,  1693,  soon  after  this  recommendation  was  made  to 
the  viceroy,  Don  Jose  Francisco  Marin  left  Mexico  City  for  El  Parral 
for  the  purpose  of  conducting  the  residencia  of  ex-Governor  Don  Juan 

300  Captain  De  la  Fuente  to  Don  Pedro  de  Almazan,  Janos,  Sept.  18,  1693,  pp.  371-375, 
infra. 

301  Castillo  to  the  viceroy,  El  Parral,  Nov.  23,  1693,  pp.  353,  355,  infra. 


12  Introduction 

Isidro  de  Pardifias  Villar  de  Francos.  Because  he  held  him  to  be  "  a  per- 
son of  intelligence  ",  the  viceroy  instructed  Marin  to  endeavor  "  to  ascer- 
tain whether  it  would  be  best  to  unite  the  forces  of  the  presidios  and  to 
form  a  flying  company  which  would  keep  constantly  moving,  and  also 
to  ascertain  the  state  of  the  provinces,  the  character  of  the  forces  of 
their  frontiers  and  presidios,  and  the  means  that  might  be  put  into  effect 
...  to  chastise  the  hostiles,  to  establish  the  security  of  peace  and  quiet 
for  the  inhabitants,  and  to  avoid  the  discords  that  might  prejudice  their 
good  government ". 

In  view  of  his  instructions  Marin  proceeded  in  a  most  thorough  man- 
ner to  get  information  bearing  upon  the  subject.  First,  Marin  asked  for 
the  written  opinions  of  twelve  of  "  the  most  practical  and  experienced 
persons  "  at  El  Parral.302  In  the  reports  which  they  made,  three  of  which 
are  published  hereinafter,303  all  of  the  men  consulted  agreed  that  none 
of  the  presidios  should  be  abolished,  since  they  were  situated  "  adjacent 
to  the  hostiles  " ;  that  there  should  "  be  no  diminution  or  withdrawal  of 
any  of  the  men  at  the  presidios  "  for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  flying 
squad ;  and  that  it  would  be  well  for  squads  from  the  presidios  "  to  go 
out  in  different  directions,  accompanied  by  the  friendly  Indians,  to  hunt 
for  the  hostile  Indians  in  their  homes  and  on  their  rancherias  and  to 
punish  them  all  at  once  and  to  destroy  them  ".  They  further  stated  that 
until  such  an  offensive  war  was  made  upon  the  Indians  there  would  be 
no  lasting  peace,  and  it  would  be  unwise  to  diminish  the  number  of  the 
soldiers,  for,  by  doing  so,  "  the  kingdom  would  be  in  imminent  peril  of 
destruction  ".304 

Don  Agustin  Herbante  del  Camino  felt  that  to  reduce  the  number  of 
presidial  soldiers  would  be  false  economy.  He  also  thought  that  the  sol- 
diers should  not  be  permitted  to  take  the  field  without  being  accompanied 
by  a  number  of  friendly  Indians,  and  that  not  less  than  forty  Indians 
should  regularly  be  employed,  at  the  rate  of  four  pesos  per  month,  the 
total  cost  of  which  would  be  approximately  the  equivalent  of  the  salary 
for  the  same  period  for  eight  soldiers.  By  this  arrangement  the  presidial 
captains  would  be  relieved  of  having  to  go  to  the  Indian  pueblos  and 
forcibly  enlisting  auxiliaries  when  they  were  needed.305 

Diego  Garcia  de  Valdes  believed  that  no  improvement  in  the  Indian 
situation  and  no  reduction  of  expenses  could  be  expected  unless  offensive 
war  were  waged  against  the  hostiles.  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  sol- 
diers of  four  presidios  should  be  employed  in  waging  war  upon  the  hos- 
tiles of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Nueva  Galicia,  and  that  twenty-five  soldiers 
should  be  used  for  convoy  purposes.    In  case  this  plan  were  adopted  he 

802  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,   1693,  p.  387,  infra;  fiscal's 
opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  427,  429. 
303  pp.  375-385,  infra. 

804  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  429,  infra. 
305  Herbante  del  Camino  to  Marin,  Sept.  12,  1693,  pp.  375,  377,  infra. 


/ 


Introduction  73 

anticipated  the  possible  "  reduction  to  pueblos  and  to  Christian  instruction 
of  the  enemy  Indians,  exhausted  by  punishment  ".800 

Raphael  de  Ibarguen's  twenty-six  years'  experience  in  Nueva  Vizcaya 
convinced  him  that  "  almost  the  entire  multitude  of  rebellious  Indians  " 
had  been  guilty  of  treason,  and  that  a  flying  squad  would  not  suffice  to 
keep  them  quiet  except  in  the  district  where  for  the  time  being  it  might 
happen  to  be.  He  regarded  the  presidios  as  necessary,  provided  the  cap- 
tains with  their  squads  made  offensive  campaigns  against  the  Indians; 
he  thought  that  they  should  merely  be  posts  to  which  the  soldiers  might 
retreat  and  at  which  the  horses  might  recuperate.  Ibarguen  supported 
his  opinions  by  citing  various  Indian  atrocities  of  recent  years.80r 

After  he  had  requested  prominent  and  experienced  men  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  to  render  opinions  concerning  the  advisability  of  suppressing  the 
presidios  and  creating  a  flying  squad  of  soldiers,  Don  Joseph  Francisco 
Marin  continued  his  investigation  on  this  subject  in  a  thorough-going 
manner.  He  was  reported  on  September  26  to  have  actually  seen  most 
of  the  presidios  and  to  "  know  their  distances,  the  manner  in  which  the 
enemy  Indians  practise  their  hostilities  and  .  .  .  their  natural  barbarity, 
ferocity,  and  the  slight  security  of  the  peace  terms  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed to  make  ".308 

After  he  had  completed  his  investigations  of  conditions  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  Marin  made  his  report  to  the  viceroy  on  September  30,  1693. 
This  report,  hereinafter  published,309  is  the  clearest  and  most  compre- 
hensive account  of  the  geography,  natural  resources,  native  races,  and 
Spanish  civilian  and  military  forces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  latter  seven- 
teenth century  of  which  the  writer  has  knowledge.  Particularly  signifi- 
cant for  the  ethnologist  are  the  recorded  names  of  the  Indian  tribes  that 
occupied  the  region  from  Durango  to  La  Junta  and  New  Mexico,  and 
those  who  lived  between  the  Rio  Conchos  and  the  Gulf  of  California.310 

2.  Marin's  first  recommendations  with  reference  to  Nueva  Vizcaya. 
Part  of  Marin's  report  was  devoted  to  recommendations  with  reference 
to  the  military  defense  and  the  civil  and  judicial  administration  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  in  connection  with  which  he  urged  the  desirability  of  encour- 
aging immigration  to  that  kingdom. 

In  Marin's  opinion  the  quickest  and,  in  fact,  the  necessary  way  to 
obtain  relief  from  the  Indian  depredations  was  to  retain  the  presidios 
of  El  Pasaje,  El  Gallo,  Cerro  Gordo,  Conchos,  and  Janos,  and,  with  the 
fifty  soldiers  under  Don  Domingo  Jironza  that  had  been  granted  for  the 
defense  of  Sonora,  to  erect  a  sixth  one  in  the  latter  province.  Since  the 
hostiles  were  accustomed  to  enter  the  province  by  way  of  the  valley  of 

308  Garcia  de  Valdes  to  Marin,  Sept.  26,  1693,  pp.  377-381,  infra. 
307  Ibarguen  to  Marin,  El  Parral,  Sept.  20,  1693,  pp.  381-385,  infra. 
™*Ibid.,  p.  381. 

309  Pp.  387-409,  infra. 

810  For  Marin's  report  on  these  Indian  tribes,  see  pp.  393,  395,  infra. 


74  Introduction 

Caaguiona,  thirty  leagues  distant  from  the  Real  de  San  Juan,  that  of 
Bapispe,  and  that  of  Teuricache,  Marin  stated  that  the  consensus  of 
opinion  was  that  "  the  most  essential  and  important  place  "  in  which  to 
establish  the  new  presidio  was  the  Real  de  Nacosari,  which  was  nine 
leagues  from  the  valley  of  Teuricache.311  Because  the  Indians  near  the 
presidio  of  Montesclaros  were  "  naturally  peaceable  ",  were  then  "  rooted 
in  the  faith  ",  and  were  "  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  their  farms  and 
the  raising  of  cattle  "  and  because  the  new  reinforcements  already  pro- 
vided for  no  longer  made  it  necessary  to  maintain  it,  Marin  recommended 
that  the  presidio  of  Montesclaros  in  Sinaloa  be  definitely  suppressed. 
Moreover,  he  saw  prospects  for  the  ultimate  suppression  of  the  presidio 
of  Santa  Catalina  de  Tepehuanes,  and  in  time  for  the  reduction  of  the 
number  of  soldiers  at  the  other  presidios.312 

The  soldiers,  distributed  as  thus  recommended,  while  few  in  compari- 
son with  the  number  of  hostile  Indians,  would,  Marin  thought,  "  if  well 
employed  at  opportune  times  ",  be  more  than  was  necessary  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  kingdom.  Indeed,  he  felt  that  there  were  sufficient  soldiers 
"  not  only  to  chastise  and  reduce  the  barbarous  nations,  but  also  to  con- 
template new  conquests  should  it  be  feasible  to  maintain  and  settle  them  ". 
In  emphasizing  his  belief  that  the  only  way  to  restrain  and  reduce  the  hos- 
tiles  was  by  waging  continuous  war  against  them,  Marin  stated  that  ex- 
perience showed  that  the  roads  and  cattle  were  safe  only  when  the  Indians 
were  kept  "  in  perpetual  uneasiness  "  and  no  opportunity  was  given  for 
them  to  make  raids  and  forays  upon  the  Spaniards.  This  was  true  be- 
cause the  principal  care  of  the  Indians  was  "  to  flee  from  the  fury  of  the 
troops  and  secure  the  safety  of  their  rabble  of  women  and  children.  .  .  . 
But  on  the  instant  that  the  troops  return  to  their  quarters  or  presidios 
they  at  once  resume  their  daily  abominations  ".  The  success  of  General 
Retana  in  reducing  the  four  Chizos  nations  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos 
was  cited  as  proof  of  the  efficacy  of  this  method. 

In  waging  offensive  war  upon  the  Indians  Marin  thought  that  ten  or  a 
dozen  soldiers  should  be  left  at  each  presidio  for  its  defense  and  as  con- 
voys for  travellers,  and  that  squads  of  from  forty  to  fifty  soldiers,  accom- 
panied by  friendly  Indians,  who  proved  to  be  most  successful  as  spies, 
should  reconnoitre  the  sites  and  locations  of  the  hostiles.  When  the  In- 
dians should  be  forced  to  surrender,  Marin  thought  that  they  should  not, 
as  theretofore,  be  allowed  to  choose  the  locations  and  sites  where  they 
were  to  live,  "  which  were  always  apart  from  the  soldiers  and  presidios 
.  .  .  and  from  which  they  committed  with  impunity,  under  the  security 
of  peace,  more  hostilities  than  when  they  were  at  war  ".  Instead,  he 
recommended  that  the  subjugated  Indians  should  be  required  to  settle  in 

311  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  397,  399,  infra ;  fiscal's 
opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  431,  433. 

312  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  405,  407,  infra. 


Introduction  75 

sight  of  the  presidios,  that  they  should  "be  compelled  to  build  their 
houses  correctly,  to  raise  chickens,  and  to  plant  their  corn-fields  ",  so  that 
they  might  acquire  an  attachment  for  their  settlements  and  might  lose 
their  inherent  instinct  to  roam  in  the  mountains.  The  actions  and  move- 
ments of  the  Indians,  he  thought,  should  be  under  the  constant  observance 
of  their  protectors.  In  case  robberies  and  murders  occurred  the  protector 
should  ascertain  whether  any  were  missing;  above  all  he  should  maintain 
firm  control  over  the  women  and  children,  thereby  keeping  the  Indians 
submissive  and  obedient.  As  proof  that  the  hostile  Indians  might  be  won 
over  from  their  old  habits  Marin  cited  the  sedentary  life  and  domesticity 
of  the  Tepehuanes  and  Tarahumares. 

Because  the  Cocoiomes  and  Tobosos  Indians  had  "  failed  time  without 
number  in  the  obedience  which  they  had  promised  ",  and  because  they 
were  "  apostates  from  the  Evangelical  law  .  .  .  and  the  most  pernicious 
and  malevolent  among  them  all  ",  Marin  was  of  the  opinion  that  "  active 
and  bloody  war,  without  quarter,  should  be  waged  against  them  ".  Until 
these  nations  might  be  extirpated  and  destroyed  entirely  and  their  rabble 
reduced,  Marin  predicted  that  trouble  would  not  be  lacking  in  the  king- 
dom nor  considerable  expense  to  the  king.313 

In  connection  with  his  recommendations  concerning  the  military  forces 
of  the  kingdom,  Marin  stated  that  it  was  very  important  that  the  governor 
should  be  "  competent  and  experienced,  in  affairs  of  war  as  in  political 
matters  ".  Such  a  man,  Marin  thought,  might  artfully  introduce  and 
sow  discords  and  distrust  among  the  Indians,  thereby  affording  greater 
security  for  the  Spaniards.  With  respect  to  the  purchase  of  the  office 
Marin  said  that  it  was  "  essential  that  the  king  close  the  door  to  the  pur- 
chase of  such  governorships  "  as  that  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  the  Philippines, 
and  Campeche.  In  his  opinion  a  "  highly  educated  man  with  discretion 
and  judgment "  would  overcome  lack  of  military  experience,  while  one 
who  bought  an  office  did  so  solely  for  mercenary  reasons,  thereby  causing 
"  a  greater  loss  to  his  Majesty  than  the  highest  priced  offices  could  possi- 
bly yield  to  him  ".  Marin  deprecated  the  fact  that  governors  who  bought 
their  offices  often  issued  commissions  to  incompetent  men,  occasionally 
merchants  or  mine  workers,  who  had  had  no  military  experience  what- 
ever. It  was  not  surprising  therefore  that  the  professional  presidial  cap- 
tains resented  being  obliged  to  take  orders  from  such  men;  as  a  result 
"  discords  and  disturbances  "  arose.314 

With  reference  to  the  administration  of  justice  Marin  stated  that  be- 
cause there  was  no  lawyer  in  the  territory  from  Durango  to  Sonora  to 
advise  the  citizens,  who  "  readily  "  engaged  in  lawsuits,  each  person  was 
"  a  lawyer  for  himself  ",  and  each  one  was  prone  to  presume  that  "  jus- 

813  Ibid.,  pp.  397-403;  fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  431-435.  infra. 
314  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  403-405,  infra ;  fiscal's 
opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  435,  437. 


76  Introduction 

tice  and  right  "  were  on  his  side.  As  a  result,  "  for  slight  and  unsubstan- 
tial causes  "  they  were  accustomed  to  appeal  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guada- 
Iajara,  all  of  which  made  for  inquietude  and  "  no  slight  injury  and  dam- 
age to  the  entire  kingdom  ".  To  make  these  appeals,  it  was  necessary, 
because  of  the  little  commerce  between  Durango  and  Guadalajara,  to 
utilize 'couriers,  at  "  no  slight  expenditure  of  money  ".  For  these  reasons 
and  because  "  the  entire  commerce  "  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  with  Mexico 
City,  so  that  the  viceroys  could  easily  obtain  information  at  least  every 
two  or  three  months  concerning  what  might  be  happening  and  what 
might  be  worthy  of  emendation  or  punishment,  Marin  stated  that  it 
would  be  a  great  convenience  if  Nueva  Vizcaya,  in  judicial  matters,  were 
taken  from  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  and 
placed  under  that  of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico.  The  chief  advantage  in 
making  the  proposed  change,  however,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  viceroy  was 
president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico ;  in  addition,  as  captain-general,  in 
the  exercise  of  original  military  jurisdiction  315  in  the  territory  in  which 
the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  exercised  judicial  authority,  he  was  kept 
fully  advised  concerning  the  military  needs  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Under 
such  an  arrangement  Marin  pointed  out  that  the  viceroys  as  presidents 
of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico  could  utilize  to  advantage  in  the  sessions  of 
the  audiencia  the  information  which  they  might  secure  as  captains-general, 
and  would  therefore  "  attend  entirely  to  the  restoration  of  the  kingdom 
and  to  remedying  the  pernicious  damages  which  result  from  these  law- 
suits ".  Finally,  Marin  pointed  out  that  if  the  lieutenant  appointed  for 
El  Parral  were  a  lawyer  he  could,  much  to  the  relief  of  the  governor  and 
citizens  alike,  "  devote  himself  to  bringing  to  a  conclusion  many  political 
matters  which  they  present  and  press  before  him  ".316 

Such  were  the  recommendations  with  respect  to  the  military  defense 
and  the  civil  and  judicial  administration  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  that  were 
made  by  Marin.  A  second  but  admittedly  a  slower  and  more  deliberate 
way  by  which  Marin  thought  that  Nueva  Vizcaya  might  obtain  some  re- 
lief from  the  depredations  of  the  Indians  was  "  to  remedy,  in  part,  the 
depopulated  condition  "  of  the  kingdom.  Greater  safety  on  the  high- 
ways, and  more  tranquillity  and  peace  in  the  province  generally,  the  possi- 
bility of  ultimately  reducing  the  number  of  the  presidios,  relief  from 
mounting  military  expenses,  and  a  greater  income  for  the  king  from  royal 
fifths  were  some  of  the  advantages  which  Marin  felt  might  be  realized  in 
case  more  settlers  went  to  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  in  case  five  or  six  desig- 
nated sites  in  the  kingdom  were  settled.317 

316  For  a  brief  statement  concerning  the  judicial,  military,  and  administrative  func- 
tions of  the  viceroy,  see  C.  W.  Hackett,  "  The  West  Indies,  Castilla  del  Oro,  and  New 
Spain,  to  1535  ",  in  vol.  I.  of  this  series,  pp.  22-24. 

316  Marin  to  the  Count  of  Galve,  El  Parral,  Sept.  30,  1693,  pp.  407,  409,  infra. 

817  Ibid.,  p.  405 ;  fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  437,  infra. 


Introduction  77 

3.  Marin's  modified  recommendations  of  December,  1693,  w^tn  respect 
to  Nueva  Vizcaya.  After  he  had  made  the  above  recommendations  in 
writing  on  September  30,  Marin  appeared  in  person  before  the  viceroy 
on  December  13,  1693.  On  this  occasion  he  assured  the  viceroy  that  the 
plans  previously  suggested  by  him  would  suffice  only  to  maintain  the 
status  quo  of  the  kingdom,  and  would  do  that  only  "  as  long  as  the  aid, 
promptly  given  ",  was  continued.  With  reference  to  the  military  forces 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  proper,  Marin  reversed  his  original  recommendations, 
which  emphasized  the  necessity  for  maintaining  the  presidios,  and  instead 
emphasized  the  necessity  of  encouraging  immigration  to  Nueva  Vizcaya 
and  of  requiring  that  all  settlers  on  the  frontier  serve  as  militiamen,  in 
order  that  the  presidial  forces  might  in  time  be  reduced.  By  encouraging 
immigration  to  Nueva  Vizcaya  Marin  estimated  that  the  king's  profits 
would  be  increased  180,000  pesos  annually.  The  principal  for  such  a  sum, 
reckoned  on  the  basis  of  five  per  cent,  interest  thereon,  would  amount  to 
3,600,000  pesos,  and  to  this  amount  Marin  stated  that  the  king  had  come 
to  be  obligated  to  promote  immigration  to  Nueva  Vizcaya.  In  addition 
to  the  king's  profits,  Marin  stated  that  as  a  result  of  the  population  of 
the  kingdom  being  increased,  many  current  expenses  would  be  reduced 
and  an  increase  of  commerce  would  be  assured. 

With  reference  to  the  presidial  soldiers  Marin  recommended  that  since 
most  of  them  were  married  they  should  be  encouraged  to  settle  at  the 
presidios  where  they  were  stationed,  that  they  should  be  given  lands,  and 
that  they  should  be  encouraged  to  cultivate  these.  Such  a  method  he  be- 
lieved would  "  serve  greatly  to  unify  and  strengthen  the  other  settle- 
ments ".  He  declared  that  the  twenty  soldiers  added  that  year  to  the  field 
company  at  El  Parral  were  superfluous  and  recommended  that  they  be 
withdrawn  as  soon  as  General  Retana  returned  to  his  presidio  from  his 
campaign  to  the  Rio  del  Norte.  He  also  believed  that  five  of  the  fifteen 
soldiers  stationed  at  Durango  might  be  removed,  and  that  the  governor 
should  be  given  absolute  command  over  them  "  without  any  interference 
by  the  cabildo  ".  Finally,  Marin  made  the  optimistic  prediction  that  in 
case  "  events  of  that  year  should  turn  out  well,  as  he  expected  them  to  do, 
some  of  the  presidios  could  be  abolished  ".318 

With  respect  to  the  civilian  settlements  Marin  recommended  that  these 
should  be  composed  of  from  sixty  to  seventy  men.  They  should  be  pro- 
vided with  harquebuses,  ammunition,  and  horses  for  use  in  case  of  an 
emergency,  and  "  with  oxen,  plows,  plow-shares,  and  grain  for  the  culti- 
vation of  the  fields,  the  lands  and  farms  to  be  divided  among  them  with 
equality  and  justice  ".  Since  all  the  settlers  were  to  be  required  to  serve 
as  militiamen,  Marin  recommended  that  they  be  granted  "  all  the  pre- 
rogatives, exemptions,  and  enfranchisements  of  such,  as  well  as  freedom 
from  all  tributes  ".   In  this  way  and  by  requiring  the  subjugated  Indians 

318Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  p.  437,  infra. 


78  Introduction 

to  settle  near  the  Spanish  settlements  Marin  estimated  that  the  crown 
would  save  "  the  sum  total  of  the  pay  of  the  captains  and  soldiers  of  the 
presidios  ",  amounting  to  84,000  pesos  annually,  and,  in  addition,  would 
profit  from  the  increased  revenue  accruing  from  the  alcabala  tax.  He 
estimated  that  the  latter  tax  alone  should,  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent,  on 
gross  sales  amounting  to  from  500,000  to  600,000  pesos,  yield  a  return 
of  from  20,000  to  30,000  pesos;  with  the  increase  of  population  this  tax 
would  yield  proportionally  more.  Marin  stated  that  it  had  been  estimated 
that  royal  assistance  for  only  the  settlements  of  El  Parral  and  those  of 
Janos  and  Sonora  would  be  as  much  as  800,000  pesos,  but  that  this  could 
be  afforded  in  view  of  the  benefits  that  would  result  therefrom. 

Finally,  in  case  it  should  be  decided  to  found  the  settlements,  Marin 
said  that  it  would  be  a  great  advantage  if  the  governor  might  have  build- 
ing materials  and  a  supply  of  maize  for  planting  and  maintenance  await- 
ing the  settlers  at  the  designated  sites.  After  the  settlements  were  founded 
he  thought  that  an  alcalde  mayor  and  an  efficient  captain  of  war  should 
be  named  to  enforce  alike  military  preparedness  and  the  cultivation  of 
the  land. 

Marin  admitted  that  the  execution  and  permanent  success  of  his  plan 
were  predicated  upon  certain  essentials.  In  the  first  place,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  have  a  viceroy  with  the  "  zeal  and  disinterestedness  "of  the 
Count  of  Galve;  secondly,  it  would  be  necessary  to  find  a  person  to  whom 
the  viceroy  might  entrust,  for  a  period  of  at  least  five  years,  the  execution 
of  the  plans ;  thirdly,  it  would  be  necessary  to  find  someone  who,  in  spite 
of  losses  in  the  past,  would  be  willing  to  underwrite  the  proposition ;  and 
fourthly,  it  would  be  necessary  to  arrange  for  the  transportation  of  set- 
tlers from  Galicia  and  the  Canary  Islands  to  Nueva  Vizcaya — the  Canary 
Islanders  to  be  conducted  by  water  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  and 
thence  transported  "  in  large  boats  "  up  that  river  to  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

On  December  15,  two  days  after  Marin  had  made  the  above  recom- 
mendations, the  viceroy  submitted  to  him  for  his  consideration  and  recom- 
mendations thereon  the  various  proposals  that  had  been  made  with  refer- 
ence to  the  military  re-organization  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora.  By  way  of 
reply  Marin  recommended  that  the  fifty  men  in  the  flying  company  under 
Don  Domingo  Jironza  should  establish  their  headquarters  and  supply- 
base  at  Teuricache.  From  there,  where  fifteen  soldiers  were  to  be  left  at 
all  times,  thirty-five  soldiers  "  should  answer  the  most  urgent  calls  for 
aid  ";  if  necessary,  "  they  should  join  with  the  people  of  Janos  for  the 
success  of  any  operation  that  should  give  a  lesson  to  the  Indians  ".  With 
respect  to  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa,  Marin  was  of  the  opinion  that  it  was 
no  longer  profitable  where  it  was,  since  there  was  little  danger  of  an 
uprising  on  the  part  of  the  peaceable  and  sedentary  Sinaloa  Indians,  and 
because  aid  might  be  quickly  sent  to  Sinaloa  from  Rosario,  Teuricache,  or 
Janos.    "  Simply  through  the  consideration  that  the  soldiers  would  be 


Introduction  79 

missed  ",  however,  Marin  recommended  that  those  at  the  presidio  of 
Sinaloa  should  remain  there,  but  in  the  capacity  of  settlers  and  not  as 
soldiers.  In  this  way  the  king  would  be  relieved  of  the  expense  for 
salaries  and  at  the  same  time  sudden  outbreaks  along  the  coast  would  be 
prevented. 

As  regards  the  formation  of  a  company  of  militia  at  the  Real  de  los 
Frailes,  Marin  reiterated  his  belief  that  it  would  be  best  to  withdraw  the 
forty-three  soldiers  from  Sinaloa,  form  more  companies  of  militia,  and 
appoint  captains  for  them  who  would  be  under  the  direct  command  of 
the  governor.  These  companies  could  repel  attacks  of  Indians,  and  could 
assist  the  Jesuits  when  they  were  needed.  However,  they  should  be  granted 
"  the  exemptions  and  privileges  of  military  rights  and  exemptions  from 
tributes  ".  In  Marin's  opinion,  this  was  the  only  way  by  which  Sinaloa 
might  be  made  safe  and  defended  and  the  king  "  relieved  in  part  of  the 
very  great  expense  "  to  which  he  had  been  put  in  that  province.319 

4.  Other  recommendations  concerning  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Such  were 
the  comprehensive  plans  of  Marin  for  the  rehabilitation  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya. In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  a  contemporary 
of  Marin,  Don  Jose  de  Manzaneque,  did  not  concur  in  Marin's  recom- 
mendations. The  latter,  in  an  undated  memorial  to  the  king,  stated  that 
as  a  result  of  the  effective  offensive  campaigns  waged  by  former  gover- 
nors Neira  and  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos  "  the  country  was  somewhat 
secure  ".  Subsequently,  as  a  result  of  a  pestilence  in  the  year  1693,  many 
Indians  including  some  of  their  chiefs  had  died.  For  these  reasons  Man- 
zaneque was  unqualifiedly  in  favor  of  reducing  the  number  of  the  pre- 
sidios and  soldiers  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.320 

On  the  other  hand,  the  royal  officials  of  Durango,  on  April  28,  1696, 
advised  the  king  that  they  had  slight  hope  for  the  pacification  of  the  In- 
dians, and  that  it  was  only  possible  to  realize  this  by  creating  a  flying 
squad  at  each  presidio,  each  one  to  be  supplemented  by  a  company  of 
twenty-five  Indian  allies,  paid  for  from  the  6000  pesos  appropriated  as 
a  peace  and  war  fund.  When  the  Indians  were  subjugated  the  royal  offi- 
cials thought  that  they  should  be  transported  to  Campeche  and  placed 
in  encomienda,  thereby  assuring  peace  for  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  at  the  same 
time  cutting  down  expenses.321 

5.  The  recommendations  of  the  royal  fiscal  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
concerning  Nueva  Vizcaya,  April,  1698.  The  various  recommendations 
made  by  Marin  and  other  officials  with  respect  to  Nueva  Vizcaya  were 
not  to  receive  prompt  consideration  from  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  In 
fact,  it  was  not  until  April  1  and  2,  1698,  that  the  fiscal  of  the  Council 
made  a  report  concerning  them  to  that  body.  At  that  time  the  fiscal,  after 

819  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  I,  1698,  pp.  437-441,  445-449,  infra. 

™Ibid.,  pp.  453,  455- 

821  Fiscal's  reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  2,  1698,  p.  459,  infra. 


80  Introduction 

having  taken  into  account  the  various  opinions  and  decisions  of  viceregal 
officials  and  governing  bodies,  and  looking  "  only  to  the  means  that 
should  be  applied  as  necessary  to  prevent  the  constant  attacks  committed 
by  the  Indians  ",  recommended  to  the  Council  that  the  presidios  which 
Nueva  Vizcaya  then  had  "  should  be  retained  with  soldiers,  supplemented, 
by  action  of  the  viceroy,  with  thirty  field  soldiers  and  fifty  soldiers  of 
the  flying  company  in  charge  of  Captain  Don  Domingo  Jironza  ".  The 
fifteen  soldiers  from  the  field  company  that  were  assigned  to  Durango 
were  to  be  especially  charged  to  scout  the  country  between  the  Real  de 
Arzate  and  Gamon,  and  other  regions,  as  necessity  might  dictate,  within 
a  radius  of  eighteen  leagues  of  Durango. 

The  fiscal  admitted  that  he  had  been  influenced  in  his  decision  to  retain 
the  presidios  by  a  remembrance  of  the  Pueblo  Indian  uprising  in  New 
Mexico  in  1680,  the  origin  of  which  he  attributed  to  the  "  lack  of  soldiers 
and  presidios  to  keep  the  Indians  in  fear  ".  In  case  his  recommendation 
met  the  approval  of  the  Council,  the  fiscal  thought  that  the  governors 
should  be  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  having  the  captains  of  the 
presidios  leave  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  as  a  guard  at  the  presidios 
and  to  escort  travellers,  and,  with  the  remaining  soldiers,  accompanied 
by  friendly  Indians,  should  reconnoitre  the  places  frequented  by  the  hos- 
tiles  and  endeavor  to  crush  them  completely.  In  case  the  Indians  sub- 
mitted, the  fiscal  approved  the  plans  suggested  by  Marin  for  encouraging 
them  to  become  peaceable  and  sedentary  like  the  Tepehuanes  and  the 
Tarahumares.  Rather  than  to  send  the  subjugated  Indians  to  Campeche 
to  be  placed  in  encomienda,  the  fiscal  thought  that  it  would  be  better  to 
separate  altogether  the  Indian  chiefs  from  their  people,  and  to  force  the 
people,  thus  separated  from  their  chiefs,  to  cultivate  their  fields; 

Frequent  reports,  the  fiscal  thought,  should  be  made  by  the  governors 
to  the  viceroys  concerning  full  details  of  the  offensive  campaigns.  This 
would  enforce  the  fulfillment  of  their  duty  by  soldiers,  captains,  and  the 
governor;  in  case  they  defaulted  in  their  duty  their  pay  might  "  be  held 
back  for  the  time  that  they  did  not  perform  "  it. 

With  reference  to  the  encouragement  of  immigration  through  the  aid 
of  royal  funds,  the  fiscal  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  fertility  and  potential 
wealth  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  were  sufficiently  great  to  attract  settlers  "  with- 
out its  being  necessary  for  any  increase  to  the  expenses  of  the  real  ha- 
cienda". In  particular  did  the  fiscal  disapprove  of  the  suggestion  that 
"  the  settlers  should  constitute  their  own  militiamen  and  that  they  and 
building  materials  should  be  transported  by  sea  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
del  Norte  and  thence  up  that  river  to  Nueva  Vizcaya  ".  The  expense  of 
this,  the  fiscal  said,  would  "  be  greater  than  the  said  maestre  de  campo 
supposes  " ;  furthermore,  since  the  chief  employment  of  the  settlers  would 
be  to  cultivate  their  farms — "  the  settlements  being  far  apart  and  ex- 
posed, and  the  presidios  abandoned  " — they  would  not  make  good  militia- 


Introduction  81 

men.  The  result  would  be  that  they  could  easily  be  attacked  and  destroyed 
and  the  king  at  the  same  time  put  to  even  greater  expense. 

With  regard  to  the  recommendations  of  Don  Jose  de  Manzaneque  that 
the  number  of  presidios  and  soldiers  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  ought  to  be  re- 
duced, the  royal  fiscal  held  that  this  recommendation  was  nullified  by 
Manzaneque's  own  statement.  For,  in  his  desire  to  discredit  Governor 
Castillo  and  to  establish  it  as  a  fact  that  some  security  had  been  netted  to 
the  kingdom  during  the  preceding  administration  of  Pardifias  and  Neira, 
Manzaneque  had  failed  to  take  into  account  the  fact  that  in  none  of  the 
certified  copies  did  "  it  appear  that  either  of  those  governors  ever  went  to 
hunt  for  the  Indians  during  their  administrations  ".  As  proof  that  these 
governors  had  achieved  little  stability  for  Nueva  Vizcaya,  the  fiscal  re- 
ferred to  the  records  "  concerning  the  constant  robberies  and  murders 
which  Indians  committed  during  the  entire  year  1692  and  part  of  1693 
.  .  .  until  Governor  Don  Gabriel  del  Castillo  assumed  office  ".  The  fiscal 
even  asserted  that  the  memorial  alleged  to  have  been  written  by  Man- 
zaneque appeared  "  on  its  face  to  be  in  the  self-same  handwriting  as  that 
which  was  written  by  Governor  Don  Juan  Isidro  on  April  1,  1693  ". 

With  reference  to  the  proposal  to  transfer  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  judicial 
affairs  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  to  that  of 
the  Audiencia  of  Mexico,  the  fiscal  recommended  that  representation 
should  be  made  to  his  Majesty  of  the  many  advantages  that  would  result 
from  the  proposed  change.322 

In  a  memorial  dated  April  28,  1696,  the  royal  officials  of  Durango  had 
charged  that  the  miners  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  were  not  being  protected; 
that  little  attention  was  being  paid  to  augmenting  the  royal  fifths;  that 
Governor  Castillo  and  Captain  Juan  de  Retana  had  even  incited  the 
Tarahumara  Indians  to  demolish  a  quicksilver  establishment  belonging 
to  a  miner  by  the  name  of  Don  Francisco  Gonzalez  Ramirez;  and  that, 
as  a  result  of  the  destruction  of  the  quicksilver  establishment,  the  king 
had  been  deprived  of  more  than  6000  pesos  in  mining  fifths,  and 
Ramirez  had  been  obliged  to  apply  three  times  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guada- 
lajara for  justice.  In  view  of  these  charges  the  fiscal  recommended  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  on  April  2,  1698,  that  Governor  Castillo  be  censured 
for  permitting  the  quicksilver  establishment  to  be  destroyed  and  that  the 
entire  matter  be  legally  adjusted  so  as  to  secure  "  the  greatest  increase  and 
preservation  of  the  mines  ".323 

The  royal  officials  of  Durango  in  the  above-mentioned  memorial  also 
complained  of  the  heavy  expense  of  being  obliged  to  alternate  each  year 
from  Durango  to  the  Real  del  Parral  for  the  administration  of  the  royal 
quicksilver  when  their  contracts  did  not  call  for  them  to  do  more  than 

322Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  451-457,  infra;  fiscal's  reply,  Madrid, 
Apr.  2,  1698,  ibid.,  pp.  459,  461. 
823  Ibid.,  p.  461,  infra. 


82  Introduction 

serve  at  the  former  place.  Accordingly  they  recommended  that  an  ad- 
ministrator be  stationed  at  El  Parral  who  would  be  subordinate  to  them 
and  for  whom  they  would  be  liable.  This  was  disapproved  by  the  royal 
fiscal  in  a  report  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  on  April  2,  1698.324 

In  Mexico  the  viceregal  fiscal  had  opposed  Marin's  recommendations 
for  the  erection  of  a  presidio  at  Teuricache  to  serve  as  a  base  for  the 
flying  company  of  General  Domingo  de  Jironza  on  the  ground  that  the 
erection  of  such  a  presidio  would  be  contrary  to  royal  orders.  The  royal 
fiscal  in  Madrid,  however,  recommended  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  in 
1698  that  "  some  fort  or  castle  "  should  be  erected  at  Teuricache;  he  also 
approved  Marin's  recommendations  that  a  small  detachment  of  soldiers 
should  be  kept  there  at  all  times  and  that  the  remaining  ones  should  carry 
on  constant  offensive  operations  against  the  hostiles. 

With  reference  to  the  removal  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  to  the  site  of 
Los  Cedros,  or  to  Gentiles,  the  royal  fiscal  left  the  decision  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Council  of  the  Indies.325 

824  Fiscal's  reply,  Madrid,  Apr.  2,  1698,  pp.  461,  463,  infra. 
"2B  Fiscal's  opinion,  Madrid,  Apr.  1,  1698,  pp.  455,  457,  infra. 


III.  2.  DOCUMENTS    RELATING   TO    NUEVA   VIZCAYA   IN 
THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 


84  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 


Al  Audiencia  de  la  nueva  Galicia  que  hag  a  la  visit  a  de  la  tierra  como  est  a 
ordenado  saliendo  a  ella  cada  uno  de  los  oydores  por  su  tumo  sin 
escusarse  por  ninguna  causa.0,   [Tordesillas,  24  de  Julio  de  1601.] 

El  Rey.  Pressidente  y  oydores  de  mi  Audiencia  Real  de  la  ciudad  de 
guadalajara  de  la  provincia  de  la  nueva  galicia  he  sido  imformado  que 
muchos  indios  del  distrito  dessa  audiencia  se  an  quexado  en  ella  de  los 
agravios  y  vexaciones  que  reciven  y  pedido  que  un  oydor  saliesse  a  visitar 
y  ver  los  danos  que  los  ganados  les  hazen  para  que  se  quitasen  las  estancias 
de  los  dichos  ganados  que  ay  en  mucho  perjuicio  de  s%us  pueblos  porque 
les  comen  quanto  siembran  hasta  las  cubiertas  de  las  casas  que  son  de  paja 
y  que  mueren  de  los  dichos  yndios  y  sus  mugeres  y  hijos  guardando  sus 
sementeras  de  los  serenos  y  soles  que  les  da  y  coxen  los  fructos  sin  sazon 
y  os  consta  desto  y  no  se  remedia  y  que  aunque  algunas  partes  dessa  Pro- 
vincia se  avian  visitado  otras  por  ser  algo  distantes  fragosas  y  Remotas 
nunca  se  han  visitado  reusando  lo  los  que  de  Vosotros  los  oydores  os  tocan 
las  dichas  Vissitas  y  por  que  no  es  justo  que  se  de  lugar  a  seme j  antes 
ynconvienientes  os  Mando  que  hagais  la  Vissita  de  la  tierra  como  esta 
ordenado  saliendo  a  ella  cada  uno  de  vos  los  oydores  por  su  turno  sin 
escusaros  por  ninguna  causa  comengando  la  dicha  vissita  por  los  lugares 
mas  cercanos  a  essa  ciudad  de  guadalajara  hasta  los  que  estuieren  mas 
distantes  y  apartados  que  no  se  han  visitado  hasta  agora  sin  que  por  ningun 
caso  se  dexe  de  cumplir  Visitandose  todo  por  la  mucha  necesidad  que 
tienen  dello  y  procurando  con  mucho  cuidado  que  se  remedien  los  excessos 
y  agravios  que  se  representa  que  reciven  los  yndios  y  que  sean  desagra- 
viados  y  aliviados  en  todo  lo  que  se  pudiere  y  que  no  los  reciban  de  los 
officiales  que  fueren  con  los  Visitadores  y  sin  que  los  unos  ni  los  otros 
recivan  ni  tomen  nada  de  los  yndios  ni  de  los  encomenderos  y  de  lo  que 
resultare  de  las  dichas  Visitas  me  avisareis  fecha  en  tordesillas  a  veynte 
y  quatro  de  Julio  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  un  afios  Yo  el  Rey  refrendado 
de  Joan  de  Ybarra  sefialada  del  consejo. 

aA.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 


Visitation  of  Nueva  Galicia,  1601  85 


To  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia,  ordering  it  to  perform  the  visitation 
of  the  country  as  commanded,  each  of  the  oidores  going  out  for  this 
purpose  in  his  turn  and  being  excused  therefrom  under  no  circum- 
stances whatever.    [Tordesillas,  July  24,  1601.'] 

The  King.  To  the  president  and  oidores  of  my  royal  Audiencia  of  the 
city  of  Guadalajara1  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia:  I  have  been 
informed  that  many  Indians  of  the  district  of  that  audiencia  have  made 
complaint  before  it  of  the  injuries  and  oppression  which  they  suffer,  and 
have  asked  that  an  oidor  should  go  out  to  make  a  visitation  and  see  the 
damages  done  to  them  by  the  herds,  so  that  the  cattle  ranches  may  be 
removed.  These  are  detrimental  to  their  towns  because  the  cattle  eat  up 
everything  that  they  plant,  even  devouring  the  straw  roofs  of  the  houses.2 
Furthermore,  the  Indians,  their  wives  and  children,  are  dying  while 
guarding  their  fields,  on  account  of  their  sufferings  from  wind  and  sun, 
and  they  [are  obliged  to]  gather  their  produce  while  yet  unripe  [in  order 
to  save  it]. 

It  appears  that  you  are  aware  of  this,  but  it  is  not  remedied,  and  that, 
although  some  parts  of  that  province  have  been  visited,  others,  somewhat 
remote  and  mountainous,  have  never  been  visited  at  all  because  your 
oidores,  to  whom  such  visitations  fall  by  lot,  refuse  to  perform  the 
visitations. 

Wherefore,  since  it  is  not  just  that  such  things  should  occur,  I  com- 
mand you  to  perform  the  visitation  of  the  country  as  it  is  ordered,  each 
of  your  oidores  going  out  for  the  purpose  in  turn,  none  of  you  being 
excused  for  any  reason.  The  visitation  is  to  begin  in  the  places  nearest 
to  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  and  pass  then  to  those  more  remote  which 
have  not  hitherto  been  visited,  none  of  them  whatsoever  being  omitted, 
as  they  all  have  great  need  of  visitation.  You  shall  carefully  endeavor 
to  remedy  the  injuries  and  oppressions  from  which  the  Indians  claim 
that  they  suffer,  and  see  that  their  condition  is  relieved  and  ameliorated 
in  every  way  possible;  and  you  shall  see  that  they  receive  no  injury  from 
the  officers  who  go  with  the  visitors,  and  that  neither  of  these  take  or 
obtain  anything  from  the  Indians  or  from  the  encomenderos.  You  will 
report  to  me  whatever  may  be  the  result  of  these  visitations.  Dated  at 
Tordesillas,  July  24,  160 1.  I  the  King.  Countersigned  by  Juan  de 
Ibarra  and  signed  by  the  Council. 


86  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

A I  Virrey  de  la  nueva  espana  can  una  Carta  del  dean  de  la  nueva  Galicia 
en  que  dize  lo  que  convernia  que  los  religiosos  de  la  conpania  de  Jesus 
se  encargasen  de  la  conbersion  de  ciertos  yndios  para  que  ponga  en 
ello  el  rremedio  y  rrecaudo  necessario}  \yillalpando,  7  de  Febrero 
de  i6o2.~\ 

El  Rey.  Conde  de  monterey  pariente  mi  Virrey  governador  y  capitan 
general  de  la  nueva  espana  el  dean  de  la  yglesia  cathedral  de  la  nueva  gali- 
cia me  ha  escripto  la  carta  cuya  copia  va  con  esta  en  que  como  por  ella 
vereis  advierte  de  lo  que  convernia  que  los  de  la  conpania  de  Jesus  se 
encargasen  de  la  conversion  de  los  yndios  gentiles  que  ay  en  las  serranias 
de  aquella  provincia  y  se  reduxesen  por  buenos  medios  y  lo  que  asimesmo 
ymportaria  aliviar  del  servicio  de  los  quatro  Reales  que  pagan  los  natu- 
rales  de  la  provincia  de  Culiacan  y  otras  comarcanas  donde  ay  algunos 
pueblos  recien  poblados,  por  su  pobreza  y  que  se  reduxessen  a  poblaciones 
los  yndios  de  aquella  provincia  para  que  se  les  pudiesen  mejor  administrar 
los  sacramentos  y  Porque  han  parecido  las  cossas  que  el  dicho  dean  ad- 
vierte de  mucha  consideracion  y  en  que  se  deve  mirar,  os  mando  que  havi- 
endoos  enterado  muy  bien  de  todo  aquello  y  tornado  Relacion  del  audi- 
encia  y  otras  personas  inteligentes  y  del  dicho  dean  pongais  en  todo  el 
Remedio  y  buen  recaudo  que  conviniere  y  me  aviseis  de  lo  que  oviere 
desproveydo  imformandome  sob  re  esto  con  vuestro  parecer  fecha  en 
Villalpando  a  siete  de  hebrero  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  dos  anos  Yo  el  Rey 
refrendada  de  Joan  de  Ybarra  y  sefialada  del  Consejo. 


A I  fiscal  de  la  audiencia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  sobre  que  hagase  oficio  en 
lo  que  toca  a  los  casados  quienes  viven  sin  sus  mugeres  y  acerca  de 
que  espanoles  no  biven  en  pueblos  de  indios.c  [El  Pardo,  20  de 
Noviembre  de  1603.  ] 

El  Rey.  Fiscal  de  mi  Real  audiencia  de  la  ciudad  de  guadalaxara  de  la 
nueva  Galicia,  en  mi  consejo  de  las  Yndias  se  ha  entendido  que  no  se 
guardan  las  ordenes  dadas  para  que  los  casados  vengan  a  estos  Reynos 
a  hazer  vida  maridable  con  sus  mugeres  porque  luego  los  sueltan  enfiado 
y  con  cierta  pena  si  no  se  enbarcan  la  qual  pagando  se  quedan  en  su  mala 
vida  y  que  destos  ay  muchos  en  esa  tierra,  y  porque  conviene  no  dar  lugar 
a  esto  os  mando  que  hagais  vuestro  oficio  con  rigor  procurando  el  cum- 
plimiento  de  las  dichas  ordenes,  y  que  si  Ubiere  omision  o  contravencion, 
en  esto  en  esa  audiencia  me  aviseis  luego  dello  en  el  dicho  mi  consejo 
para  que  provea  y  mande  lo  que  convenga. 

bA.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 
CA.  G.  I.,  103-3-1. 


Married  Men,  1603 


87 


To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  inclosing  a  letter  from  the  dean  of  Nueva 
Galicia  saying  that  it  would  be  desirable  that  the  religions  of  the 
Company  of  Jesus  should  be  placed  in  charge  of  the  conversion  of 
certain  Indians  so  that  this  work  may  be  properly  provided  for  and 
improved.   [Villalpando,  February  7,  1602.'] 

The  King.  Count  of  Monterey,3  relative,  my  viceroy,  governor,  and 
captain-general  of  New  Spain:  The  dean  of  the  cathedral  church  of 
Nueva  Galicia  has  written  me  a  letter,  a  copy  of  which  is  herewith  in- 
closed, wherein,  as  you  will  see,  he  calls  attention  to  the  desirability  of 
intrusting  the  Company  of  Jesus  with  the  conversion  of  the  pagan  In- 
dians, in  the  mountains  of  that  province,  who  should  be  reduced  by 
proper  methods.  He  also  points  out  that  because  of  their  poverty,  it  would 
be  worth  while  to  remit  the  "  service  "  of  four  reals,  paid  by  the  natives 
in  the  province  of  Culiacan  and  other  regions  where  there  are  some  re- 
cently converted  towns.  [He  also  recommends]  that  the  Indians  of  that 
province  be  reduced  to  settlements  for  the  purpose  of  better  administer- 
ing the  sacraments  to  them. 

Inasmuch  as  the  things  which  the  dean  points  out  are  worthy  of  con- 
sideration and  ought  to  be  attended  to,  I  command  you,  after  informing 
yourself  thoroughly  concerning  the  entire  situation,  and  after  receiving 
a  report  from  the  audiencia  and  other  intelligent  persons  including  the 
dean,  to  take  measures  to  improve  and  provide  suitably  for  all  that  is 
needed.  Also  you  will  report  to  me  whatever  is  unprovided  for,  giving 
me  your  opinion  concerning  it.  Dated  at  Villalpando,  February  7,  1602. 
I  the  King.  Countersigned  by  Juan  de  Ibarra  and  signed  by  the 
Council. 


To  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia  ordering  him  to  take 
action  in  regard  to  married  men  who  live  apart  from  their  wives,  and 
to  see  that  Spaniards  shall  not  live  in  Indian  towns.  [El  Par  do, 
November  20,  1603.'] 

The  King.  To  the  fiscal  of  my  royal  audiencia  of  the  city  of  Guadala- 
jara of  Nueva  Galicia :  It  has  been  learned  in  my  Council  of  the  Indies 
that  the  orders  are  not  kept  which  provide  that  married  men  shall  return 
to  these  kingdoms  [Spain]  to  renew  the  marital  relations  with  their 
wives,4  in  that  the  men  free  themselves  by  bail  and  the  payment  of  a 
certain  fine  if  they  do  not  embark;  then,  after  paying  their  fines,  they 
continue  in  their  evil  lives.  It  has  also  been  reported  that  there  are  many 
such  men  in  that  country. 

Wherefore,  since  it  is  not  fitting  to  allow  this,  I  command  you  to  dis- 
charge your  duty  rigorously,  effecting  compliance  with  the  orders  given, 
and,  if  they  are  neglected  or  contravened  within  the  territory  of  your 
audiencia,  you  will  report  the  fact  to  me  through  my  Council  in  order 
that  it  may  issue  suitable  orders. 


88  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Y  porque  asimismo  se  a  hentendido  que  tanpoco  se  guarda  lo  proveydo 
acerca  de  que  espafioles  no  biban  en  lugares  de  yndios  os  mando  que  en 
lo  que  a  esto  toca  hagais  tanvien  vuestro  oficio  con  todo  el  cuydado  posi- 
ble,  y  que  de  vos  confio  por  lo  mucho  que  ynporta  a  mi  servicio  La  obser- 
vancia  de  las  ordenes  dadas  en  esta  razon. — Del  pardo  20  noviembre 
1603.   Yo  el  Rey. 


[Carta  de  Francisco  de  Urdifiola]  a  su  magestad. ^    [Durango, 
31  de  Mar  so  de  1604.] 

Senor:  por  cartas  del  Virrey  conde  de  monterey  y  del  marques  de 
montesclaros  abra  entendido  vuestra  magestad  como  por  aber  echo  don 
Rodrigo  de  bibero  gobernador  y  capitan  general  que  fue  desta  nueba 
vizcaya  dexacion  de  estos  cargos  fui  nombrado  para  el  exergigio  dellos 
y  por  aberse  comengado  a  engender  el  fuego  de  la  guerra  e  nuebos  yncen- 
dios  de  los  yndios  acaxes  de  la  sierra  de  san  andres  que  no  avia  quedado 
bien  apagado  ni  aber  dado  la  obediengia  los  ymbentores  de  los  primeros 
dafios  y  aber  Remanegido  entre  ellos  un  yndio  pernigioso  que  embestido 
del  demonio  con  nombre  de  obispo  y  llamandose  dios  traya  a  todos  ynquie- 
tos  y  gitandoles  que  se  algassen  todos  y  nos  matasen  bautizandolos  y 
casandolos  y  diziendoles  missa  y  ensefiandoles  nueba  seta  [secta]  y  ora- 
giones  acudi  luego  al  Remedio  y  en  siete  meses  que  andube  en  las  sierras 
entre  ellos  prendi  y  castigue  al  dicho  obispo  y  sus  apostoles  que  con  este 
nombre  los  traya  y  a  los  demas  ymbentores  de  las  Rebeliones  haziendo 
Justigia  dellos  y  bine  a  ganarles  a  todos  los  demas  tanto  las  voluntades  o 
fuese  de  temor  que  de  setenta  y  tantos  puebleguelos  y  Rancherias  que 
avia  en  la  sierra  Repartidos  em  penoles  y  picachos  bine  a  Redugirlos  en 
veinte  y  quatro  asentandolos  y  congregandolos  en  tierras  lianas  y  acomo- 
dadas  con  mucho  gusto  donde  se  haze  mucho  fruto  en  su  conversion  y 
dotrina  por  los  Religiosos  de  la  compafiia  y  se  quitaron  parte  de  los  sol- 
dados  que  estaban  en  el  pressidio  y  se  quitaran  los  demas  muy  breve  en 
todo  este  sugesso  y  tiempo  no  tubo  vuestra  magestad  costa  de  ginco  mill 
pesos  e  yo  le  tube  de  mas  de  veinte  mill  que  fue  poco  para  lo  que  yo  desseo 
servir  a  vuestra  magestad  y  lo  que  me  queda  y  la  vida  se  am  de  emplear 
en  su  Real  servigio.    [Al  mar  gen  dice:~\  Indio  heresiarca. 

Por  no  aber  sido  vissitada  de  ningun  gobernador  de  veinte  afios  a  esta 
parte  la  provingia  de  ginaloa  que  es  desta  gobernagion  fui  alia  donde  hize 
las  ynformagiones  y  diligengias  que  embio  a  vuestra  magestad  con  esta. 

Gran  servigio  haze  vuestra  magestad  a  dios  nuestro  senor  en  aquella 
comberssion  de  los  naturales  y  por  ser  muchos  los  que  se  continuan  en 
aquella  tierra  y  adelante  se  promete  mucho  mas  lo  qual  se  conseguira 
mandando  vuestra  magestad  continuar  y  Reforgar  los  soldados  y  Re- 
ligiosos que  alii  se  ocupan  y  aunque  parezca  que  a  esto  contradizen  al- 
gunos  por  ber  que  a  vuestra  magestad  no  le  biene  probecho  al  presente 
dios  que  tiene  cuydado  y  prometido  dara  quando  fuere  servido  como 

dA.  G.  L,  66-6-17. 


Francisco  de  Urdinola,  1604  89 

And,  since  it  has  also  been  understood  that  the  orders  prohibiting 
Spaniards  from  living  in  Indian  towns  6  are  also  disobeyed,  I  command 
you  to  do  your  duty  in  this  matter  with  all  possible  care.  I  confide  to  you 
the  observance  of  the  orders  herewith  issued  because  they  are  of  great 
importance  to  my  service.  Dated  at  El  Pardo,  November  20,  1603.  I  the 
King. 


[Letter  of  Francisco  de  Urdinola'}  to  his  Majesty.    [Durango, 
March  31,  1604.] 

Sir:  By  letters  from  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Monterey,6  and  from 
the  Marquis  of  Montesclaros,7  your  Majesty  will  have  learned  that  on 
account  of  the  resignation  of  Don  Rodrigo  de  Vivero,  former  governor 
and  captain-general  of  this  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,8  I  have  been 
named  for  the  discharge  of  those  duties. 

Inasmuch  as  renewed  warfare  and  repeated  incendiarism  began  to  ap- 
pear among  the  Acaxees,  of  the  Sierra  de  San  Andres — the  warfare 
never  having  been  thoroughly  stopped  nor  complete  obedience  secured 
from  the  originators  of  our  first  injuries,  largely  because  there  remained 
among  the  Indians  a  pernicious  individual,  who,  invested  by  the  devil 
with  the  name  of  Bishop,  and  calling  himself  God,  made  them  all  restless 
by  inciting  them  to  rise  against  us  and  kill  us,  and  who  also  baptized, 
said  mass,  married  them,  and  taught  them  a  new  creed  and  prayers — 
I  set  about  immediate  improvement,  and,  during  seven  months  in  which 
I  traversed  the  mountains  among  them,  I  seized  and  punished  the  Bishop, 
his  followers  who  adhered  to  him  under  the  designation  of  apostles,  and 
the  other  instigators  of  rebellion,  executing  justice  upon  them.  I  also 
succeeded  in  gaining  the  good  will  of  the  other  Indians,  or  perhaps  it  was 
through  fear,  to  such  an  extent  that  I  was  able  to  reduce  to  twenty-four 
the  seventy  odd  villages  and  rancherias,  scattered  about  among  crags  and 
peaks  in  the  mountains,  and  to  locate  them  together  on  level  lands  where 
the  people  are  adequately  provided  for  and  satisfied,  and  where  much 
success  is  being  obtained  in  their  conversion  and  religious  instruction  by 
the  members  of  the  Company  [of  Jesus].  Part  of  the  soldiers  who  were 
in  the  presidio  have  been  removed,  and  the  remainder  will  be  taken  away 
presently.  During  all  this  time,  while  these  things  were  occurring,  your 
Majesty  did  not  incur  as  much  as  5000  pesos'  expense,  while  my  expenses 
.were  over  20,000  pesos,  which  was  little  in  comparison  to  what  I  should 
like  to  do  in  your  Majesty's  service,  for  all  that  I  possess  and  my  life 
itself  I  desire  to  employ  in  it.  [In  the  margin  it  says:}  An  Indian 
heresiarch. 

Because  the  province  of  Sinaloa,  part  of  this  governmental  unit,  had 
not  been  visited  by  any  governor  during  the  past  twenty  years,  it  was  in 
that  province  that  I  made  the  investigations  and  attended  to  the  affairs  of 
which  I  send  report  to  your  Majesty  herewith. 

Your  Majesty  is  performing  a  great  service  to  God  our  Lord  in  the 
conversions  of  the  natives,  and,  since  they  are  numerous  both  in  that 


90  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

lo  hizo  en  la  tierra  de  los  goachichiles  donde  en  la  guerra  della  gas- 
tamos  a  vuestra  magestad  gran  suma  de  dinero  y  luego  que  tubimos 
la  paz  se  descubrieron  las  minas  de  san  luis  y  otras  de  donde  se  a  sacado 
mucho  mas  de  lo  que  se  gasto  y  no  promete  menos  aquella  tierra  de 
ginaloa  por  aber  en  ella  mucha  notigia  de  minas  de  plata  y  lo  demas  que 
a  vuestra  magestad  constara  por  las  ynformagiones  y  por  no  ollarse  por 
la  poca  fuerga  de  los  espafioles  y  asta  agora  aber  sido  todo  guerras  con 
los  naturales  y  serranos  no  estan  descubiertas.    [Al  mar  gen  dice:~]   Minas: 

Vuestra  magestad  se  satis faga  que  toda  la  nueba  espana  no  tiene  tierra 
tan  Rica  de  beneros  de  plata  como  estas  provincias  de  la  nueba  vizcaya  y 
por  estar  a  trasmano  y  en  lo  ultimo  de  la  nueba  espana  donde  no  ay  servi- 
gio  de  yndios  mansos  y  echos  al  trabajo  como  en  la  nueba  espana  y  nueba 
galigia  para  labrarlas  no  se  saca  mas  plata  que  en  todas  las  demas  partes 
y  a  de  benir  tiempo  en  que  se  a  de  hazer  mas  quenta  de  esta  tierra  que  de 
todo  lo  Restante  della  porque  engierra  en  si  gran  Riqueza  de  plata. 

Y  para  que  a  vuestra  magestad  conste  lo  que  es  toda  la  nueba  vizcaya 
y  los  mineros  y  vezinos  que  tiene  y  de  las  demas  haziendas  y  entreteni- 
mientos  dellos  hize  las  diligengias  que  embio  a  vuestra  magestad  y  una 
memoria  que  saque  dellas  donde  ba  todo  Recopilado  y  no  pude  embiar 
en  esta  ocassion  la  descregion  de  la  tierra  en  buena  orden  y  com  puntuali- 
dad  con  las  alturas  y  distangias  de  cada  lugar  por  aber  salido  de  la  sierra 
agora  poco  ay  no  dar  lugar  el  tiempo  para  que  fuera  con  esta  en  la  flota 
hazerlo  e  en  otra  ocassion. 

Visto  y  entendido  Vuestra  magestad  la  pobreza  y  falta  de  servigio  que 
oy  tienen  los  vezinos  desta  gobernagion  que  es  grande  por  cuya  causa 
todas  las  haziendas  de  minas  y  las  demas  son  tan  cortas  y  los  tratantes 
que  se  llaman  mercaderes  de  caudal  de  quinientos  pesos  y  de  mill  y  dos 
o  tres  y  al  tono  desto  los  mas  y  de  mandarles  pagar  vuestra  magestad 
alcabala  desta  miseria  le  biene  muy  poco  probecho  siendo  vuestra  magestad 
servido  les  podria  hazer  merced — que  no  pagasen  por  algun  tiempo  porque 
con  gozar  de  esta  merced — y  otras  que  vuestra  magestad  les  haze  se 
animen  a  benir  a  poblar  estas  provingias  donde  ay  gran  suma  de  descu- 
brimientos  de  minas  de  buena  ley  que  estan  descubiertas  y  no  pobladas 
por  la  pobreza  y  poca  gente  que  ay  en  ellas  que  solo  en  la  comarca  de 
san  andres  y  goanegevi  ay  mas  de  treinta  descubrimientos  y  en  el  balle  de 
santa  barbara  y  comarca  otros  ocho  y  aunque  por  agora  les  Relebe  vuestra 
magestad  desta  deuda  por  ser  poca  y  tierra  nueba  quando  este  mas  poblada 
e  ynteresada  con  las  mercedes  que  vuestra  magestad  les  haze  se  Restau- 
rara  este  menoscabo — vuestra  magestad  mandara  lo  que  fuere  servido. 

[Al  mar  gen  se  lee:']  que  se  consulte  que  se  podria  exenptar  de  pagar 
alcavala  por  espagio  de  quinze  afios.    [Una  rubric  a.]    Minas. 

Con  esta  embio  assimismo  un  memorial  fecho  con  el  cuydado  que  debo 
al  servigio  de  vuestra  magestad  tocante  a  materia  de  labrar  minas  y 
menoscabo  que  biene  a  los  Reales  quintos  y  las  causas  de  ello.  Y  el  Reme- 
dio  que  me  parege  se  puede  tener  vuestra  magestad  lo  bera  y  mandara  lo 
que  fuere  servido.    [Al  mar  gen  se  lee:~\    Minas. 

En  toda  esta  gobernagion  asta  goadalaxara  y  mexico  que  a  qualquiera 
destas  partes  ay  mas  de  gien  legoas  no  ay  un  letrado  a  quien  se  le  pueden 
Remitir  la  determinagion  de  las  causas  de  derecho  e  ynterese  de  partes  por 


Francisco  de  Urdinola,  1604  91 

land  and  farther  beyond,  the  prospect  is  good  for  added  conversions. 
These  will  be  obtained  if  your  Majesty  will  order  the  soldiers  and  relig- 
ious who  are  there  to  be  continued  and  reinforced,  notwithstanding  that 
some  persons,  seeing  that  your  Majesty  is  receiving  no  benefit  at  present, 
seem  to  deny  this.  But  God,  who  has  care  for  this  and  has  promised  it, 
will  grant  it  when  it  pleases  him,  as  he  did  in  the  land  of  the  Guachi- 
chiles,9  where  we  spent  great  sums  for  your  Majesty  in  war  with  them, 
and  where,  as  soon  as  peace  was  secured,  the  mines  of  San  Luis  10  and 
others  were  discovered  whence  much  more  was  obtained  than  had  been 
spent.  Nor  does  that  land  of  Sinaloa  promise  less,  for  there  are  frequent 
reports  of  silver  mines  in  it  as  well  as  other  resources  which  will  be  appar- 
ent to  your  Majesty  from  the  reports  submitted.  Many  of  the  mines  are 
not  worked,  however,  because  the  Spaniards  have  insufficient  forces; 
others,  because  until  now  wars  have  been  incessant  with  the  natives  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  hills,  have  not  been  discovered.  [In  the  margin  it 
says:]  Mines. 

Your  Majesty  may  rest  convinced  that  in  all  New  Spain  there  is  no 
land  so  rich  in  veins  of  silver  as  these  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
although,  because  they  are  remote  and  in  the  farthest  part  of  New  Spain, 
where  the  labor  of  docile  Indians,  trained  to  labor,  is  not  obtainable  as  it  is 
in  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Galicia,  no  more  silver  is  taken  out  than  in 
other  places.  But  the  time  will  come  when  this  territory  will  be  considered 
more  important  than  all  the  rest  because  it  is  so  rich  in  silver  deposits. 

In  order  that  your  Majesty  might  be  well  informed  as  to  the  character 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  the  miners  and  settlers  which  it  contains,  and  the 
farms  and  other  enterprises  being  operated  by  them,  I  made  investiga- 
tions, reports  of  which  I  sent  to  your  Majesty,  together  with  a  memorial 
which  I  drew  up  concerning  them,  wherein  all  the  information  is  assem- 
bled. I  could  not  at  this  time,  however,  send  the  description  of  the  country, 
with  proper  arrangement  and  detail,  with  the  latitudes  and  distances  of 
each  place,  because  I  have  been  down  from  the  mountains  only  a  short 
while,  and  there  has  not  been  sufficient  time  to  send  it  with  this  letter  by 
the  fleet;  hence  I  defer  sending  it  until  another  time. 

When  your  Majesty  has  seen  and  understood  [from  my  report]  the 
poverty  and  lack  of  labor  from  which  the  settlers  to-day  in  this  large  gov- 
ernment suffer,  as  a  result  of  which  all  the  mining  camps  and  other 
enterprises  are  so  meager,  and  the  traders,  called  mercadeles,  have  capital 
of  only  five  hundred,  or  one,  two,  or  three  thousand  pesos  thereabouts 
for  the  most  part,  your  Majesty  will  see  that  to  command  them  to  pay 
alcabala  "  on  this  poverty  will  bring  your  Majesty  very  little  profit.  If 
your  Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  grant  them  the  concession  of  not  having 
to  pay  it  for  some  time,  they  would  be  encouraged  by  this,  and  by  other 
favors  which  your  Majesty  concedes  to  them,  to  come  and  settle  these 
provinces  where  there  have  been  numerous  discoveries  of  mines  of  good 
assay,  discovered,  but  not  settled,  on  account  of  the  poverty  and  sparse- 
ness  of  the  population.  In  the  district  of  San  Andres  and  Guanecebi  alone 
there  are  more  than  thirty  discovered  mines,  and  eight  others  in  the 
valley  of  Santa  Barbara  and  its  district.  Therefore,  if  your  Majesty 
should,  since  they  are  few  and  the  land  is  new,  temporarily  relieve  them 


92  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

lo  qual  tiene  el  gobernador  destas  provincias  negessidad  de  un  agessor 
asalariado  como  le  tienen  en  otras  partes  del  nuebo  Reyno  e  yslas — vuestra 
magestad  se  sirba  de  prober  pues  sera  conforme  a  su  cristianisimo  pecho 
y  gelo  y  de  ello  sera  muy  servido  Dios  nuestro  senor. 

Yo  he  servido  a  Vuestra  magestad  desde  mi  mogedad  en  todas  las 
ocasiones  que  se  an  ofregido  en  las  guerras  y  pacification  de  los  yndios 
chichimecos  destos  Reynos  con  mucha  aprobagion  de  los  virreyes  y  audi- 
encias  y  generales  como  constara  por  los  papeles  y  Relaciones  que  a  vues- 
tra magestad  se  le  a  fecho  y  se  aran  y  boy  Cargando  en  anos  y  enferme- 
dades  y  aunque  es  verdad  que  mientras  me  durare  la  vida  no  e  de  faltar 
en  lo  que  pudiere  y  fuere  de  probecho.  Vuestra  magestad  se  sirba  de 
Remunerar  mis  servigios  como  ellos  merecen  haziendome  merced  a  mi 
y  a  dos  hijas  que  tengo  y  para  Casar  como  de  su  poderosa  y  Christiana 
mano  espero  guarde  nuestro  senor  la  Catolica  persona  de  Vuestra  Mages- 
tad de  durango  p'oe  31  de  marco  1604.   Francisco  de  Urdinola. 


Al  obispo  de  la  nueva  Galicia  que  pong  a  remedio  en  los  excesos  que  se  an 
entendido  hazen  los  curas  beneficiados  y  Religiosos  que  acuden  a  la 
administration  de  los  sacramentos  dexandolos  sin  pagarles  nada  no 
embargante  que  de  la  Real  hazienda  se  les  da  lo  que  an  menesterJ 
\Lerma,  29  de  Junio  de  1605.'] 

El  Rey.  Reverendo  y  en  christo  padre  obispo  de  la  ciudad  de  Guada- 
laxara  de  la  provincia  de  la  nueva  galicia  del  mi  consejo  e  entendido  que 
los  clerigos  curas  beneficiados  y  Religiosos  que  acuden  a  la  administration 
de  los  sacramentos  de  los  yndios  y  naturales  de  essa  provincia  no  se  con- 
tentando  con  los  bastimentos  y  las  demas  cosas  necessarias  conque  para 

e  It  is  not  clear  for  what  this  abbreviation  stands. 
1  A.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 


Clerical  Abuses,  1605  93 

of  the  payment  of  this  tax,  later,  when  the  country  is  settled  more  and 
has  prospered  by  the  favors  which  your  Majesty  grants  to  them,  the  con- 
cession may  be  compensated.  Your  Majesty  will  order  whatever  seems 
desirable. 

[In  the  margin  it  reads:']  Let  there  be  consultation  as  to  whether  they 
can  be  exempted  from  paying  alcabala  for  the  space  of  fifteen  years. 
[A  rubric.']    Mines. 

Herewith  I  send  you  also  a  memorial,  drawn  with  the  care  suitable  to 
your  Majesty's  service,  concerning  the  matter  of  working  the  mines  and 
the  diminution  which  has  occurred  in  the  royal  fifths,  with  the  causes 
thereof,  and  the  remedy  which  may  be  applied.  Your  Majesty  will  see  it 
and  order  as  seems  pleasing. 

[In  the  margin  it  reads:]    Mines. 

In  all  this  government  as  far  as  Guadalajara  and  Mexico,  which  are 
distant  more  than  one  hundred  leagues  from  any  of  these  parts,  there  is 
no  lawyer  to  whom  may  be  referred  the  settlement  of  cases  at  law  or  the 
interests  of  litigants.  For  these  reasons  the  governor  of  these  provinces 
needs  a  salaried  counsellor  such  as  are  had  in  other  parts  of  the  new 
kingdom  and  in  the  islands.12  Your  Majesty  will  please  provide  one,  as 
this  will  be  in  conformity  with  your  Christian  spirit  and  zeal  and  by  your 
so  doing  God  our  Lord  will  be  well  served. 

I  have  served  your  Majesty  since  my  youth  upon  all  occasions  which 
have  offered  in  the  wars  and  pacification  of  the  Chichimeca  Indians  of 
these  kingdoms,  with  the  pronounced  approbation  of  viceroys,  audiencias, 
and  generals,  as  will  appear  by  the  documents  and  narratives  which  have 
been  and  will  be  submitted  to  your  Majesty.  Now  I  am  growing  old  and 
infirm,  and,  while  it  is  true  that  as  long  as  my  life  lasts  I  shall  not  fail  to 
do  what  I  can  to  be  of  service,  will  not  your  Majesty  be  pleased  to  recom- 
pense my  services  as  they  deserve  to  be,  by  granting  me  for  myself  and 
two  marriageable  daughters  some  favor  which  I  expect  from  the  powerful 
and  Christian  hand  of  your  Majesty.  May  our  Lord  keep  your  Catholic 
person.   Durango,  March  31,  1604.    Francisco  de  Urdinola. 


To  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Galicia,  directing  him  to  correct  the  abuses  which 
it  has  been  understood  that  the  parish  priests,  beneficed  clergy,  and 
regulars  commit  in  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  [demand- 
ing from  the  Indians  compensation  in  services  and  produce  for  this] 
and  paying  them  nothing  therefor,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they 
receive  from  the  royal  treasury  amounts  sufficient  for  their  expenses. 
[Lerma,  June  29,  1605.] 

The  King.  Reverend  sir  and  father  in  Christ,  bishop  of  the  city  of 
Guadalajara  of  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  member  of  my  Coun- 
cil :  I  have  been  informed  that  the  clericals — both  parish  priests,  beneficed 
clergy,  and  regulars  13 — who  administer  sacraments  to  the  Indians  and 
natives  of  that  province,  not  contenting  themselves  with  the  provisions 
and  other  necessaries  which  are  provided   for  their  sustenance   from 


94  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

su  sustento  se  les  acude  de  mi  Real  hazienda  para  que  no  hagan  ni  se  les 
haga  ninguna  vejacion  ni  agravio  a  los  pobres  naturales  y  que  no  obstante 
lo  que  tengo  mandado  les  apremian  a  que  les  den  cada  dia  dos  y  tres  galli- 
nas  y  maiz  y  los  biernes  vigilias  y  quaresmas  pescado  y  huebos  y  gacate 
para  sus  caballos  y  servicio  de  yndios  e  yndias  sin  pagarles  por  todo  ello 
ninguna  cossa  en  que  hay  grande  exceso  y  particularmente  en  algunos  de 
los  rreligiosos  que  no  son  muy  compuesto  y  que  aunque  lo  quieren  reme- 
diar  los  prelados  y  audiencias  no  pueden  hazerlo  rrespecto  de  que  como 
son  tan  miserables  no  tienen  ni  hazen  resistencia  alguna  y  que  para  su 
remedio  conbernia,  se  os  ordenase  a  Vos  y  a  los  Comisarios  y  Provian- 
ciales  de  las  ordenes  mandasedes  so  pena  de  descomunion  y  graves  penas 
a  los  dichos  Curas  beneficiados  y  religiosos  que  no  tomen  cossa  alguna  a 
los  dichos  naturales  si  no  es  pagandoselas  a  justos  y  moderados  precios 
y  aviendose  visto  en  mi  consejo  Real  de  las  yndias  se  acordo  que  devia 
mandar  dar  la  presente  para  vos  e  yo  lo  tenido  por  bien  y  os  Ruego  y 
encargo  que  pongais  Remedio,  y  que  remedieis  esto  de  manera  que  cesen 
estos  ynconbenientes  y  los  que  adelante  se  podrian  seguir  pues  beis  lo 
mucho  que  conviene  avitarlos  que  demas  de  que  en  ello  hareis  lo  que  sois 
obligado  me  terne  por  servido  y  de  lo  que  hicieredes  me  dareis  aviso  para 
que  lo  tenga  entendido  de  lerma  a  veynte  y  nueve  de  Junio  de  mill  y  seis- 
cientos  y  cinco  anos  Yo  el  Rey  Refrendada  de  Andres  de  Torealina 
y  senalada  de  los  del  consejo. 


Respuesta  al  governador  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya  en  lo  tocante  a  las  salinas 
de  aquella  provincial  [San  Lorenzo,  5  de  Septiembre  de  i6ii.~] 

El  Rey.  Francisco  de  Urdinola  .  .  .  governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya 
se  ha  visto  Lo  que  por  Un  capitulo  de  Carta  Vuestra  de  1 5  de  abril  de  607 
escrivis  acerca  de  la  inportancia  de  la  salina  que  se  ha  descubierto  en  essa 
governacion  en  Veinte  y  cinco  leguas  adelante  de  la  provincia  de  santa 
Barbara  y  el  fruto  grande  que  de  ella  se  podria  sacar  para  mi  Real  haci- 
enda mas  porque  mi  Voluntad  es  que  sin  embargo,  Se  guarde  lo  probeido 
Ultimamente  acerca  de  la  Livertad  de  todas  las  Salinas  de  essas  provincias 
y  las  demas  de  las  Yndias,  os  mando  que  assi  lo  hagais.  Sin  contravenir 
en  cossa  alguna  a  La  cedula  que  se  despacho  en  esta  Raqon  avisandome  de 
lo  que  hizieredes  para  que  Lo  tenga  entendido.  San  Lorenzo  a  3  de  Sep- 
tiembre de  161 1.   Yo  el  Rey. 


Servicios  hechos  a  su  Magestad  Por  El  Cappitan  don  Hieronimo  Velasquez 
Davila  [en  Nueva  Galicia,  1617'].* 

Don  Luis  Ponce  de  leon  Cappitan  y  Cavo  de  la  gente  de  guera  que  vino 
y  esta  de  presidio  en  este  de  acaponeta  y  su  Jurisdicion  y  alcalde  mayor 

e  A.  G.  I.,  103-3-I.  h  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4. 


Jeronimo  Velasquez  Davila,  161J  95 

my  royal  treasury,  in  order  that  they  may  not  oppress  or  wrong  the  poor 
natives,  have,  in  spite  of  my  commands,  urged  the  latter  to  give  them 
daily  two  or  three  hens  and  corn,  and  on  Fridays,  fast-days,  and  during 
Lent,  fish,  and  eggs,  and  hay  for  their  horses,  as  well  as  personal  services 
from  both  men  and  women,  without  any  payment  whatsoever  for  all  this. 

The  abuse  is  very  great,  particularly  among  certain  of  the  religious, 
who  are  decidedly  immoderate;  and,  while  the  prelates  and  audiencias 
have  endeavored  to  remedy  the  situation,  they  are  unable  to  do  so  because 
the  [Indians]  are  so  impoverished  that  they  do  not  offer  any  resistance 
whatever.  It  would  seem  proper,  therefore,  in  order  to  effect  the  needed 
reform,  to  command  you  and  the  commissaries  and  provincials  14  of  the 
orders  to  issue  commands,  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  serious 
penalties,  to  the  parish  priests,  beneficed  clergy,  and  the  religious,  not  to 
take  anything  from  the  natives  except  upon  payment  of  just  and  mod- 
erate prices. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies, 
it  was  agreed  that  the  present  order  should  be  sent  to  you.  I  have  accepted 
the  decision,  and  I  therefore  command  and  charge  you  to  effect  a  reform, 
and  to  remedy  the  situation  so  that  these  improprieties  shall  cease  and 
shall  not  recur.  You  can  see  how  very  desirable  it  is  to  prevent  them,  and 
you  may  be  assured  that,  whatever  you  do  in  the  matter  beyond  what  is 
your. obligation,  I  shall  consider  myself  well  served  thereby.  Whatever 
you  do  you  will  report  to  me,  in  order  that  I  may  be  informed.  From 
Lerma,  June  29,  1605.  I  the  King.  Countersigned,  drawn  up  by  Andres 
de  Torealina,  and  signed  by  the  members  of  the  Council. 


Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  concerning  the  salt  deposits  of 
that  province.    [San  Lorenzo,  September  j,  i6ii.~\ 

The  King.  Francisco  de  Urdinola  .  .  .  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya : 
I  have  considered  that  which  you  write  in  an  article  of  your  letter  of 
April  15,  1607,  concerning  the  importance  of  a  salt  deposit  which  has 
been  discovered  in  that  government  twenty-five  leagues  beyond  the  prov- 
ince of  Santa  Barbara,  and  the  great  profit  which  might  be  derived  from 
it  for  my  royal  treasury.  Nevertheless,  since  it  is  my  will  that  recent 
orders  shall  be  obeyed  which  prescribe  the  freedom  of  all  the  salt  deposits 
of  those  provinces  and  of  the  rest  of  the  Indies,  I  command  that  you  so 
maintain  them,  not  contravening  in  anywise  the  cedula  despatched  for 
that  intent.  You  will  advise  me  of  what  you  may  do  that  I  may  have  due 
understanding  thereof.    San  Lorenzo,  September  3,  161 1.    I  the  King. 


Services  performed  for  his  Majesty  by  Captain  Don  Jeronimo  Velasquez 
Davila  [in  Nueva  Galicia.    i6if\. 

I,  Don  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  captain  and  leader  of  the  soldiers  who  came 
here  and  are  serving  in  this  presidio  of  Acaponeta  15  and  its  jurisdiction, 
alcalde  mayor  for  his  Majesty  in  this  province  and  land,  certify  that 


96  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Por  su  Magestad  en  esta  provincia  e  tierra  Certiffico  que  el  Capitan 
Hieronimo  Velasquez  davila  Vino  a  este  Presidio  de  socoro  Con  Una 
compania  de  veinte  soldados  espanoles  bien  armados  Por  horden  del  sefior 
don  Alonso  Perez  Merchan  governador  etc.,  en  este  Reyno  Presidente  de 
la  real  audiencia  de  guadalaxara  por  la  necesidad  que  abia  en  esta  dicha 
f  rontera  del  dicho  socoro  por  averme  dado  asalto  en  ella  ochocientos  gan- 
dules  de  la  nacion  Tepeguanes  y  otras  que  a  las  suyas  se  abian  agregado  y 
tenido  conmigo  batalla  canpal  y  con  muerte  de  algunos  dellos  Retirandose 
a  la  sierra  Para  Reforcados  Bolverme  segundo  asalto  y  conseguir  el 
Efecto  de  sus  malos  deseos  Los  quales  Se  le  Reprimieron  con  la  dicha 
Venida  del  dicho  capitan  y  su  conpania  que  como  tan  gran  soldado  Vino 
buscando  el  peligro  deceoso  de  Encontrar  al  dicho  Enemigo  Por  las 
Faldas  de  la  sierra  donde  se  an  retirado  y  Vviendo  que  no  bolvia  a  darnos 
Las  cinco  batallas  prometidas  se  hordeno  de  Yrles  a  buscar  y  se  les  dio 
Un  albacp  En  el  qual  Son  algunos  muertos  y  heridos  que  fueron  Se 
cogieron  cinco  bibos  de  la  nacion  tepeguana  que  en  su  Persona  y  con  su 
Parecer  Justicie  En  este  dicho  Presidio  y  En  todo  esto  y  lo  que  mas  se  a 
ofrecido  del  servicio  de  su  Magestad  En  todos  los  cassos  de  guera  que 
aqui  subcedieron  durante  su  asistencia  acudio  con  muy  gran  Valor  y  con 
muy  particular  cuidado  Hordenando  diciplinando  y  animando  En  todas 
dichas  ocasiones  A  los  susodichos  sus  Soldados  Los  quales  Cumpliendo 
con  Las  hordenes  E  instrucciones  que  para  ello  traya  pasado  todo  Lo 
susodicho  me  los  Entrego  para  que  esten  de  asistencia  en  este  dicho  pre- 
sidio porque  con  las  confesiones  que  con  tormento  de  ganucha  se  dieron 
a  los  dichos  cinco  yndios  que  fueron  presos  declararon  que  pasadas  Las 
aguas  nos  bolvieran  a  dar  segundo  asalto  y  Por  estar  Nonbrado  Por  capi- 
tan a  guera  En  la  ciudad  de  guadalaxara  Cumpliendo  con  las  ynstruciones 
me  Entrego  La  dicha  compania  Segun  dicho  es  Cuya  venida  y  averla 
traydo  y  echo  Lo  demas  Rescevido  En  ocasion  de  tanta  necesidad  a  sido 
Un  muy  Particular  Servicio  a  su  Magestad  y  es  merito  de  toda  la  merced 
que  se  le  hiziere.1 


Probanga  de  Miguel  de  Barrasa  Resident e  en  las  Yndias  de  nueba  Espafia 
en  la  Villa  de  Durango:  De  los  servicios  que  a  echo  a  su  Magestad 
en  los  Reynos  de  Vigcaya  y  GaliciaJ   [1618.'] 

Senor:  Miguel  de  Barrasa  residente  en  las  Yndias  de  nueba  espafia  en 
la  Villa  de  Durango  sita  en  el  Reyno  de  la  nueba  Vizcaya :  Dice  quel  a 
servido  a  Vuestra  Magestad  en  las  dichas  Indias  desde  el  afio  de  84  siendo 
de  edad  de  Veinte  afios  Particularmente  en  la  guerra  contra  los  Yndios 

■  F.  R.  B.,  Aug.  28,  1914. 

1  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4.  [Como  titulo  lleva:]  Al  Presidente  de  yndias.  Sefior.  Miguel  de 
Barrasa  Residente  en  las  Yndias  de  Nueba  espafia  en  el  Reyno  de  la  Nueba  Vizcaya  en 
La  villa  de  Durango.  Pide  el  Corregimiento  de  santa  barbara  en  la  nueba  Vizcaya  y 
caso  que  no  se  tome  resolncion  informe  del  util,  y  sus  servicios  Virrey  y  Audiencia 
de  Mexico. 


Miguel  de  Barrasa,  1618  97 

Captain  Jeronimo  Velasquez  Davila  18  came  to  this  presidio  with  a  relief 
company  of  twenty  well-armed  Spanish  soldiers,  by  order  of  Don  Alonzo 
Perez  Merchan,17  governor  of  this  kingdom,  and  president  of  the  royal 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara.  He  was  sent  because  of  the  need  of  a  relief 
party  on  this  frontier,  inasmuch  as  I  had  here  been  attacked  by  eight  hun- 
dred vagabonds  of  the  Tepeguanes  nation  and  others  who  had  joined 
them.  They  had  given  me  battle  in  the  open  field,  but,  upon  the  death  of 
a  few  of  them,  they  had  retired  to  the  sierra  in  order  that,  reinforced,  they 
might  attack  me  a  second  time  and  achieve  the  purpose  of  their  evil  de- 
sires. They  were,  however,  prevented  by  the  coming  of  the  captain  and 
his  company;  he,  great  soldier  that  he  was,  came  in  search  of  danger, 
desiring  to  meet  the  enemy  upon  the  slopes  of  the  sierra  whither  they  had 
retired.  Seeing  that  they  did  not  come  back  to  offer  us  the  five  battles 
which  they  had  promised,  orders  were  given  to  go  in  search  of  them,  and 
they  were  surprised  at  dawn  by  an  attack  in  which  some  were  killed,  some 
were  wounded  but  escaped,  and  five  of  the  Tepehuanes  nation  were  taken 
alive.  The  latter,  upon  the  judgment  and  advice  of  the  captain,  I  executed. 
In  this  presidio,  in  all  the  foregoing  fighting,  and  in  all  other  situations 
of  war  requiring  service  to  his  Majesty  which  arose  during  his  presence 
here,  the  captain  acted  with  great  valor,  and  marked  carefulness.  He 
commanded,  disciplined,  and  encouraged  his  soldiers  in  all  these  situa- 
tions, and  then,  when  the  orders  and  instructions  for  the  observance  of 
which  they  came  had  been  fulfilled,  he  turned  them  over  to  me,  that  they 
might  remain  in  service  in  this  presidio.  This  was  because  the  five  Indians 
who  had  been  captured  had  declared,  in  confessions  made  under  torture 
by  the  ganucha,  that  when  the  rainy  season  should  have  passed  they 
would  come  again  to  attack  us.  He,  therefore,  having  been  named  war 
captain  in  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  in  compliance  with  his  instructions, 
turned  over  to  me  the  company,  as  has  been  said.  His  coming,  his  having 
brought  the  company,  and  his  having  done  all  the  other  things  which  he 
did  upon  an  occasion  of  such  necessity,  has  been  of  particular  service  to 
his  Majesty,  and  is  worthy  of  any  favor  which  may  be  conceded  to  him. 


Proof  by  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  a  resident  of  the  villa  of  Durango,  New 
Spain,  in  the  Indies,  of  services  which  he  has  performed  for  his 
Majesty  in  the  kingdoms  of  Vizcaya  and  Galicia*    [1618.] 

Sir:  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  a  resident  of  the  villa  of  Durango,  situated  in 
the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  New  Spain,  in  the  Indies,  says  that  he 
has  served  your  Majesty  in  the  Indies  since  the  year  1584,  at  which  time 
he  was  twenty  years  old.  He  served,  specifically,  in  the  war  against  the 
Guachichiles  Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  with  his  arms,  servants,  and 

*  [The  title  is:]  To  the  president  of  the  Indies :  Sir:  Miguel  de  Barrasa,  a  resident  of 
the  villa  of  Durango,  in  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  New  Spain,  in  the  Indies,  prays 
to  be  granted  the  corregimicnto  18  of  Santa  Barbara,  Nueva  Vizcaya ;  and,  in  case  no 
decision  is  reached  requests  that  the  viceroy  and  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico  make  a  report 
concerning  his  utility  and  his  services. 


98  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Guachichiles  de  la  nueba  Galicia  Haciendo  guarda  con  sus  armas  criados 
y  caballos  a  todos  los  pasageros  y  a  los  que  con  carretas  y  recuas  metian 
Vastimentos  y  Vituallas  a  las  minas  de  Vuestra  Magestad  en  el  Masapil  y 
saltillo  cuyos  caminos  heran  offendidos  de  los  salteadores  yndios  allandose 
en  todas  las  ocasiones  con  mucho  travajo  y  riesgo  de  su  vida  y  todo  a 
costa  de  su  hacienda  sin  llebar  a  Vuestra  Magestad  salario  ni  acostamiento 
alguno.  Y  en  la  guerra  quando  se  algaron  Los  Yndios  Conchos,  que 
residen  en  las  comarcas  de  Sancta  Barvara,  Donde  asistio  a  su  costa  en 
todas  Las  ocasiones,  particularmente  aviendole  cometido  el  Governador 
y  Capitan  Alonso  diaz  el  ir  a  hazer  gente  Para  el  castigo  dellos  a  la  Ala- 
guna  y  Meszquitales  donde  estaban  Revelados  Los  dichos  yndios  y  al- 
gadas  Las  Rancherias,  el  dicho  Miguel  de  Barrasa  con  sus  soldados  tu- 
bieron  Batallas  de  mucho  riesgo  con  ellos  y  los  redujo  a  la  paz  sacando 
dellos  mucha  cantidad  con  los  quales  se  hizo  guerra  a  los  de  la  dicha  Pro- 
vincia  de  Santa  Barvara  y  prosiguiendo  La  guerra  y  castigo  de  los  Dichos 
indios  fue  hasta  Las  comarcas  de  Nuebo  Mexico,  haciendo  guerra  a  todos 
los  Revelados  hasta  Reducirlos  al  servicio  de  Vuestra  Magestad  En  cuyas 
ocasiones  recivio  muchas  y  muy  grandes  heridas  y  una  que  se  le  ue  en  el 
Rostro  sobre  el  carrillo  derecho  y  en  la  guerra  que  se  higo  al  casique  Ati- 
buliaga  y  a  los  Yndios  de  su  nacion  questaban  retirados  en  un  penol  fuerte 
hasziendo  guerra  a  los  espafioles  de  la  dicha  provincia  fue  uno  de  los 
primeros  que  lo  ganaron  con  gran  riesgo  de  su  vida  de  que  resulto  quedar 
La  dicha  Provincia  quieta  y  los  Yndios  della  asentados  y  de  Paz  en  que 
se  hizo  gran  servicio  a  Vuestra  Magestad  y  sin  costa  alguna  de  su  Real 
acienda.  Y  en  la  guerra  quando  se  alc^aron  los  Yndios  de  las  salinas  de 
Machete  y  Posso  ediondo  Donde  yendo  el  Capitan  Alonso  Hernandes 
con  numero  de  soldados  nombro  al  dicho  Miguel  de  barrasa  por  su  cau- 
dillo  y  como  tal  servicio  a  Vuestra  Magestad  a  su  costa  todo  el  tiempo 
que  duro  La  dicha  guerra  hasta  dejar  Los  yndios  asentados  y  de  paz,  y  a 
ayudado  juntamente  a  hacer  muchos  descubrimientos  de  Minas  en  par- 
ticular las  de  Sancto  Andres  Topia  y  las  de  los  Papudos  y  las  de  Guana- 
cevi  en  que  a  sido  Vuestra  Magestad  muy  bien  servido  y  crecido  sus 
Reales  quintos  y  aumentadas  sus  poblaciones  como  consta  Por  sus  papeles. 

En  consideracion  de  lo  qual  y  de  los  grandes  cervicios  que  hizo  Her- 
nando trexo  carvajal  governador  que  fue  destas  provincias  sobredichas, 
suegro  del  suplicante  y  de  los  de  sus  antepasados  ansi  en  las  yndias  como 
en  otras  partes  como  es  publico  y  notorio  A  Vuestra  Magestad  Pide  y 
suplica  se  sirba  de  mandar  nombrar  al  dicho  miguel  de  Barrassa  Por  cor- 
regidor  de  la  dicha  Provincia  de  Sancta  Barvara  con  nombre  de  Protector 
de  ellas  y  de  sus  Naturales  como  de  Protector  de  las  Minas  de  Guanacevi 
San  Juan  de  yndele  Santhiago  de  Mapini  Minas  de  guancame  que  son 
las  Reales  de  aquella  Vereda. 

Advirtiendo  a  Vuestra  Magestad  que  importa  a  su  Real  servicio  con- 
servacion  y  augmento  de  los  Naturales  el  que  se  reduQgan  Las  cinco  Al- 
cardias  en  que  esta  Repartida  La  dicha  Provincia,  a  correjimiento  que  se 
intitule  della  Porque  cada  uno  de  los  alcaldes  con  nombre  de  Protector  y 
poder  de  alcalde  se  bale  del  trabajo  de  aquellos  pobres  Yndios  Para  sus 
granjerias  a  titulo  de  Protectores  Sin  tratar  del  augmento  de  Vuestra 
Magestad  y  poblacion  de  sus  tierras  Llebando  cada  Uno  trecientos  pesos 


Miguel  de  Barrasa,  1618  99 

horses,  as  a  guard  for  all  the  travellers  and  all  those  who  transported 
supplies  and  food  by  wagon  or  packtrain  to  your  Majesty's  mines  in 
Mazapil 10  and  Saltillo.  The  roads  over  which  this  traffic  passed  were 
infested  by  Indian  highway  robbers,  and  this  suppliant,  though  continu- 
ously undergoing  great  hardships  and  risk  to  his  life,  served  entirely  at 
the  cost  of  his  own  estate,  receiving  from  your  Majesty  neither  salary 
nor  payment  of  expenses  whatsoever.  In  the  war  at  the  time  of  the  revolt 
of  the  Conchos  Indians,  who  dwell  in  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Barbara,  he 
served  upon  all  occasions  entirely  at  his  own  cost. 

Specifically,  when  Governor  and  Captain  Alonzo  Diaz  20  had  charged 
him  to  go  and  enlist  men  for  the  punishment  of  the  Indians  at  La  Laguna 
and  at  Mezquitales,  where  they  were  in  rebellion  and  where  the  rancherias 
were  devastated,  Miguel  de  Barrasa  and  his  soldiers  fought  dangerous 
battles  with  them,  reduced  them  to  peace,  and  obtained  from  them  a  large 
number  of  men  with  the  assistance  of  whom  they  made  war  upon  the 
Indians  of  the  province  of  Santa  Barbara.  In  the  pursuit  of  this  war  and 
in  the  punishment  of  these  Indians,  he  went  as  far  as  the  confines  of  New 
Mexico,  warring  upon  all  the  rebels  until  they  were  subjected  to  your 
Majesty's  service.  On  these  occasions  he  received  many  serious  wounds, 
one  of  which  is  visible  upon  his  right  cheek.  In  the  war  waged  against 
the  cacique,  Atibuliaga,  and  the  Indians  of  his  nation  who  had  retired  to 
a  strong  position  on  a  cliff  whence  they  waged  war  upon  the  Spaniards 
of  that  province,  Barrasa  was,  at  great  risk  to  his  life,  one  of  the  first  of 
those  who  scaled  the  cliff.  As  a  result  of  the  fight  there,  that  province 
was  pacified  and  the  Indians  in  it  peaceably  took  up  fixed  abodes.  This 
was  a  great  service  to  your  Majesty,  and  it  cost  your  royal  treasury 
nothing. 

In  the  war  when  the  Indians  of  Las  Salinas  de  Machete  and  Pozo 
Hediondo  revolted,  Captain  Alonzo  Hernandez,  going  thither  with  a 
number  of  soldiers,  named  Miguel  de  Barrasa  as  their  leader;  in  that 
capacity  he  served  your  Majesty  at  his  own  expense  throughout  the  war 
until  the  Indians  were  settled  peaceably  in  fixed  abodes.  He  has  also 
assisted  in  numerous  discoveries  of  mines,  particularly  those  of  San 
Andres,  Topia,  Los  Papudos,  and  Guanacebi.  By  these  discoveries  your 
Majesty  has  been  well  served,  your  royal  fifths  21  have  been  increased, 
and  your  settlements  made  more  numerous,  as  appears  from  Barrasa's 
papers. 

In  consideration  of  all  the  foregoing,  and  of  the  great  services  rendered 
by  Hernando  Trexo  Carbajal,22  former  governor  of  these  provinces  and 
father-in-law  of  the  applicant,  and  in  consideration  of  the  publicly  and 
widely  known  services  of  his  forbears  both  in  the  Indies  and  elsewhere, 
Miguel  de  Barrasa  begs  and  supplicates  that  your  Majesty  will  be  pleased 
to  order  that  he  be  named  corregidor 23  of  the  province  of  Santa  Barbara 
with  the  title  of  Protector  of  the  provinces  and  of  the  natives  thereof, 
and  also  Protector  of  the  mines  of  Guanacebi,  San  Juan  de  Indehe 
[Inde],  Santiago  de  Mapimi,  and  the  Mines  of  Cuencame,  which  are  the 
camps  along  that  trail. 

He  calls  the  attention  of  your  Majesty  to  the  fact  that  it  is  of  impor- 
tance to  your  royal  service  and  the  preservation  and  welfare  of  the  natives 
8 


100  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

de  salario  de  su  Real  aver.  Todas  Las  quales  Reduziendolas  a  correji- 
miento  Dios  y  Vuestra  Magestad  seran  muy  bien  servidos  y  el  sueldo  que 
son  mil  y  quinientos  pessos  Puede  ser  La  tercera  parte  menos  o  lo  que 
Vuestra  Magestad  se  sirviere  y  la  tierra  se  poblara  y  aumentara  La 
hacienda  de  Vuestra  Magestad  como  se  a  visto  en  otras  Provincias  que 
se  a  echo  Lo  proprio  que  ademas  del  Real  servicio  de  Vuestra  Magestad 
a  que  el  suplicante  atiende  y  a  de  atender  toda  su  Vida  Recivira  Particular 
merced  y  Resplandecera  La  clemencia  de  Vuestra  Magestad  Premiando 
Los  muchos  servicios  que  a  echo  y  los  de  su  suegro  y  los  de  sus  antepas- 
sados,  etc. 

(y  en  caso  que  no  se  tome  Resolucion  pide  y  suplica  a  Vuestra  Magestad 
se  sirva  que  imforme  del  util  y  sus  servicios  el  Virrey  y  audiencia  de 
mexico.)k 


Relation  breve  y  succinta  de  los  sucesos  que  ha  tenido  la  guerra  de  los 
Tepehuanes  de  la  governacion  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  desde  15  de 
Noviembre  de  16 16  hasta  16  de  Mayo  de  1618.1 

Ano  y  medio  ha  que  empecp  esta  guerra  y  es  fuerqa  que  la  que  tubo 
tan  rigorosos  y  pensados  prinqipios,  no  aya  de  tener  tan  facil  el  dexo. 
Movieronse  estos  Yndios  Tepehuanes  a  mudar  religion  por  instinto  y 
persuacion  del  Demonio  y  assi  levantaron  Ydolo,  y  se  governaban  por 
hechizeros,  y  para  establecer  mejor  su  nueva  eleccion,  no  obstante  que 
ellos  son  en  mucha  cantidad  y  corren  muchas  leguas,  de  la  Nueva  espafia, 
por  mayor  seguridad  trataron  desde  luego  de  convocar  todas  las  otras  na- 
ciones  de  la  Governacion,  y  fueron  tan  astutos,  y  manosos  en  hazer  este 
movimiento  que  apenas  ha  quedado  en  toda  la  governacion  (que  tiene  de 
distrito  mas  de  250  leguas  a  lo  largo  y  casi  otras  tantas  de  trabesia)  quien 
no  aya  entrado  en  el  dicho  al^amiento. 

Luego  que  sucedio  se  hizieron  informaciones  del  caso  y  por  ellas  consto 
aver  tres,  o  quatro  anos,  que  andaban  amasando,  lo  que  despues  execu- 
taron  el  afio  de  1616  a  los  15  de  Noviembre,  y  fue  su  primer  artificio 
querer  dar  a  un  mismo  tiempo  en  todos  Los  puertos  y  pueblos  de  la  Gov- 
ernacion y  si  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior  no  les  atajara  este  designio  con  la 
golosina  de  robar  cantidad  de  ropa  y  mercancia,  con  que  se  encontraron 

k  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  July  31,  1914, 
1A.  G.  L,  66-6-17. 


The  Tepehuanes,  1616-1618  101 

that  the  five  alcaldias 24  into  which  the  province  is  divided  should  be 
combined  into  one  corregimiento  to  be  called  by  the  name  of  the  province. 
For  each  one  of  the  alcaldes,  with  the  designation  of  protector  of  the 
Indians  and  possessing  the  power  of  an  alcalde,  takes  advantage,  by  vir- 
tue of  his  title  of  protector,  of  the  labor  of  those  poor  Indians  for  his 
own  traffic,  at  the  same  time  neglecting  the  prosperity  of  your  Majesty 
and  the  settlement  of  your  land,  notwithstanding  each  of  them  receives 
a  salary  of  three  hundred  pesos  from  the  royal  treasury.  If  all  these 
alcaldias  were  to  be  reduced  to  one  carregimiento,  God  and  your  Majesty 
would  be  well  served.  The  salary,  which  now  amounts  to  1500  pesos, 
might  be  reduced  by  one-third  or  whatever  amount  your  Majesty  might 
please;  the  land  would  be  settled,  and  your  Majesty's  treasury  would  be 
increased,  as  has  been  the  case  in  other  provinces  where  the  change  pro- 
posed has  been  made.  If  your  Majesty  will  reward  the  many  services 
which  the  applicant  has  performed,  those  of  his  father-in-law  and  his 
forebears,  he  will  receive,  in  addition  to  the  pleasure  of  serving  your 
Majesty  as  he  does  and  will  do  throughout  his  life,  an  especial  favor 
whereby  the  clemency  of  your  Majesty  will  be  resplendent. 

(In  case  no  action  is  taken,  the  suppliant  asks  and  beseeches  your 
Majesty  to  ask  the  viceroy  and  Audiencia  of  Mexico  to  submit  a  report 
concerning  his  usefulness  and  his  services.) 


A  brief  and  succinct  account  of  the  events  of  the  war  with  the  Tepehuanes, 
government  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  from  November  15, 1616,  to  May  16, 
1618. 

It  is  now  a  year  and  a  half  since  this  war  began,  and  it  is  perforce  true 
that  since  it  had  such  severe  and  deliberate  beginnings  it  will  not  be  easy 
to  conclude.  These  Tepehuanes  were  induced  to  apostatize  through  in- 
stinct and  the  persuasion  of  the  devil.  They  set  up  an  idol;  they  were 
governed  by  wizards ;  and,  in  order  better  to  establish  their  new  project, 
although  they  are  numerous  and  extend  over  many  leagues  of  New  Spain, 
they  at  once  attempted,  for  greater  security,  to  convoke  all  the  other 
nations  of  that  jurisdiction.  They  were  so  astute  and  clever  in  this  move- 
ment that  there  scarcely  remains  in  the  entire  government  (which  is 
almost  250  leagues  long  and  nearly  as  wide)  anyone  who  has  not  taken 
part  in  the  uprising. 

As  soon  as  this  occurred  investigations  were  made  of  the  situation, 
from  which  it  appeared  that  for  three  or  four  years  they  had  been  formu- 
lating revolutionary  plans,  which  afterwards  they  put  into  execution  on 
November  15,  1616.25  Their  first  scheme  was  to  attack  all  the  ports  and 
towns  of  the  government  at  the  same  time,  and  if  God  our  Lord  had  not 
distracted  them  from  this  design  by  the  prospect  of  stealing  a  quantity 
of  clothing  and  merchandise  which  they  came  upon  on  the  road  to  Topia, 
which  served  to  give  warning  of  the  day  set,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the 
damage  would  have  been  irreparable.    Indeed  on  various  occasions  and 


102  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

camino  de  Topia,  y  fue  parte  para  prevenir  el  dia  senalado,  no  ay  duda 
sino  que  hubiera  sido  el  dano  irreparable,  con  todo  eso,  aunque  en  varios 
tiempos  y  dias  executaron  muchas  muertes,  robos,  y  quemas  de  pueblos 
y  por  seis  o  siete  meses  se  sustentaron  en  campafia  acometiendo  a  todas 
partes,  hasta  que  el  Virrey  de  Nueva  Espana  pudo  embiar  socorro  suffi- 
ciente  de  algunos  capitanes  y  soldados,  que  ayudaron  a  los  de  aca,  y  se  ha 
militado  contra  ellos. 

El  Governador  Don  Gaspar  de  Albear  luego  que  fue  sabidor  de  tan 
gran  movimiento  sabiendo  por  informacion,  que  dello  se  hizo,  que  el 
principal  intento  de  las  Tepehuanes  era  destruyr  la  dicha  villa  de  Guadiana 
cabecera  de  la  Governacion,  y  para  esto  estaban  unidos  y  concertados  los 
Pueblos  de  Tepehuanes  circumvezinos  a  la  dicha  villa ;  dio  tra^a  en  como 
fuessen  prevenidos,  ganandoles  el  lance.  Para  lo  qual  disimulando  la 
traca  y  con  achaque  de  fortifkar  las  casas  Reales,  hizo  llamar  a  los 
Tepehuanes  mas  principals  dellos,  y  antes  que  se  declarassen,  Lunes 
21  de  Noviembre  1616  considerando  la  gravedad  del  caso,  llamo  al  factor 
Rafael  de  Gascue,  el  dia  antes  nombrado  por  maestre  de  campo  y  lugar- 
teniente  de  capitan  General,  para  que  como  el  mas  experimentado  con 
mucha  mafia  prendiesse  los  Governadores,  los  Caciques,  y  principales  de 
los  Yndios  lo  qual  hizo  con  mucha  destreqa  y  fueron  75,  los  mas  belicosos, 
y  todos  confessaron  ser  verdad  que  el  martes  siguiente  22  de  Noviembre 
avian  de  dar  y  asolar  a  Guadiana.  La  prission  se  acabo  de  hazer  como 
a  las  seys  de  la  tarde  y  los  mas  estaban  en  las  casas  Reales,  unos  en  cepos, 
otros  atados,  y  unos  pocos  en  la  carcel.  Este  dia  como  a  las  nueve  de  la 
noche  se  toco  un  arma  muy  viva  en  Guadiana  (Lugar  de  cien  vezinos 
espanoles)  el  alboroto  fue  terrible,  por  que  entraron  diziendo  los  que 
venian  de  f uera ;  entraban  mas  de  dos  mil  Yndios  de  arco  y  flecha ;  Los 
pocos  espanoles  que  avia  se  previnieron  y  mataron  casi  todos  los  presos, 
que  no  quedaron  vivos  sino  cjnco  o  seys,  que  se  ahorcaron  otro  dia  sigui- 
ente Martes  a  la  hora  que  avian  de  executar  su  maldad:  Murieron  al- 
gunos como  christianos  confessando  el  rebelion  general.  Un  Cacique 
llamado  Don  Marcos  de  los  principales  movedores  del  al<;amiento  de  nin- 
guna  manera  se  quiso  confesar  y  se  arrojo  el  mismo  de  la  horca. 
Pusieronse  todos  por  los  caminos  y  los  demas  Yndios  se  perdieron  de 
animo  y  consejo  y  se  huyeron  todos  a  la  Sierra.  Con  esto  se  remedio 
algo  el  peligro  que  amenagaba  a  Guadiana  y  pudo  el  Governador  salir  a 
campear,  como  lo  hizo  con  el  mayor  numero  de  gente  que  pudo  Juntar, 
aunque  mal  armados,  Porque  el  ocio  de  la  paz  avia  puesto  en  olvido  las 
armas.  Salio  en  19  de  Diciembre  del  dicho  ano  dexando  ahorcado  antes 
una  espia  que  se  cogio  en  27  de  Noviembre  el  qual  venia  a  reconocer  la 
Villa  y  ver  el  estado  que  tenia  para  acometerla  (otro  dia  por  la  manana 
28)  un  esquadron  de  ochocientos  Yndios  a  pie  y  catorce  de  a  caballo,  de 
que  venia  por  capitan  un  Yndio  llamado  Pablo  y  se  avian  emboscado  en 
el  xaral,  puesto  oculto  dos  leguas  de  Guadiana  con  la  muerte  de  su  espia 
se  deshizo  su  intento. 

En  20  del,  dicho,  antes  de  amanecer  llego  el  Governador  a  la  estancia  de 
la  sauceda  sin  ser  visto  ni  sentido  de  los  Yndios  enemigos,  en  la  estancia 
que  esta  9  leguas  de  Guadiana,  estaba  recogida  mucha  gente  y  fue  acome- 
tida  muchas  vezes  obstinadamente  de  los  enemigos  y  a  21  creyendo  no 


The  Tcpehnanes,  1616-1618  103 

days  they  committed  many  murders  and  robberies  and  burned  villages; 
for  six  or  seven  months  they  kept  the  field,  attacking  in  all  directions, 
until  finally  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  26  was  able  to  send  sufficient  assis- 
tance in  the  form  of  some  captains  and  soldiers  who  aided  those  who  were 
here.  As  a  result  the  war  has  gone  against  them. 

The  governor,  Don  Gaspar  de  Albear,27  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  so  great 
a  movement,  learning  by  investigations  which  were  made  that  the  chief 
purpose  of  the  Tepehuanes  was  to  destroy  the  villa  of  Guadiana,  capital 
of  the  jurisdiction,  for  which  purpose  the  Tepehuane  villages  round  about 
Guadiana  were  united  and  agreed,  adopted  a  plan  to  forestall  them,  and 
thereby  gained  an  advantage  over  them.  In  order  to  do  this  he  concealed 
his  design,  and  under  pretext  of  fortifying  the  government  buildings,  had 
the  principal  Tepehuanes  called  together  before  they  should  declare  the 
revolt.  On  Monday,  November  21,  1616,  in  consideration  of  the  serious- 
ness of  the  situation,  he  called  upon  the  factor,  Rafael  de  Gascue,  ap- 
pointed on  the  preceding  day  maestre  de  campo  and  lieutenant-captain- 
general — he  being  the  most  experienced  person  available — to  seize  craftily 
the  governors,  caciques,  and  principal  men  of  the  Indians.  This  he  did 
very  cleverly,  securing  seventy-five  of  the  most  warlike  ones,  all  of  whom 
confessed  that  it  was  true  that  on  the  following  Tuesday,  November  22, 
they  were  to  attack  and  destroy  Guadiana.  These  Indians  were  appre- 
hended at  about  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Most  of  them  were  [placed] 
in  the  government  buildings,  some  in  stocks,  others  bound,  while  a  few 
were  [placed]  in  the  jail. 

About  nine  o'clock  that  evening  a  very  loud  alarm  was  sounded  in 
Guadiana,  a  town  of  about  one  hundred  Spanish  settlers.  The  confusion 
was  terrible,  for  those  who  came  in  from  the  outside  said  that  more  than 
2000  Indians  with  bows  and  arrows  were  coming.  The  few  Spaniards 
who  were  there  took  the  forewarning  and  killed  nearly  all  the  prisoners, 
only  five  or  six  being  left  alive,  and  these  were  hanged  the  next  day, 
Tuesday,  at  the  hour  appointed  for  their  uprising.  Some  of  them  died 
as  Christians,  confessing  the  projected  general  uprising.  One  chief  named 
Don  Marcos,  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  revolt,  would  by  no  means 
make  a  confession,  and  voluntarily  sprang  from  the  gallows.  Their  bodies 
were  placed  upon  all  the  roads,  and  the  remaining  Indians  lost  courage 
and  counsel,  and  fled  to  the  mountains. 

By  this  means  the  danger  which  threatened  Guadiana  was  relieved 
somewhat,  and  the  governor  was  enabled  to  take  the  field,  which  he  did, 
with  the  largest  number  of  men  he  could  muster ;  these  were  poorly  armed, 
because  the  idleness  of  peace  had  resulted  in  neglect  of  the  weapons.  He 
set  out  on  December  19  of  the  same  year,  having  first  hung  a  spy  who 
was  caught  on  November  27,  as  he  was  coming  to  reconnoitre  the  villa 
and  ascertain  its  condition  in  order  that  a  troop  of  800  Indians  on  foot 
and  fourteen  mounted,  led  by  an  Indian  named  Pablo,  might  attack  it  on 
the  morning  of  the  next  day,  the  twenty-eighth.  These  Indians  were  in 
ambush  at  El  Jaral,  a  secret  rendezvous  two  leagues  from  Guadiana. 
However,  upon  the  death  of  their  spy  they  gave  up  the  plan. 

On  the  twentieth  of  the  same  month,  before  dawn,  the  governor  reached 
the  cstancia  of  La  Sauceda  without  being  seen  or  his  presence  being 


104  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

avia  entrado  en  ella  el  Governador,  venian  a  asolarla  800  Tepehuanes, 
viendolos  asomar  nuestra  gente  y  creyendo  que  eran  pocos  salieron  al- 
gunos  dellos  sin  orden  ni  concierto,  y  los  Yndios  cautelosamente  se 
fueron  retirando  a  la  sierra,  adonde  metieron  a  los  espafioles  y  tenian  el 
grueso  de  su  gente  emboscada  Peleose  sin  traca  por  lo  dicho  y  los  nuestros 
corrieron  mucho  riesgo,  mataron  un  espanol  llamado  Herrera  que  se 
llevaron  los  Yndios  sin  poderlo  remediar,  y  no  se  hecho  menos  hasta  que 
falto  y  fueron  heridos  otros  siete  u  ocho  espafioles  y  los  nuestros  mataron 
14  gandules  sin  muchos  heridos,  con  que  se  desaparecieron  por  entonces 
los  Tepehuanes. 

Venian  de  todas  partes  malas  nuevas  de  muertes,  robos,  e  incendios, 
y  en  particular  de  Guanacebi  el  Real  de  minas  mas  importante  deste 
Reyno  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  que  cae  en  el  rifion  de  la  Tepehuana,  donde 
estaban  los  vezinos  de  aquel  pueblo  en  grande  riesgo,  por  la  multitud  de 
Yndios  que  con  diabolicos  asaltos  les  acometian  muchas  vezes  pedian 
socorro  con  grande  prissa,  avisando  que  solos  doce  o  trece  dias  se  podian 
sustentar,  por  no  tener  vituallas,  ni  municiones  de  guerra.  Entro  el  Gov- 
ernador en  consejo  con  los  Capitanes  y  soldados  mas  experimentados. 
Todos  fueron  de  parecer  embiasse  socorro ;  mas  que  en  ninguna  manera 
convenia  le  llevasse  el  governador  por  el  grande  riesgo  que  corria  su  per- 
sona y  gente  Porque  si  le  sucedia  mal,  como  era  evidencia  por  la  poca 
gente  que  tenia,  perdiendose  el  Governador  Y  soldados,  se  perderia  el 
Reyno,  mas  considerando  el  Governador  que  si  no  yba  el  en  persona,  no 
hubiera  quien  llevara  el  Socorro,  que  era  gran  compasion  que  pereciessen 
100  almas  que  estaban  en  Guanacebi  en  tan  gran  riesgo ;  resolviosse  yr  el 
proprio  y  dexaron  de  yr  con  el  personas  que  hasta  entonces  avian  tenido 
alguna  opinion,  dando  muy  leves  disculpas  para  no  yr  de  do  se  saco,  que 
los  que  fueron  fue  por  ver  yr  al  Governador. 

Salio  de  la  Sauceda  para  yr  a  socorrer  a  san  Juan  del  Rio,  a  las  minas 
delndehe,  y  a  las  de  Guanacebi  a  30  de  Diziembre.  Llego  a  san  Juan  a 
las  nueve  de  la  noche,  el  mismo  dia,  y  dexo  ocho  soldados  de  guarnicion 
deste  Pueblo  salio  a  primero  de  Henero  de  617  y  llego  a  las  minas  de 
Indehe  a  7  do  recogio  vituallas  y  ganados  que  llevar  y  las  arinas  que  le 
truxo  el  Alcalde  mayor  de  Santa  Barbara  con  socorro  de  100  Yndios 
Conchos. 

Partio  a  12  y  llego  a  15  a  Guanacebi  con  el  socorro  de  armas  y  muni- 
ciones, rompiendo  por  medio  de  los  enemigos,  y  hallo  todo  el  pueblo 
recogido  en  la  Yglessia  y  otras  quatro  casas  del  rededor  y  en  el  ultimo 
trance  por  que  ya  los  enemigos  avian  quemado  todo  el  lugar  y  los  ingenios 
de  sacar  plata  el  sustento  les  avia  ya  faltado  y  comian  los  perros  y  gatos. 
Consololos  el  Governador  a  todos  alabando  su  constancia  y  les  dio  300 
quintales  de  arina  que  les  trahia,  600  Bacas  Y  400  fanegas  de  maiz. 
Y  dexandoles  presidio  de  25  soldados,  polvora  y  municiones,  partio  la 
via  de  un  pueblo  llamado  San  Ygnacio,  por  otro  nombre  el  <^ape  cinco 
Leguas  de  Guanacebi,  partido  de  los  Religiosos  de  la  compania  de  Jesus, 
domingo  22  de  Henero.  Hallo  quemada  la  Yglessia  y  casa,  y  desamparado 
todo  el  pueblo,  y  quatro  Religiosos  de  la  compania  flechados  y  muertos 
y  con  ellos  otras  cien  personas.  Dioseles  entierro.  De  aqui  tomo  la  buelta 


The  Tepehuanes,  1616-1618  105 

known  by  the  enemy.  At  this  estancia,  which  is  nine  leagues  from  Gua- 
diana,  many  people  were  gathered  and  these  were  many  times  attacked 
furiously  by  the  enemy.  On  the  twenty-first,  800  Tepehuanes,  believing 
that  the  governor  had  not  reached  the  estancia,  came  to  pillage  it.  Our 
men  on  seeing  them  and  thinking  that  they  were  few,  went  out  to  meet 
them  without  order  or  plan.  The  Indians  for  their  part  cautiously  retired 
toward  the  mountains,  where,  having  the  bulk  of  their  number  in  ambush, 
they  attacked  the  Spaniards.  As  a  result  the  fighting  was  without  system 
and  our  men  were  subjected  to  considerable  risk.  A  Spaniard  named 
Herrera  was  killed ;  he  was  carried  off  by  the  Indians,  there  being  no  help 
for  it,  since  he  was  not  missed  until  some  time  after  he  was  gone.  Seven 
or  eight  other  Spaniards  were  wounded.  Our  men  killed  fourteen  of  the 
vagabonds  but  did  not  wound  many.  With  this,  the  Tepehuanes  for  the 
time  being  disappeared. 

Bad  news  of  murders,  robberies,  and  incendiarisms  came  from  all  sides, 
especially  from  Guanacebi,  the  most  important  mining  camp  in  the  king- 
dom of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  situated  in  the  centre  of  the  Tepehuane 
country.  There  the  citizens  of  that  town  were  in  great  danger  from  the 
horde  of  Indians,  who  diabolically  attacked  them  many  times.  These  citi- 
zens asked  for  the  most  prompt  assistance,  announcing  that  they  could 
hold  out  for  only  twelve  or  thirteen  days,  since  they  had  no  food  or  muni- 
tions of  war.  Whereupon  the  governor  held  a  council  of  war  with  the 
captains  and  the  most  experienced  soldiers,  all  of  whom  were  of  the 
opinion  that  help  should  be  sent,  but  that  under  no  circumstance  should 
the  governor  take  it  to  them  on  account  of  the  risk  he  personally  and  his 
people  would  run;  for,  if  he  should  have  misfortune,  as  was  likely  on 
account  of  the  few  men  which  he  had,  and  the  governor  and  his  soldiers 
should  be  lost,  the  kingdom  itself  would  be  lost.  But  the  governor,  real- 
izing that  if  he  did  not  go  in  person  there  would  be  no  one  to  take  the 
assistance,  and  that  it  was  a  great  pity  that  one  hundred  persons  in  Guana- 
cebi, in  such  great  danger,  should  perish,  resolved,  quite  properly,  to  go 
himself.  And  some  persons,  who  until  then  had  held  an  opposite  opinion 
and  who  had  given  weak  excuses  for  not  going,  no  longer  opposed  accom- 
panying him.  It  therefore  turned  out  that  those  who  went  did  so  because 
they  saw  that  the  governor  was  going. 

He  set  out  from  La  Sauceda  on  December  30  to  go  to  succor  San  Juan 
del  Rio,  the  mines  of  Indehe  [Inde?],  and  those  of  Guanacebi.  He  arrived 
at  San  Juan  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  same  day.  Leaving  eight 
soldiers  to  garrison  this  town,  he  set  out  on  January  1,  161 7,  and  arrived 
at  the  mines  of  Indehe  [Inde?]  on  January  7.  There  he  collected  victuals 
and  cattle  to  take  along,  and  flour  which  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, with  the  help  of  100  Conchos  Indians,  brought  to  him. 

He  set  out  [from  the  mines  of  Indehe]  on  the  twelfth  and  reached 
Guanacebi  on  the  fifteenth  with  the  arms  and  ammunition.  Cutting  his 
way  through  the  midst  of  the  enemy  he  found  all  of  the  people  assembled 
in  the  church  and  in  four  adjacent  houses  in  the  last  stage  of  resistance, 
for  the  enemy  had  already  burned  all  the  place  and  the  equipment  for 
taking  out  silver.  Their  provisions  had  failed,  and  they  were  eating  the 
dogs  and  cats.   The  governor  comforted  them  all,  praising  them  for  their 


106  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

de  Santa  Catalina,  de  Santiago  Papasquaro  y  otros  Pueblos,  donde  hallo 
otros  quatro  Religiosos  de  la  compafiia  muertos,  un  fraile  de  San  Fran- 
cisco y  atras  avian  dexado  otro  de  santo  Domingo  y  Junto  con  ellos  otros 
muchos  cuerpos  de  difuntos  que  pasarian  de  160,  en  estos  caminos  tubo 
varios  encuentros  con  diferentes  Yndios. 

Junto  a  Santa  Catalina  en  12  de  Hebrero  le  salieron  a  acometer  al  Gov- 
ernador  y  su  gente  gran  suma  de  Tepehuanes.  No  se  pudo  saber  al  cierto 
que  tantos  serian,  mas  vinieron  acometiendo,  creyendo  ser  los  nuestros  los 
vezinos  de  Guanacebi,  que  despoblaban  y  yban  huyendo.  Luego  salieron 
desta  duda  en  ver  el  brio  con  que  los  nuestros  acometieron,  aunque  pocos, 
que  no  eran  mas  de  30  soldados.  Mataron  13  gandules  y  se  cogio  uno 
vino  llamado  Andres  Lopez,  el  qual  dixo  donde  estaba  parte  de  la  gente 
del  enemigo  retirada  y  hecha  fuerte,  que  era  un  lugar  llamado  Tenerapa, 
Huyeron  los  Yndios  por  las  Serranias  muy  aproposito  para  estos  Lances. 
Este  dia  camino  y  llego  al  Pueblo  de  Atotonilco,  como  a  las  nueve  de  la 
noche  y  llamo  a  consejo  a  los  capitanes  y  les  dixo  como  ya  sabian  por  el 
dicho  del  Yndio  Andres,  como  estaba  el  enemigo  fortificado  en  Tenerapa, 
y  que  seria  bien  caminar  aquella  noche  y  darles  albazo  antes  que  tubiesen 
nueva  de  su  venida.  Todos  dixeron  que  no  era  posible  caminar  aquella 
noche  dies  leguas  que  avia  de  alii  a  Tenerapa,  y  las  sierras  dificultosas  de 
andar  y  que  demas  de  aver  peleado  la  gente  aquel  dia,  avian  caminado  seis 
leguas  y  quando  esto  no  fuera  y  estubieran  descansados  no  avia  noche 
para  caminar  dies  leguas  para  que  eran  por  lo  menos  menester  doce  horas 
de  tiempo.  A  estas  dificultades  afiadieron  otras  muchas  y  no  embargante 
todo  esto  se  resolvio  el  Governador  a  que  se  caminasse  luego  tomando 
antes  algun  refresco  y  assi  partio  aquel  dia  caminando  sobre  seis  leguas 
otras  dies  de  prolixo  y  aspero  camino  no  podian  las  cabalgaduras  dar  paso 
de  media  noche  abaxo  y  los  Yndios  amigos  yban  floxos  cansados  y  con 
poco  haliento,  a  todos  los  animo  el  Governador  hasta  la  mafiana,  mas  de 
un  hora  salido  el  sol  que  se  puso  a  vista  de  Tenerapa  lugar  fuerte  por  el 
sitio  y  dificultoso  de  caminar  por  el  f  ueron  sentidos  de  un  Yndio,  que  toco 
arma  y  hubose  de  acometer  y  los  nuestros  lo  hizieron  con  tan  buen  brio 
que  espanoles  y  Yndios  amigos  no  parecia  aver  caminado  media  legua. 
Duro  la  batalla  como  una  hora  hasta  que  los  enemigos  huyeron ;  mataronse 
60  Tepehuanes  y  fue  la  presa  entre  mugeres  y  muchachos  de  220  per- 
sonas  que  se  truxeron  en  Collera  en  4  de  Marqo  a  Guadiana. 

Quedo  en  este  interim  a  cargo  del  Teniente  de  General  Rafael  de 
Gascue  el  govierno  de  las  cosas  de  guerra  deste  Reyno  y  la  defensa  de 
Guadiana,  que  la  defendio  muy  bien;  quatro  o  cinco  dias  salido  el  Gover- 
nador della  consideraron  los  Tepehuanes  quedaba  muy  solo  en  el  lugar, 
por  aver  salido  de  el,  con  casi  toda  la  gente,  hizieron  una  Junta  de  200 
Yndios  dellos  numero  que  les  parecio  sufficiente  para  ganar  el  pueblo  y 
asolarlo  y  se  venian  con  gran  secreto  a  meter  en  un  lugar  llamado  el  Tunal 
una  legua  de  esta  villa.  Tubo  aviso  dello  el  Teniente  de  General  y  no 
quiso  aguardarlos  en  poblado,  y  embio  en  su  busca  al  Capitan  Gongalo 
Martin  de  Soria  con  15  companeros  con  el  orden  que  avia  de  guardar, 
caminaron  media  noche  rodeando  quatro  leguas  por  cogerles  las  espaldas 
y  al  amanecer  les  acometieron  con  brio  a  60  Yndios  que  venian  delante 


The  Tepehuanes,  1616-1618  107 

endurance,  and  gave  them  300  quintals  of  flour  which  he  had  brought 
them,  600  cows,  and  400  fanegas  of  corn.  Leaving  them  a  presidio  with 
twenty-five  soldiers,  powder,  and  munitions,  he  set  out  on  Sunday, 
January  22,  for  a  town  named  San  Ignacio,  otherwise  known  as  El  Zape, 
five  leagues  from  Guanacebi  and  in  the  district  assigned  to  the  religious 
of  the  Company  of  Jesus.  He  found  the  church  and  [parish]  house 
burnt,  the  town  deserted,  four  religious  of  the  Company  [of  Jesus]  shot 
with  arrows  and  dead,  and  one  hundred  other  persons  with  them,  whom 
he  buried.  From  here  he  returned  by  way  of  Santa  Catalina,  Santiago 
Papasquiaro,  and  other  towns,  where  he  found  dead  four  other  religious 
of  the  Company  [of  Jesus],  one  Franciscan  friar,  and  another  friar  of 
the  Dominican  order  whom  he  had  left  behind;  in  addition  many  other 
corpses  numbering  over  160  were  found.  On  these  roads  he  had  frequent 
encounters  with  various  Indians. 

Near  Santa  Catalina  on  February  12  there  came  out  to  attack  the  gov- 
ernor and  his  men  a  great  number  of  Tepehuanes.  It  was  not  possible  to 
know  for  certain  how  many  there  were,  but  they  advanced  to  attack, 
thinking  that  our  men  were  the  settlers  of  Guanacebi  who  were  deserting 
the  town  and  fleeing.  They  were  quickly  disillusioned  when  they  saw 
the  spirit  with  which  our  men — although  few,  there  being  not  more  than 
thirty  soldiers — made  the  attack.  Our  men  killed  thirteen  of  the  vaga- 
bonds and  captured  one  alive  named  Andres  Lopez,  who  told  where  part 
of  the  enemy  forces  were  concealed  in  a  stronghold,  at  a  place  named 
Tenerapa.  The  Indians  fled  through  the  hills,  which  gave  admirable 
opportunity  for  flight. 

This  day  the  governor  marched  and  reached  the  town  of  Atotonilco  at 
about  nine  o'clock  at  night.  Here  he  called  a  council  of  the  captains  and 
told  them,  as  they  already  knew  from  the  above-mentioned  Indian,  Andres, 
that  the  enemy  was  fortified  in  Tenerapa,  and  that  it  would  be  well  to 
march  that  night  and  surprise  them  at  dawn  before  they  should  have  news 
of  his  coming.  All  said  that  it  was  not  possible  that  night  to  march  the  ten 
leagues  from  that  point  to  Tenerapa,  over  mountains  difficult  to  traverse, 
and  that  in  addition  to  having  fought  the  Indians  that  day  they  had 
marched  six  leagues,  and  that  if  this  had  not  been  the  case  and  they  had 
been  rested,  the  night  would  not  be  long  enough  to  march  ten  leagues, 
which  would  require  at  least  twelve  hours.  To  all  these  difficulties  they 
added  many  others,  but  in  spite  of  them  all  the  governor  decided  to  set 
out  at  once  after  some  light  refreshment.  He  therefore  set  forth  the  same 
day,  going  in  addition  to  the  six  leagues  another  ten,  over  intricate, 
rough  roads,  on  which  the  pack  animals  could  make  no  headway  after 
midnight,  and  the  Indian  allies  moved  slowly,  being  tired  and  having 
little  spirit.  But  the  governor  encouraged  them  all  until  morning,  when, 
about  an  hour  after  sunrise,  they  caught  sight  of  Tenerapa,  which  is  in  a 
very  strong  natural  location.  The  road  to  it  being  difficult,  they  were 
detected  upon  it  by  an  Indian  who  sounded  the  alarm,  so  that  it  was 
necessary  to  make  the  attack  at  once.  This  our  forces  did  with  such  spirit 
that  it  was  as  though  the  Spaniards  and  Indian  allies  alike  had  not 
travelled  half  a  league.   The  battle  lasted  about  an  hour  before  the  enemy 


108  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

descubriendo  y  reconociendo.  De  los  primeros  pelotazos  cayeron  dos 
capitanejos,  que  los  venian  sargenteando,  con  que  les  dio  tanto  miedo  que 
todos  volvieron  huyendo,  perniquebrandose  muchos  que  se  despenaron. 
Truxeron  las  manos  derechas  a  Guadiana  y  fueron  bien  recibidas,  por 
averse  con  esto  librado  del  riesgo  que  la  amena^aba. 

A  4  de  Marco,  como  esta  dicho,  llego  la  presa  a  Guadiana  y  otro  dia  a 
5  del  dicho  puso  su  Real  como  una  legua  distante  en  un  parage  que  llaman 
de  Pacheco.  Sentencio  la  presa  y  repartiola.  Aqui  dio  orden  de  lo  que 
los  otros  capitanes  avian  de  hazer  en  las  demas  partes  de  la  governacion, 
donde  se  avian  declarado  los  algados.  Ordeno  al  capitan  Bartolome 
Xuarez,  Capitan  del  presidio  de  San  Hipolito,  en  los  Xiximes,  que  saliesse 
a  Campana  y  tomasse  la  via  de  los  Pueblos  Tepehuanes  que  caen  al 
poniente  de  Guadiana,  salio  luego  en  cumplimiento  desta  orden  y  tubo 
algunas  buenas  suertes  contra  los  Tepehuanes,  matando  y  prendiendo  can- 
tidad  dellos,  y  dexando  castigados  algunos  de  los  Pueblos  de  los  xiximes 
por  averse  al^ado  y  confederado  con  ellos. 

Embio  orden  al  capitan  de  Cinaloa  Domingo  Martinez  de  Urdaide, 
que  dista  de  Guadiana  150  leguas,  para  que  dexando  puesto  buen  recaudo 
en  aquellas  Provincias  saliesse  a  tomar  el  rostro  a  los  Tepehuanes,  cuya 
serrania  se  esta  mirando  con  Cinaloa  por  la  parte  del  Poniente,  empeco 
a  poner  en  efecto  esta  orden  el  dicho  Capitan  y  fue  tan  conocida  la  tur- 
bacion  de  los  Yndios  de  Cinaloa  particularmente  de  los  Pueblos  vezinos 
a  Tepehuanes,  que  hubo  de  tomar  acuerdo  en  contrario  y  quedarse  aguar- 
dar  aquello  que  esta  a  su  cargo.  Todavia  hizo  Justicia  el  dicho  Capitan 
de  mas  de  60  cabegas,  y  aunque  muchos  de  aquellos  Yndios  se  han  decla- 
rado y  acometido  a  nuestros  pueblos,  ha  sido  con  poco  dano,  por  hallarnos 
prevenidos. 

En  este  tiempo  avia  saltado  el  fuego  en  algunos  Pueblos  del  mar  del 
Sur  pertenecientes  al  govierno  de  la  audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  y  tenido 
aviso  y  demanda  de  la  dicha  audiencia,  en  que  se  le  pedia  al  Governador 
socorro,  no  se  quiso  fiar  de  otro  que  de  si  mismo,  y  assi  aprestandose  por 
Mar<;o  de  617  para  esta  Jornada  con  razonable  numero  de  soldados  espa- 
iioles  y  algunos  Yndios  amigos,  partio  a  22  del  dicho  mes,  encaminose 
primeramente  a  Chiametla  por  quietar  de  camino  aquella  Provincia  donde 
tambien  se  avian  alcado  muchos  Pueblos  fue  menester  poner  mucha  dili- 
gencia  para  buscarlos  principalmente  a  los  Yndios  que  llaman  del  Rincon 
de  Zamora  por  ayudarles  mucho  la  f  ragosidad  de  la  tierra  y  ser  necessario 
baxar  casi  a  gatas  parte  del  camino  y  parte  descolgandose  con  sogas  sin 
poder  entrar  bestias,  ni  aun  hombres  del  todo  armados :  al  fin  aunque  con 
trabajo  grande  recabo  el  Governador  la  pacificacion  de  aquellas  gentes. 
Desde  alii  fue  a  los  Pueblos  de  la  Galicia  y  socorrio  el  presidio  de  Acapo- 
neta  que.le  avian  quemado  el  lugar  y  ahuyento  a  los  enemigos  de  modo 
que  en  virtud  desta  Jornada  se  asseguro  aquella  tierra  y  el  effecto  lo  ha 
mostrado,  pues  despues  aca  no  ha  avido  rumor  de  enemigos  y  la  audiencia 
de  Guadalaxara  hizo  por  ello  muy  grandes  gracias  al  Governador  y  volvio 
de  chiametla  a  Guadiana  de  ai  a  cinco  meses  largos.  Tambien  el  factor 
Rafael  de  Gascue  no  se  descuido  en  solicitar  el  socorro  que  se  pedia  al 
Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  antes  fue  en  persona  a  la  ciudad  de  Mexico, 


The  Tepehaanes,  1616-1618  109 

fled.  Sixty  Tepehuanes  were  killed,  and  the  prisoners,  including  women 
and  boys,  numbered  220  persons.  These  were  taken,  chained  together,  to 
Guadiana  on  March  4. 

Meanwhile,  the  affairs  of  war  of  the  kingdom  and  the  defense  of 
Guadiana  remained  in  charge  of  the  lieutenant-general,  Rafael  de  Gascue, 
who  defended  the  place  very  well.  Four  or  five  days  after  the  governor 
had  left  Guadiana  the  Tepehuanes  considered  that  the  lieutenant-general 
was  practically  alone  in  the  place  because  the  governor  had  gone  away 
with  almost  all  the  men.  They  therefore  convoked  some  200  Indians,  a 
number  which  they  thought  would  be  sufficient  to  take  the  place  and 
destroy  it.  So  they  came  with  great  secrecy  to  a  place  called  El  Tunal, 
about  a  league  from  this  villa.  The  lieutenant-general  heard  of  this  and 
not  wishing  to  await  them  in  the  settlement,  sent  in  search  of  them 
Captain  Gonzalo  Martin  de  Soria  with  fifteen  companions,  with  the  orders 
which  they  were  to  follow.  They  marched  half  the  night,  going  around 
four  leagues  in  order  to  come  upon  them  from  behind,  and  at  dawn 
attacked  with  spirit  some  sixty  Indians  who  were  going  in  advance,  recon- 
noitring. At  the  first  shots  two  of  their  captains  who  were  leading  them 
fell,  which  filled  the  others  with  so  much  fear  that  they  turned  about  and 
fled,  many  of  them  breaking  their  legs  as  they  fell  down  the  rocks.  Their 
right  hands  were  brought  to  Guadiana,  where  the  soldiers  were  very  well 
received,  since  the  victory  had  relieved  the  town  from  the  danger  which 
threatened  it. 

On  March  4,  as  has  been  said,  the  prisoners  arrived  at  Guadiana,  and 
on  the  next  day,  the  fifth,  their  camp  was  placed  about  a  league  distant 
at  a  place  which  they  call  Pacheco.  The  prisoners  were  sentenced  and 
apportioned.  Here  orders  were  given  concerning  what  the  other  captains 
had  to  do  in  the  other  parts  of  the  government,  where  revolts  had  been 
declared.  Captain  Bartolome  Juarez,  captain  of  the  presidio  of  San 
Hipolito,  among  the  Xiximes,  was  ordered  to  go  on  a  campaign  by  way 
of  the  Tepehuane  towns  to  the  west  of  Guadiana.  He  set  out  at  once  in 
compliance  with  this  order,  and  had  some  successful  encounters  with  the 
Tepehuanes,  killing  and  capturing  a  number  of  them,  and  punishing  some 
of  the  towns  of  the  Xiximes  for  having  revolted  and  confederated  them- 
selves with  the  Tepehuanes. 

An  order  was  sent  to  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide,28  the  captain  of  Sina- 
loa,  150  leagues  from  Guadiana,  to  leave  a  strong  detachment  in  those 
provinces  and  go  out  to  meet  the  Tepehuanes  whose  mountain  range  over- 
looks Sinaloa  on  the  west.  The  said  captain  began  to  put  this  order  into 
effect,  but  the  disturbance  of  the  Indians  of  Sinaloa  was  so  evident,  par- 
ticularly among  the  towns  neighboring  upon  the  Tepehuanes,  that  he  had 
to  take  contrary  counsel  and  await  developments  in  the  territory  which 
was  under  his  charge.  Still,  this  captain  executed  justice  on  more  than 
sixty  persons,  and  although  many  of  those  Indians  have  declared  war  and 
attacked  our  towns,  the  damage  has  been  slight,  because  we  were  well 
forewarned. 

During  this  time  the  fire  of  revolt  had  sprung  up  in  some  of  the  towns 
along  the  South  Sea  belonging  to  the  government  of  the  Audiencia  of 
Guadalajara.29   Being  advised  of  this,  and  requested  by  the  audiencia  to 


110  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

y  trato  que  se  conduxessen  algunas  companias  Porque  la  gente  que  luego 
embio  el  virrey  desde  Zacatecas  y  San  Luis  no  era  bastante  ni  con  ellas 
se  podia  seguir  todo  lo  que  estaba  algado.  Llego  el  sobredicho  socorro, 
que  f  ue  de  tres  companias  pagadas  por  ocho  meses,  de  que  vino  por  cavo 
y  comissario  dellas  el  dicho  fator  Teniente  de  General  en  22  de  Setiembre 
a  Guadiana,  do  ya  el  Governador  le  esperaba  y  le  distribuyo  a  los  tres 
capitanes  y  a  los  demas  que  avia  por  donde  mas  convino. 

En  esta  sagon  ya  los  enemigos,  que  hasta  alii  campeaban  libremente  se 
yban  retirando  y  se  vino  a  entender  que  estaban  repartidas  y  avnados  m 
en  seis  congregaciones  o  Juntas  distantes  muchas  leguas  unas  de  otras  de 
modo  que  venian  a  abragar  toda  la  governacion,  mezclados  los  Tepehuanes 
con  otras  muchas  naciones. 

Al  Capitan  Bartolome  Xuarez  se  le  ordeno  que  tomasse  a  su  cargo  la 
conquista  del  Mesquital  y  Guagamota  y  sus  aliados,  ha  seis  meses  que 
trabaxa  en  ella  y  ha  tenido  tres  o  quatro  guagabaras  con  los  Yndios 
naturales  de  alii,  en  que  le  fue  bien  matando  algunos.  y  ahorco  doge  dia 
de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  diciembre  de  161 7.  Aunque  la  ultima  nueva  que 
del  se  tubo  fue  pidiendo  socorro  por  decir  que  cargaban  muchos  enemigos ; 
con  todo  se  sabe  que  el  Cacique  mas  principal,  que  se  dize  el  Nayarita 
Gentil  trataba  de  amistad  y  que  esto  estaba  En  buen  puento  y  que  sera 
parte  que  sus  vezinos  se  vengan  a  componer. 

Los  Capitanes  Hontiveros,  Castaneda,  y  Aguirre  an  seguido  la  derrota 
de  Santa  Barbara,  assimismo  con  buen  suceso,  de  muerte  y  prision  de  mu- 
chos, y  reduccion  de  algunos  Pueblos,  que  tenian  pervertidos  los  Tepe- 
huanes y  al  presente  han  entrado  al  Valle  que  llaman  de  San  Pablo,  donde 
se  sabe  que  se  an  retirado  muchos. 

El  Capitan  Montafio  se  ha  encaminado  la  via  de  Guanaiebi  n  acia  la 
quebrada  que  llaman  del  Diablo  y  a  Tecuchiapa,  donde  mucha  parte  de 
los  principales  culpados  se  han  acogido ;  no  dexara  de  hazer  buena  hazi- 
enda,  porque  en  otras  dos  o  tres  occasiones  ha  tenido  buena  fortuna  con 
los  enemigos. 

El  Capitan  Mosquera  ha  tenido  contra  los  Yndios  que  llaman  Salineros 
y  contra  otras  dos  naciones  Conchos  Tobosos  y  Nofioques,  ha  hecho  dos 
buenas  presas  en  ellos,  Justiciando  algunos  y  reduciendo  a  otros. 

El  Governador  assistio  tres  o  quatro  meses  en  la  cabegera  de  su  govierno 
que  es  Guadiana  disponiendo  las  cosas  de  la  guerra  en  la  forma  dicha  y 
porque  uno  de  los  mas  belicosos  Capitanes  de  los  Tepehuanes  llamado 
Gogojito  despues  de  haver  hecho  muchos  asaltos  y  grandes  estragos  en 
los  Ganados  de  la  tierra,  se  avia  puesto  en  cobro  40  leguas  de  Guadiana, 
y  se  tenia  por  cierto  que  desde  alii  yba  munendo  nuevos  tratos  para  re- 
volver a  su  tiempo,  dio  traga  que  los  Capitanes  Soria  y  Tomas  Garcia 
despues  de  algunas  buenas  suertes  que  avian  tenido  por  aca,  reconociessen 
los  puertos,  cumplieron  con  esta  orden  y  llegados  que  fueron  al  parage, 
donde  el  dicho  Gogojito  y  su  gente  se  avian  empenolado,  y  haziendo  su 
quenta  despues  de  aver  tanteado  el  negocio  hallaron  que  seria  necessaria 
mas  fuerga  para  poder  surtir  algun  efecto  con  aquella  gente,  que  la  que 

111  This  is  obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  armados ". 
D  Evidently  a  miscopy  for  "  Guanacebi  ". 


The  Tepehuanes,  1616-1618  111 

furnish  help,  the  governor  declined  to  place  confidence  in  anyone  save 
himself;  therefore,  making  preparations  during  March,  1617,  for  this 
journey  with  a  fair  number  of  Spanish  soldiers  and  some  Indian  allies, 
he  set  out  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month.  He  first  went  to 
Chiametla  so  to  pacify  that  province  on  the  way,  for  in  it  there  had  also 
been  many  towns  which  had  revolted.  It  was  necessary  to  exercise  great 
diligence  in  finding  the  Indians,  particularly  those  of  the  place  called 
El  Rincon  de  Zamora,  because  the  natives  were  favored  greatly  by  the 
roughness  of  the  land,  it  being  necessary  to  go  down  almost  on  all  fours 
over  part  of  the  road,  in  places  even  using  ropes  to  let  themselves  down 
into  places  where  the  animals  could  not  enter,  nor  even  men  completely 
armed.  Finally,  although  with  great  labor,  the  governor  accomplished  the 
pacification  of  those  people.  From  there  he  went  to  the  towns  of  [Nueva] 
Galicia,  and  gave  assistance  to  the  presidio  of  Acaponeta,  where  the  In- 
dians had  burned  the  village,  and  drove  the  enemy  away.  As  a  result  of 
this  journey,  the  peace  of  that  land  was  assured,  as  has  been  demon- 
strated, for  since  that  time  there  has  been  no  rumor  of  enemies.  The 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  thanked  the  governor  profusely  for  this,  and 
he  returned  from  Chiametla  to  Guadiana,  whence  he  had  gone  some  five 
months  before.  Neither  did  the  factor,  Rafael  de  Gascue,  neglect  to  urge 
the  aid  which  was  asked  for  from  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain;  on  the  con- 
trary he  went  in  person  to  the  city  of  Mexico  and  arranged  to  have  some 
companies  brought,  for  the  men  whom  the  viceroy  finally  sent  from 
Zacatecas  and  San  Luis  were  not  sufficient  for  the  pursuit  of  the  entire 
forces  of  the  insurgents.  This  assistance,  consisting  of  three  companies, 
paid  for  eight  months,  their  leader  and  commissary  being  the  factor  and 
lieutenant  of  the  general,  on  September  22  reached  Guadiana,  where  the 
governor  was  already  awaiting  it.  The  governor  distributed  the  three 
captains  and  the  rest  of  the  men  where  they  would  serve  the  best  purpose. 

At  this  time  the  enemy,  who  until  now  had  been  campaigning  exten- 
sively, began  to  retire.  It  was  learned  that  they  had  separated  into  six 
armed  congregations  or  groups,  many  leagues  distant  each  from  the  other, 
so  that  they  had  come  to  embrace  the  entire  government,  the  Tepehuanes 
having  mingled  with  many  other  nations. 

Captain  Bartolome  Juarez  was  ordered  to  take  charge  of  the  conquest 
of  the  Mesquital,  the  Guazamota,  and  their  allies.  He  has  been  engaged 
in  this  task  for  six  months,  and  has  had  three  or  four  brushes  with  the 
natives  of  those  parts  in  which  he  was  successful,  killing  a  few.  On  the 
day  of  Our  Lady['s  Conception]  in  December,  i6i7,30a  he  hanged  twelve 
of  them.  Although  the  latest  news  of  him  was  a  plea  for  help,  saying  that 
the  enemy  was  pressing  him  seriously,  nevertheless  it  is  known  that  the 
principal  cacique,  called  the  Nayarit  Gentile,  was  treating  for  friendship 
which  was  by  way  of  being  achieved,  and  that  he  was  a  person  with  whom 
his  neighbors  would  be  likely  to  act  in  concert. 

Captains  Ontiveros,  Castaneda,  and  Aguirre  have  worked  toward 
Santa  Barbara,  also  with  success,  killing  and  imprisoning  many,  and  re- 
ducing some  towns  which  had  been  perverted  by  the  Tepehuanes,  who 
have  now  entered  the  valley  called  San  Pablo,  whither  it  is  known  that 
manv  of  them  have  retired. 


112  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

llevaban  y  assi  solo  pudieron  matar  quatro  o  cinco  de  los  enemigos  y  aver 
a  las  manos  un  negrillo  que  se  avia  ydo  a  ellos.  Con  este  dieron  la  buelta 
a  Guadiana  y  el  Governador  se  vio  obligado  a  tomar  esta  Jornada  por 
suya  y  saliendo  a  ella  por  principio  de  Febrero  de  este  afio  de  618  dentro 
de  15  dias  de  su  salida  caminando  ya  en  cercanias  de  aquel  parage  de 
noche  y  emboscandose  de  dia  vino  a  caer  el  Tepehuan  Gogojito  en  sus 
manos,  y  pago  con  la  muerte  tantos  desafueros  como  avia  hecho.  Con  el 
murieron  algunos  otros  y  dos  primos  suyos.  Y  el  golpe  de  su  gente  que 
estaba  empenolada  algo  distante  de  alii,  se  pudo  poner  en  fuga.  Siguio 
el  Governador  el  alcance  y  aunque  f ue  sin  effecto  quanto  a  los  Tepehuanes 
desta  parcialidad;  pero  fue  lo  muy  copioso  y  en  caso  de  mucha  consid- 
eracion,  Porque  movidos  con  la  muerte  de  Gogojito  Los  Xiximes  y  Aca- 
gees  y  otros  Pueblos  de  naciones  diferentes,  que  caian  en  aquella  comarca, 
se  vinieron  a  rendir  al  Governador  y  assi :  dexo  asentados  de  paz  a  los 
xiximes  algados  y  a  los  otros  pueblos  que  los  favorecian,  con  lo  qual  ha 
recebido  toda  la  governacion  muy  grande  alegria  y  esperanza  que  lo  demas 
se  ha  de  facilitar  en  adelante.  No  llevo  el  Governador  y  su  gente  basti- 
mento  para  mas  de  25  dias,  y  aviendo  tardado  mas  de  70  paso  grande 
hambre  y  penuria  el  campo,  que  mas  de  40  dias  no  se  comio  sino  carne 
de  caballos  y  de  mulas.  Baxo  por  las  valles  de  Papasquiaro,  Guatimape, 
Terame,  hechando  quatro  esquadras  de  gente  por  diferentes  partes  an 
corrido  la  tierra  y  hecho  algunas  presas  de  importancia  en  particular 
Junto  a  un  puesto  llamado  Sombrerete,  do  se  ahorcaron  6  Tepehuanes 
viejos.  y  otros  de  menos  edad  Se  truxeron  presos  en  el  Valle  de  San  Julian 
se  mataron  cinco  Yndios  de  Coneto,  que  avian  muerto  dos  negros  Pastores 
poco  avia  Junto  a  San  Juan  del  Rio. 

De  oy  mas  pretende  el  Governador  presidiar  la  tierra  y  asegurar  los 
caminos  con  escoltas,  y  que  anden  dos  companias  para  lo  que  fuere  menes- 
ter  y  con  esto  ahorrar  de  gasto  a  su  Magestad  y  acomodar  las  cosas  en 
forma  conveniente. 

Despues  aca  an  venido  de  paz  quatro  o  cinco  Pueblos  y  un  Yndio 
Llamado  Rafael  movido  de  la  muerte  de  Gogojito  y  particularmente  por 
aver  visto  el  grande  estrago  que  un  animal  del  talle  de  Un  tigre  avia  hecho 
de  algunos  meses  aca  en  un  pueblo  vezino  a  Guadiana,  pidiendo  miseri- 
cordia  con  un  cristo  en  las  manos  fue  bien  recebido,  y  ha  offrecido  yr  a 
traher  de  paz  algunos  otros  de  los  alqados  dexando  en  rehenes  a  su  muger 
y  hijos.  Fue  y  truxo  algunos  Caciques  de  diferentes  pueblos  y  offrecen 
asentarse  de  paz. 

Este  es  el  discurso  que  ha  llevado  La  guerra  y  el  estado  que  al  presente 
tiene  hasta  16  de  Mayo  de  161 8. 


The  Tepehuanes,  1616-1618  113 

Captain  Montafio  took  the  road  toward  Guanacebi,  in  the  direction  of 
the  pass  called  El  Diablo,  and  toward  Tecuchiapa,  in  which  place  many 
of  the  principal  offenders  have  taken  refuge.  He  will  not  fail  to  do  a 
good  job,  because  he  has  on  two  or  three  other  occasions  had  good  for- 
tune with  the  enemy. 

Captain  Mosquera  has  operated  against  the  Indians  called  Salineros 
and  two  other  nations,  the  Conchos  Tobosos  and  the  Nofioques.  He  has 
effected  two  important  captures  among  them,  executing  justice  upon  some 
and  reducing  others. 

The  governor  remained  three  or  four  months  at  the  seat  of  his  govern- 
ment, Guadiana,  arranging  the  affairs  of  the  war  in  the  manner  described. 
But  inasmuch  as  one  of  the  most  warlike  captains  of  the  Tepehuanes, 
Gogojito  81  by  name,  after  committing  many  assaults  and  making  great 
ravages  on  the  herds  of  the  country,  had  gone  into  hiding  forty  leagues 
from  Guadiana,  and  inasmuch  as  it  was  considered  certain  that  he  was 
there  conducting  negotiations  to  return  when  he  thought  wise,  the  gover- 
nor planned  that  Captains  Soria  and  Tomas  Garcia,  after  some  successful 
actions  in  which  they  had  engaged  near  here,  should  reconnoitre  the 
passes.  They  complied  with  the  order,  and  when  they  reached  the  place 
where  Gogojito  and  his  people  had  ensconced  themselves  among  the  rocks, 
they  judged,  after  having  made  a  reconnaissance  and  compared  notes, 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  a  larger  force  than  what  they  had 
before  they  could  obtain  any  success  against  the  Indians.  They  were, 
then,  able  to  kill  only  four  or  five  of  the  enemy  and  to  catch  a  little  negro 
who  had  gone  with  them.  They  therefore  returned  to  Guadiana,  where- 
upon the  governor  was  forced  to  take  this  task  upon  himself. 

Setting  out  upon  this  task  early  in  February  of  this  year,  16 18,  by 
marching  at  night  after  he  had,  reached  the  vicinity  of  his  destination  and 
going  into  ambush  during  the  daytime,  he  brought  it  about  within  fifteen 
days  after  his  departure  that  the  Tepehuan  Gogojito  fell  into  his  hands, 
and  atoned  with  his  death  for  all  the  outrages  which  he  had  committed. 
With  him  died  some  others,  among  them  two  of  his  cousins.  His  people, 
who  were  fortified  among  the  rocks  at  a  little  distance  from  there,  were 
able  to  take  refuge  in  flight.  The  governor  pursued  them,  although  with- 
out effect  as  far  as  this  body  of  Tepehuanes  was  concerned.  Yet  his  labor 
was  very  fruitful  and  of  considerable  importance,  for,  influenced  by  the 
death  of  Gogojito,  the  Xiximes,  Acaxees,  and  other  towns  belonging  to 
various  nations  living  within  that  district,  came  to  surrender  to  the  gov- 
ernor. Thus  he  left  the  Xiximes  who  had  revolted,  at  peace,  as  well  as 
some  other  towns  which  had  favored  them.  The  entire  government  has 
been  made  very  joyful  by  all  this,  and  by  the  hope  that  the  remaining 
situation  will  be  easily  adjusted  in  the  future.  The  governor  and  his  men 
carried  provisions  for  only  twenty-five  days,  hence,  having  been  out  more 
than  seventy  days,  they  suffered  from  great  hunger  and  hardships,  as  they 
had  nothing  to  eat  for  forty  days  besides  horse  and  mule  flesh.  He  came 
down  by  way  of  the  valleys  of  Papasquiaro,  Guatimape,  and  Terame, 
dividing  his  troops  into  four  parts,  which  have  examined  the  country  and 
made  some  captures  of  importance.  In  particular,  near  a  place  called  Som- 
brerete,  they  hanged  six  old  Tepehuanes;  others  of  less  age  they  took 


114  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 


Provision  Real  Y  Condacta  de  capitan  de  Ynfanteria  de  La  ciudad  de 
Guadalaxara  al  Cappitan  Geronimo  Velasqnesz  davilas.0   [162 1.] 

Don  felipe  Por  la  gracia  de  Dios  Rey  de  Castilla  de  Leon,  etc.  .  .  . 
Por  quanto  en  el  libro  sexto  De  la  rrecopilacion  Titulo  sexto  ley  primera 
Capitulo  primero  y  diez  En  la  segunda  parte  della  tengo  mandado  que 
en  todos  los  lugares  que  tubieren  mas  de  cien  vecinos  se  haga  alarde  dos 
beces  en  el  ano  y  en  la  dicha  ley  se  da  el  horden  forma  y  manera  que  en 
esto  sea  de  guardar  sobre  la  dicha  rracpn,  la  qual  vista  por  el  dicho  Don 
Pedro  de  Otalora  mi  governador  del  mi  nuevo  Reyno  de  la  Galicia  y 
presidente  de  mi  Real  audiencia  que  en  el  rreside  y  atento  a  aber  tenido 
algunas  nuebas  da  aber  alteraciones  entre  los  yndios  de  la  mi  nueva  Bis- 
caya  y  que  esta  Ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  este  con  la  prebencion  necesaria 
por  el  Cuydado  que  se  puede  tener  de  los  yndios  chichimecos  que  cerca 
della  rresiden  y  para  conservacion  de  la  paz  y  que  este  la  dicha  Ciudad  con 
prebencion  assi  para  su  guardia  y  custodia  como  para  socorrer  las  partes 
que  siendo  necesario  hubieren  menester  socorro  Como  cabeca  del  dicho 
mi  nuebo  Reyno  De  la  galicia  En  conformidad  de  las  dichas  Leyes  y  que 
Conbendra  hacer  alarde  y  rresena  de  la  gente  y  armas  que  en  la  dicha 
ciudad  hay  Se  acordo  ser  necesario  nonbrar  un  cappitan  debajo  de  cuya 

0  A.  G.  L,  67-1-4.  [On  the  outer  page  is  the  following:]  Geronimo  Velaszquez  davila, 
Cappitan  de  ynfanteria  Espafiola,  Veszino  de  la  ciudad  de  guadalaxara  en  la  nueba 
espafia.   So.  Juan  Ruisz  de  Contreras. 

Alonso  Rer.  Carbebal,  Supplica  A  Vuestra  magestad  Le  mande  dar  Una  su  Real 
cedula  de  Recomendacion,  para  que  el  Virrey,  y  demas  ministros  de  Justicia,  y  de  guerra, 
que  oy  son,  y  adelante  fueren,  le  ocupen,  en  los  Cargos,  que  merece,  guardandole  los 
honores,  para  lo  qual  ynterpone,  servicios  de  diez  y  ocho  anos,  de  Cappitan  de  ynfanteria 
espafiola,  ayudante  de  Sargento  mayor,  Alcalde  mayor,  Corregidor,  y  actualmente  Lo  es 
Alcalde  ordinario,  y  Cappitan,  de  la  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara,  etc. 


Jeronimo  Velasquez  Ddvila,  1621  115 

prisoners.  In  the  valley  of  San  Julian  they  killed  five  Indians  of  Coneto 
who  a  short  time  previously  had  killed  two  negro  shepherds  near  San 
Juan  del  Rio. 

From  this  time  the  governor  expects  to  hold  the  territory  by  presidios 
and  to  protect  the  roads  by  escorts,  two  companies  being  kept  in  service 
for  whatever  may  be  necessary.  By  this  means  he  will  save  expense  to 
his  Majesty  and  accommodate  affairs  in  the  most  convenient  manner. 

Recently  four  or  five  towns  have  come  asking  peace.  One  Indian  named 
Rafael,  moved  by  the  death  of  Gogojito,  and  especially  by  having  seen 
the  great  damage  done  by  an  animal  of  the  size  of  a  tiger  some  months 
ago  in  a  town  near  Guadiana,  came  pleading  for  mercy  with  a  crucifix 
in  his  hands.  He  was  well  received,  and  offered  to  go  and  bring  back  in 
peace  some  of  the  insurgents,  leaving  as  hostages  his  wife  and  sons.  He 
went,  and  brought  back  some  chiefs  of  various  towns,  who  offer  to  settle 
down  peacefully. 

This  is  the  course  which  the  war  had  run,  and  the  state  in  which  it  is 
at  present,  May  16,  16 18. 


Royal  writ  and  commission  to  Captain  Jeronimo  Velasquez  Ddvila  as 
captain  of  infantry  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara*   [1621.'] 

Don  Felipe,32  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  Castile  and  Leon,  .  .  . 
Inasmuch  as  in  the  Recopilacion*3  book  6,  title  6,  law  1,  chapters  1  and  10, 
second  part,  I  have  ordered  that  in  all  the  places  having  more  than  one 
hundred  residents  a  muster  shall  be  made  twice  a  year,  and  in  the  said  law 
is  given  the  order,  form,  and  manner  that  is  to  be  observed  in  the  said 
registration,  this  being  borne  in  mind  by  the  licentiate  Don  Pedro  de 
Otalora,34  my  governor  of  my  new  kingdom  of  Galicia,  and  president  of 
my  audiencia  which  has  its  seat  there,  in  view  of  having  had  news  of 
disturbances  among  the  Indians  of  my  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  in  order  that 
this  city  of  Guadalajara  may  have  the  necessary  means  for  the  precau- 
tion that  may  be  taken  against  the  Chichimecos  Indians  who  live  near 
there,  and  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  and  that  the  said  city  may  be 
prepared  not  only  for  its  own  guard  and  care,  but  also  to  succor  the  places 
which  in  case  of  necessity  have  need  of  help  from  it  as  the  capital  of 
my  said  new  kingdom  of  Galicia,  in  conformity  with  the  said  laws,  and 
because  it  was  desirable  to  have  a  muster  and  review  of  the  people  and 
arms  in  the  said  city,  it  was  agreed  that  it  was  necessary  to  appoint  a 

*  [On  the  outer  page  is  the  following:]  Jeronimo  Velasquez  Davila,  captain  of  Spanish 
infantry  and  resident  of  the  City  of  Guadalajara,  in  New  Spain.  Secretary  (?)  Juan  Ruiz 
de  Contreras. 

Alonso  Rer.  (?)  Carbebal  begs  your  Majesty  to  order  that  he  be  given  your  royal 
decree  of  recommendation  that  the  viceroy,  and  the  other  ministers  of  justice  and  war, 
who  are  now  and  in  the  future  may  be  [in  office],  shall  appoint  him  to  the  offices  that  he 
deserves,  securing  to  him  the  honors,  for  which  he  presents  the  services  of  eighteen  years, 
as  captain  of  Spanish  infantry,  adjutant  sargento  mayor,  alcalde  mayor,  corregidor,  and 
the  service  that  he  is  now  giving  as  alcalde  ordinario  and  captain  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara. 

9 


116  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

bandera  se  alisten  todos  los  Vecinos  y  moradores  estantes  y  abitantes  En 
la  dicha  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  y  para  acudir  a  todo  que  conbenga  a  mi 
Real  servicio  y  que  esta  sea  persona  pratica  y  de  Ciencia  y  experiencia  en 
las  cosas  de  Guerra  y  por  que  en  la  de  bos  El  Cappitan  Geronimo  Belas- 
quesz  de  Abila  mi  alcalde  hordinario  de  la  dicha  ciudad  Concurren  las 
partes  y  calidades  que  se  rrequieren  para  el  dicho  efeto  ya  que  abeis  sido 
tal  mi  Cappitan  Otra  besz  en  la  ocasion  de  el  algamiento  de  los  yndios 
Tepehuares  p  por  el  ano  passado  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  diez  y  siete  por 
nonbramiento  que  en  bos  higo  El  doctor  alonso  peresz  Merchan  mi  Presi- 
dente  y  Gobernador  de  el  dicho  ni  nuevo  Reyno  de  la  Galicia  En  cuyo 
conformidad  lo  Usastis  En  la  dicha  Ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  y  atendiendo 
asimismo  lo  que  me  abeis  servido  En  diferentes  ocasiones  Como  fue  en 
el  asalto  de  las  fortalesas  de  el  maluco  Para  cuya  enpresa  Venistes  de 
mis  Reynos  de  Castilla  con  el  maese  de  Campo  Joan  de  esquibel  y  acabada 
esta  ocasion  donde  Como  dicho  es  os  hallastes  Con  licencia  que  tubistes 
de  mi  gobernador  don  Pedro  de  Acufia  y  mi  Real  Audiencia  que  esta  Y 
rreside  en  las  dichas  yslas  philipinas  bolbistes  a  mis  Reynos  de  la  nueva 
Espana  Donde  fuystes  probeydo  Por  sargento  de  Una  Conpania  que  se 
arbolo  para  la  habana  y  despues  bolbistes  a  las  dichas  yslas  filipinas  Por 
sargento  de  el  cappitan  Don  diego  de  miranda  y  llegado  a  la  ciudad  de 
manila  serbistes  en  las  ocasiones  que  se  ofrecieron  yendo  de  socorro  se- 
gunda  bez  Por  alferez  de  el  capitan  Alonso  de  Palma  Almirante  de  la 
Armada  y  dicho  socorro  y  tercera  bez  a  las  dichas  yslas  bolbistes  de  so- 
corro con  el  gobernador  don  Juan  de  silba  donde  me  serbistes  en  lo  que 
os  fue  ordenado  y  benistes  Por  ayudante  de  sargento  mayor  de  las  navios 
que  el  dicho  mi  governador  Don  Joan  de  silba  despacho  para  la  dicha 
nueba  espana  El  ano  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  once  y  fuystes  probeydo  Por 
me  alcalde  mayor  de  las  minas  del  Macapil  y  Cappitan  de  ynfanteria  En 
el  presidio  de  acaponeta  y  asimismo  fuystes  probeydo  Por  mi  alcalde 
mayor  de  la  ciudad  y  probincia  de  Conpostela  Donde  estando  me  sir- 
biendo  por  horden  y  comision  que  para  ello  el  dicho  mi  presidente  y 
gobernador  os  enbio  fuistes  a  el  socorro  y  abio  de  Una  navio  que  benia 
de  las  dichas  yslas  filipinas  El  ano  pasado  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  Veinte 
y  llego  derrotada  a  el  puerto  de  Tinto  que  es  de  donde  Con  vuestra  ynte- 
ligencia  Cuydado  y  solicitud  salio  y  paso  a  el  puerto  de  acapulco  para 
donde  venia  dirigida  y  despues  de  esto  Ultimamente  por  otra  Comision 
que  el  dicho  mi  presidente  y  gobernador  os  dio  Fuystes  por  mi  Justicia 
mayor  de  las  minas  y  Reales  de  hostotipaque  llebandola  asimesmo  de 
Juez  de  rresidencia  para  tomarla  a  Don  gregorio  Belasquez  de  mediano  q 
que  acababa  de  ser  mi  alcalde  mayor  en  aquellas  minas  de  todo  lo  qual 
distes  buena  y  loable  quenta  como  es  notorio  y  esperando  que  lo  Con- 
tinuareis  y  llebareis  adelante  el  dicho  mi  presidente  y  Gobernador  acordo 
que  os  debia  de  proveer  a  nombrar  Como  por  la  presente  os  probeo  Elixo 
y  nombro  por  tal  capitan  para  el  dicho  efeto  En  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Guada- 
laxara para  que  como  tal  Useis  y  exergais  El  dicho  oficio  en  todos  los 
casos  y  cosas  a  el  pertenecientes  Arbolando  Bandera  y  Haciendo  tocar 

p  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  Tepehuanes  ". 
i  This  is  probably  a  miscopy  for  "  medrano  ". 


Jeronimo  Velasquez  Ddvila,  1621  117 

captain  under  whose  banner  all  the  citizens,  residents,  settlers,  and  inhabi- 
tants in  the  said  city  of  Guadalajara  might  enlist  to  take  part  in  all  that 
conduces  to  my  royal  service,  and  that  he  should  be  a  practised  person  of 
knowledge  and  experience  in  military  affairs. 

And  since,  in  your  person,  Captain  Jeronimo  Velasquez  de  Avila,35  my 
alcalde  ordinario  of  the  said  city,  are  united  the  parts  and  qualifications 
that  are  required  for  the  said  purpose,  you  having  already  been  my  captain 
once  before  on  the  occasion  of  the  uprising  of  the  Tepehuanes  Indians  " 
in  the  previous  year  of  16 17  through  the  appointment  given  you  by 
Doctor  Alonso  Perez  Merchan,37  my  president  and  governor  of  the  said 
new  kingdom  of  Galicia,  in  accordance  with  which  you  practised  it  in  the 
said  city  of  Guadalajara,  and,  bearing  in  mind  also  how  you  have  served 
me  on  different  occasions,  as  for  instance  in  the  assault  on  the  fortresses 
of  El  Maluco,38  for  which  undertaking  you  came  from  my  kingdoms  of 
Castile  with  the  maese  de  campo,  Juan  de  Esquibel,  and  this  having 
finished  this  work,  in  which,  as  has  been  said,  you  were  engaged  under 
license  from  my  governor  Don  Pedro  de  Acufia  39  and  my  royal  audien- 
cia,  which  has  its  seat  in  the  said  Philippine  Islands,  you  returned  to  my 
kingdoms  of  New  Spain,  where  you  were  appointed  sergeant  of  a  com- 
pany which  was  raised  for  Havana.  Afterwards  you  returned  to  the 
said  Philippine  Islands  as  sergeant  for  Captain  Don  Diego  de  Miranda, 
and,  having  arrived  at  the  city  of  Manila,  you  served  on  the  occasions 
that  came  up,  going  on  a  relief  expedition  a  second  time  as  alferez  for 
Captain  Alonso  de  Palma,  admiral  of  the  fleet  and  of  the  said  relief.  And 
a  third  time  you  returned  to  the  said  islands  on  relief  with  Governor 
Don  Juan  de  Silva,40  where  you  served  me  in  whatever  you  were  ordered 
to  do.  You  returned  as  adjutant  sargento  mayor  of  the  ships  which  my 
said  governor,  Don  Juan  de  Silva,  despatched  to  the  said  New  Spain 
in  the  year  161 1 ;  you  were  appointed  by  me  alcalde  mayor  of  the  mines 
of  Mazapil  and  captain  of  infantry  at  the  presidio  of  Acaponeta; 41  and 
you  were  also  appointed  by  me  alcalde  mayor  of  the  city  and  province  of 
Compostela,42  where,  while  you  were  serving  me  by  the  order  and  com- 
mission which  my  said  governor  and  president  sent  you  for,  you  went 
to  the  aid  and  relief  of  a  ship  which  was  coming  from  the  said  Philippine 
Islands  in  the  past  year,  1620,  and  was  driven  into  the  port  of  Tinto, 
from  where,  through  your  knowledge,  care,  and  solicitude,  she  came  out 
and  proceeded  to  the  port  of  Acapulco,  to  which  she  was  bound.  After 
this,  finally,  by  another  commission  which  my  said  president  and  gover- 
nor gave  you,  you  went  as  my  chief  justice  of  the  mines  and  camps  of 
Hostotipaque,  carrying  also  a  commission  as  juez  de  residencia  in  order 
to  conduct  the  residencia  of  Don  Gregorio  Velasquez  de  Medrano,  who 
was  just  finishing  his  term  as  my  alcalde  mayor  in  those  mines.  In  all  of 
the  above  you  gave  good  and  praiseworthy  account,  as  is  well  known. 
Hoping,  therefore,  that  you  will  continue  it  in  the  future,  my  said  presi- 
dent and  governor  resolved  that  measures  ought  to  be  taken  to  name  you, 
as  by  these  presents  I  do  appoint,  select,  and  name  you,  to  the  said  cap- 
taincy, for  the  said  purpose,  in  the  said  city  of  Guadalajara,  so  that,  as 
such,  you  may  use  and  exercise  the  said  office  in  all  the  cases  and  affairs 


118  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

caxa  y  Pifano  y  nombrando  los  oficiales  que  os  pertenescan  nombrar  todo 
bien  y  Cumplidamente  Sin  que  os  falte  cosa  alguna  que  para  lo  poder 
exercer  y  usar  os  doy  poder  y  facultad  En  forma  qual  de  derecho  se  rre- 
quiere  y  mando  que  todas  las  personas  de  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara 
Vecinos  y  moradores  estantes  y  abitantes  en  ella  os  ayan  y  tengan  Por  tal 
Capitan  y  acudan  a  Vuestros  llamamientos  hordenes  listas  y  mandami- 
entos  y  os  guarden  y  hagan  guardar  todas  las  gracias  Exenciones,  Preemi- 
nencias  y  libertades  que  por  la  rrazon  de  el  dicho  officio  os  deben  ser 
guardadas  bien  y  cumplidamente  fecho  en  la  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  a 
diesz  y  siete  dias  del  mes  de  abril  de  mil  y  seiscientos  y  Veinte  y  Un  afios. 

El  Licenciado  Don  Pedro  de  Otalora. 

E  yo  franzisco  de  cerbantes  escribano  de  camara  y  gobernacion  de 
la  Real  audiencia  del  nuevo  Reyno  de  la  Galicia  Por  el  Rey  nuestro  Sefior 
La  fice  escribir  Por  mandado  de  su  presidente  y  gobernador  Registrada 
El  Bachiller  Franzisco  Costilla  y  Espinosa  chanciller/ 


Papeles  del  Almirante  Matheo  de  Vesga.9  [Gobernador  y  capitan  general 
de  la  provincia  de  Nueva  Vizcaya.  14  de  Deciembre  de  1620  hasta 
ip  de  Mayo  de  162 2. ] 

En  la  Villa  de  Durango  en  Veintte  y  ocho  dias  del  mes  de  Abril  de  mill 
y  seyscienttos  Y  Veyntte  y  dos  afios  El  Senor  Almirantte  mattheo  de 
Besga  Governador  Y  Cappitan  General  deste  Reyno  Y  Provincias  de  la 
nueba  Vizcaya  Chiamettla  Copala  Y  sinaloa  Y  sus  Provincias  Por  su 
Magestad  dixo  que  para  que  Conste  a  Su  Magestad  Y  Senores  Presidentte 

Y  oydores  deste  Real  Consejo  de  las  Yndias  el  estado  En  que  al  presentte 
esta  este  Govierno  Y  sus  Provincias  en  lo  tocantte  a  la  quiettud  y  paz  de 
los  Yndios  della  mandava  y  mando  que  yo  el  presente  Escrivano  de  testi- 
monio  en  rrelacion  de  las  Pases  que  ante  ssu  senoria  an  echo  los  naturales 
desta  Governacion  Y  Confirmaciones  dellas  para  que  visto  por  su  mages- 
tad Y  Senores  de  sus  Reales  Consejos  provea  y  mande  lo  que  mas  con- 
venga  a  Aser  .  .  .  Servicio  Y  asi  lo  Proveyo  Y  firmo  matheo  de  Vesga 
ante  mi  Luis  Arrias  de  la  Puentte  escrivano  de  su  magestad  y 
Governacion. 

En  cumplimientto  de  lo  qual  Yo  el  dicho  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puentte 
escrivano  de  su  magestad  Y  mayor  de  Governacion  Justicia  Y  Guerra  en 
este  Reyno  y  Provincias  de  la  nueba  Vizcaya  por  el  rrey  nuestro  Senor 
doi  f e  y  Verdadero  Testimonio  a  su  magestad  del  Rey  don  Phelipe  quartto 
nuestro  Senor  que  Dios  guarde  muchos  afios  Y  a  los  Senores  Presidenttes 

Y  oidores  de  sus  Reales  Consejos  de  las  Yndias  Como  El  Senor  Almi- 
rantte mattheo  de  Vesga  Governador  Y  Capitan  General  deste  Reyno  y 
sus  Provincias  aviendo  tornado  Possecion  del  dicho  Govierno  y  estando 
Governando  antte  su  Senoria  Y  ante  mi  Como  tal  escrivano  se  an  fecho 
las  Pases  Y  Confirmaciones  dellas  en  la  manera  siguientte. 

r  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  6,  1914. 
8  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-162 2  119 

pertaining  to  it,  raising  a  banner,  causing  a  drum  and  fife  to  be  played, 
and  naming  the  officials  that  it  is  your  obligation  to  name,  all  full  and 
complete,  with  nothing  lacking  to  you.  I  give  you  power  and  authority, 
in  required  legal  form,  to  do  this,  and  I  order  that  all  persons  in  the  said 
city  of  Guadalajara,  citizens,  residents,  settlers,  and  inhabitants  of  it, 
shall  have  and  hold  you  as  such  captain  and  shall  answer  to  your  calls, 
orders,  musters,  and  commands,  and  shall  secure  to  you  and  cause  to  be 
secured  to  you,  all  the  grants,  exemptions,  preferences,  and  privileges  that 
by  reason  of  the  said  office  ought  to  be  fully  and  completely  secured  to 
you.  Done  at  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  April  17,  162 1. 

The  licenciate  Don  Pedro  de  Otalora. 

I,  Francisco  de  Cervantes,  clerk  of  the  chamber  and  government  of 
the  royal  audiencia  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Galicia  for  our  lord  the  king, 
caused  this  to  be  written,  by  order  of  its  president  and  governor.  In- 
spected by  the  bachelor  Francisco  Costilla  y  Espinosa,  chancellor. 


Papers  of  Admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  [governor  and  cap  tain- general  of 
the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  December  14,  1620,  to  May  ig, 
162 2. ,] 

In  the  town  of  Durango,  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  the  month  of 
April,  1622,  the  senor  admiral,  Mateo  de  Vesga,43  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  this  kingdom  and  the  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Chiametla, 
Copala,44  and  Sinaloa,  and  their  provinces,  declared,  for  his  Majesty,  that 
in  order  to  make  clear  to  his  Majesty  and  to  the  president  and  oidores 
of  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies  the  present  state  of  this  government 
and  its  provinces  in  the  matter  of  the  tranquillity  and  peace  of  its  Indians, 
he  ordered  and  commanded  that  I,  the  present  clerk,  should  give  a  sworn 
statement  concerning  the  peace  pacts,  and  their  confirmations,  that  were 
made  before  his  lordship  by  the  natives  of  this  government,  so  that,  when 
this  is  evident  to  his  Majesty,  and  the  members  of  his  royal  councils,  he 
may  provide  and  order  whatever  may  be  fitting  [for  the  royal]  service. 
Thus  did  Mateo  de  Vesga  order;  and  he  signed  the  order  before  me, 
Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente,  clerk  of  his  Majesty  and  of  government. 

In  fulfillment  of  this,  I,  the  said  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente,  clerk  of  his 
Majesty  and  chief  clerk  of  government,  justice,  and  war  in  this  kingdom 
and  [these]  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  for  our  lord  the  king,  make  oath 
and  give  true  testimony  to  his  Majesty,  King  Don  Felipe  IV.,45  our  lord — 
whom  may  God  preserve  for  many  years — and  to  the  senores  presidents 
and  oidores  of  his  royal  Council  of  the  Indies,  that  after  the  senor  ad- 
miral, Mateo  de  Vesga,  governor  and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom 
and  of  its  provinces,  had  taken  possession  of  the  said  governorship,  and 
while  he  was  governing,  the  said  peace  pacts  and  their  confirmations  were 
made  before  his  lordship  and  before  me  as  clerk,  in  the  following  manner : 

It  seems  that  in  the  town  of  Durango,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
month  of  December,  1620,  an  Indian  appeared  before  the  said  governor 


120  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

En  la  Villa  de  durango  en  Cattorze  dias  del  mes  de  diziembre  de  mill  y 
seiscienttos  y  Veintte  anos  Parese  que  antte  el  dicho  Senor  Governador 
y  Capitan  General  parecio  un  yndio  que  mediante  Juan  Rodrigues  Espejo 
Ynterprette  deste  Jusgado  en  lengua  mexicana  Y  Castellana  e  un  yndio 
fabian  natural  del  Pueblo  de  Santtiago  que  save  la  lengua  tepeguana 
Declararon  llamose  francisco  onatte  Capitan  de  los  naturales  del  parttido 
de  San  Pablo  El  qual  Confirmo  las  pases  que  tenia  asentadas  Con  ottros 
Yndios  sus  Conpaneros  y  su  senoria  le  Confirmo  el  tittulo  que  tenia  de 
tal  Capitan  Y  le  rrescivio  en  pas  los  quales  Promettieron  de  la  guardar  Y 
Cunplir  segun  La  tienen  asenttada. 

Y  en  la  dicha  Villa  de  durango  en  dies  y  nuebe  de  diziembre  del  dicho 
afio  pareszieron  don  Juan  torillo  Governador  del  pueblo  del  zapo  Y  don 
lorenzo  Casique  del  Y  don  francisco  Guanacivi  fiscal  Y  don  pedro  Gover- 
nador del  Potrero  y  otros  dies  Yndios  que  con  ellos  Vinieron  Y  antte  el 
dicho  Senor  Governador  Y  Cappitan  General  mediantte  el  dicho  Juan 
rrodriguez  espejo  ynterprette  Confirmaron  las  Pases  que  ttienen  asentta- 
das  por  si  y  sus  Sugetos  y  del  partido  de  Santiago  Y  santta  Cattalina  Y 
su  senoria  los  rrecibio  en  ella  como  los  demas  de  suso. 

Y  asimismo  parece  que  en  esta  Villa  en  beintte  y  dos  dias  del  mes  de 
diziembre  del  dicho  ano  ante  el  dicho  Governador  y  Cappitan  General  por 
Juan  Picagua  yndio  alcalde  del  Pueblo  del  Tunal  ynterprete  en  lengua 
tepeguana  y  mexicana  Y  el  dicho  Juan  Rodriguez  Espejo  don  Alonso 
Casique  de  los  Pueblos  de  las  Milpillas  Grandes  y  Francisco  alcalde  diego 
y  simon  Yndios  de  las  dichas  Millpillas  Confirmando  las  pases  que  tenian 
asenttadas  y  su  senoria  los  rrescivio  en  ellas. 

Y  en  la  dicha  Villa  de  durango  en  Veynte  y  nuebe  dias  del  dicho  mes 
de  disziembre  del  dicho  afio  ante  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Cappitan 
General  mediante  los  dichos  Juan  Picagua  y  Juan  rrodriguez  espejo  Yn- 
terprettes  don  Juan  yndio  Casique  del  pueblo  de  ayupa  Con  seis  Yndios 
sus  sugettos  asenttaron  y  confirmaron  las  pases  que  tenian  asenttadas  Y 
el  dicho  Governador  Y  cappitan  General  les  rrecivio  en  el  despues  de  lo 
qual  en  la  dicha  Villa  en  el  dicho  dia  Veinte  y  nuebe  de  diziembre  de  mill 
y  seiscienttos  Y  Veintte  anos  ante  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Capitan 
General  mediantte  el  dicho  Juan  rrodriguez  espejo  Yntterprette  don  mi- 
guel  Casique  del  Pueblo  de  las  lajas  con  otros  quatro  Yndios  sus  sugetos 
Confirmaron. 

Y  en  este  dicho  dia  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Capitan  General 
mediantte  el  dicho  Yntterprete  recivio  de  pas  a  don  Juan  Panttoja  Casique 
del  Pueblo  de  Casaria  Y  sus  Parcialidades  Con  dies  yndios  sus  sugetos 
las  quales  Confirmaron  las  que  tenian  dadas  Y  las  dieron  de  nuebo  y 
asimismo  parese  que  en  esta  dicha  villa  en  dies  y  siete  dias  del  mes  de 
enero  del  ano  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  Y  Veintte  y  uno  El  dicho  Senor  Gov- 
ernador Y  Capitan  General  mediantte  francisco  de  los  Reyes  interprette 
rrecivio  de  pas  a  don  francisco  Casique  del  pueblo  de  cocorotame  Con 
tres  Yndios  que  dixeron  no  estar  bautizados  los  quales  Confirmaron  las 
pases  que  tenian  asenttadas  Y  las  dieron  de  nuebo. 

Y  estando  las  cosas  en  este  estado  Parese  que  en  Veintte  E  nuebe  dias 
del  dicho  mes  de  Enero  del  dicho  ano  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  Y  Capi- 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622  121 

and  captain-general.  Juan  Rodriguez  Espejo,  interpreter  of  this  court 
in  the  Mexican  and  Castilian  languages,  and  an  Indian,  named  Fabian. 
native  of  the  pueblo  of  Santiago,  who  knows  the  Tepeguane  language, 
declared  that  he  called  himself  Francisco  Onate,  captain  of  the  natives  of 
the  district  of  San  Pablo.  He  confirmed  the  peace  pacts  which  he,  with 
the  other  Indians,  his  companions,  had  made.  His  lordship  confirmed  him 
in  the  title  which  he  held  as  said  captain  and  acknowledged  his  acceptance 
of  the  peace.  They  promised  to  keep  and  fulfill  that  to  which  they  have 
assented. 

In  the  said  town  of  Durango,  on  the  nineteenth  of  December,  of  the 
said  year,  appeared  Don  Juan  Torillo,  governor  of  the  pueblo  of  El  Zape; 
Don  Lorenzo,  its  cacique;  Don  Francisco  Guanacivi,  fiscal;  and  Don 
Pedro,  governor  of  El  Potrero,  and  ten  other  Indians  who  came  with 
them.  Before  the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general,  through  the 
said  Juan  Rodriguez  Espejo,  interpreter,  they  confirmed  the  peace  pacts 
which  they  had  made,  both  for  themselves,  and  for  their  subjects  of  the 
district  of  Santiago  and  Santa  Catalina.  His  lordship  acknowledged  their 
acceptance  of  the  peace  as  well  as  the  others  above-mentioned. 

It  also  appears  that  in  this  town,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  the  month 
of  December,  of  the  said  year,  before  the  said  governor  and  captain- 
general,  through  Juan  Picagua — Indian  alcalde  of  the  pueblo  of  El  Tunal, 
and  interpreter  of  the  Tepeguane  and  Mexican  languages — and  the  said 
Juan  Rodriguez  Espejo,  Don  Alonso,  cacique  of  the  pueblos  of  Las 
Milpillas  Grandes,  Francisco,  alcalde,  and  Diego  and  Simon,  Indians  of 
the  said  Millpillas,  confirmed  the  peace  pacts  which  they  had  made.  His 
lordship  acknowledged  their  acceptance  of  them. 

In  the  said  town  of  Durango,  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  the  said 
month  of  December  of  the  said  year,  before  the  said  senor  governor  and 
captain-general,  through  the  said  Juan  Picagua  and  Juan  Rodriguez 
Espejo,  interpreters,  Don  Juan,  Indian  cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  Ayupa, 
with  six  of  his  Indian  subjects,  affirmed  and  confirmed  the  peace  pacts 
which  they  had  made,  and  the  said  governor  and  captain-general  acknowl- 
edged their  acceptance  of  them.  Afterwards,  in  the  said  town,  on  the 
said  twenty-ninth  day  of  December  of  the  year  1620,  before  the  said 
senor  governor  and  captain-general,  through  the  said  Juan  Rodriguez 
Espejo,  interpreter,  Don  Miguel,  cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  Las  Lajas,  with 
four  of  his  Indian  subjects,  confirmed  [the  peace  pacts]. 

And  on  this  said  day,  the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general, 
through  the  said  interpreter,  acknowledged  the  acceptance  of  the  peace  by 
Don  Juan  Pantoja,  cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  Casaria,  and  his  allies,  with 
ten  of  his  Indian  subjects.  They  confirmed  the  peace  pacts  which  they 
had  made  and  renewed  them.  It  also  appears  that  in  this  said  town,  on 
the  seventeenth  day  of  the  month  of  January,  of  the  year  1621,  the  said 
senor  governor  and  captain-general,  through  Francisco  de  los  Reyes, 
interpreter,  acknowledged  the  acceptance  of  the  peace  by  Don  Francisco, 
cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  Cocorotame,  with  three  Indians  who  said  they 
had  not  been  baptized.  They  confirmed  the  peace  pacts  which  they  had 
made  and  renewed  them. 


122  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

tan  General  rrecivio  Cartta  que  Parese  averle  Ynviado  el  Padre  niculas 
de  Aranda  de  la  Conpania  de  Jesus  por  la  qual  y  por  ottras  Ccierttas  Yn- 
formaciones  que  parese  rrescivio  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Capitan 
General  de  Padres  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  Y  de  la  orden  de  San  Fran- 
cisco Y  de  las  Justicias  de  las  minas  de  Yndio  *  y  Guanacivi  Y  Valle  de 
San  barttolome  Provincia  de  Santta  Barbora  supo  como  los  yndios  tepe- 
guanes  del  Valle  de  San  Pablo  Y  San  Ygnacio  con  algunos  Yndios  tarau- 
mares  se  avian  alzado  Y  Revelado  Y  dado  en  algunas  estancias  de  la 
dicha  Provincia  de  Santta  barbora  Y  muertto  algunos  espafioles  E  yndios 
amigos  echo  rrobos  E  ynzendios  en  rragon  de  lo  qual  y  para  rremedio 
dello  Con  mucha  brevedad  envio  de  socorro  algunos  Capitanes  Y  soldados 
espafioles  Y  avistando  el  dicho  alzamiento  Y  dafio  que  los  dichos  Revela- 
dos  aszian  formo  excerrcitto  de  capitanes  y  soldados  espafioles  E  Yndios 
amigos  que  havian  de  soldados  Y  Con  el  salio  Personalmentte  desta  dicha 
Villa  en  siguimientto  de  los  dichos  Revelados  asta  el  valle  de  san  Pablo 
donde  asentto  el  dicho  su  campo  hallandole  disiertto  Sin  jentte  Y  partte 
de  la  Yglesia  del  dicho  Valle  Y  algunos  Jacales  quemados  Y  teniendo  no- 
ticia  que  los  dichos  Yndios  revelados  se  havian  metido  la  tierra  dentro 
en  la  de  los  Taraumares  y  luego  ottro  dia  de  como  llegue  u  su  ssenoria  al 
dicho  valle  que  fue  en  treyntta  e  uno  de  margo  despacho  al  capitan  fran- 
cisco  montafio  de  la  Cueba  maese  de  campo  Con  algunos  capitanes  E 
partte  del  dicho  su  exercitto  de  los  soldados  Espafioles  y  ducienttos  Yndios 
amigos  en  busca  de  los  dichos  rrevelados  Con  ynstrucion  de  lo  que  avian 
de  asser  y  parese  que  en  dies  y  ocho  dias  del  mes  de  abril  del  dicho  afio 
el  dicho  maese  de  Campo  bolvio  Con  los  dichos  sus  Soldados  e  yndios 
amigos  al  dicho  Valle  de  san  Pablo  trayendo  consigo  honze  yndios  de 
nacion  taraumar  Y  entre  ellos  a  don  Juan  Code  que  mediantte  don  Juan 
de  Olvios  Principal  de  nacion  Concha  Ynterprette  Jurado  en  lengua  Cas- 
tellana  Concha  y  mexicana  Y  anbrosio  Yndio  Concho  Ynterprette  en 
lengua  taraumar  dixo  ser  Rey  de  toda  la  nacion  taraumar  en  cantidad  de 
quatro  mil  Yndios  y  rreconoselle  por  su  rey  y  Senor  los  quales  Y  otros 
dos  Casiques  llamados  Don  Pablo  y  don  Francisco  Casiques  de  rran- 
cherias  e  de  los  dichos  Taraumares  Parese  que  asentaron  Pases  Con  el 
dicho  maese  de  campo  en  la  dicha  entrada  que  Yzo  en  la  tierra  dellos  Y 
la  confirmaron  y  asentaron  de  nuebo  ante  el  dicho  senor  governador  y 
Capitan  General  prometiendo  en  ellas  ayudar  a  los  Espafioles  Contra  los 
Yndios  tepeguanes  Revelados  Y  que  guardaran  Y  se  conserbaran  en  las 
dichas  pases  Que  no  las  quebrantaran  en  manera  alguna  y  su  ssenoria  los 
rrecivio  en  ella  Y  por  Constar  que  los  dichos  Revelados  estaban  metidos 
mui  la  tierra  adentro  de  los  dichos  taraumares  Y  mas  adelante  Y  no 
poderse  seguir  rreformo  los  dichos  Yndios  amigos  mandandoles  Pagar 
el  tiempo  que  avian  servido  y  por  evitar  muchos  gastos  y  que  la  tierra  se 
aseguro  Salio  Con  su  excercito  Y  Campo  de  espafioles  y  Con  ellos  Vino 
al  Valle  de  San  bartolome  Provincia  de  Santa  barbora  donde  repartido 
algunos  Capitanes  Y  Soldados  dandoles  Ynstruccion  donde  avian  de 
acudir  Y  orden  de  lo  que  avian  de  hazer  y  con  el  demas  campo  que  quedo 

1  This  is  evidently  a  miscopy  for  "  Ynde  ". 
u  Evidently  a  miscopy   for   "  llego  ". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622  123 

While  things  were  in  this  state,  it  appears  that  on  the  twenty-ninth  day 
of  the  said  month  of  January,  of  the  said  year,  the  said  sefior  governor 
and  captain-general  received  a  letter  which  Father  Nicolas  de  Aranda, 
of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  seems  to  have  sent  to  him.  Through  it,  and 
through  certain  other  information  which  it  appears  the  said  sefior  gover- 
nor and  captain-general  received  from  padres  of  the  Company  of  Jesus 
and  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  and  from  the  justices  of  the  mines  of 
Inde,  Guanacebi,  and  Valle  de  San  Bartolome,  in  the  province  of  Santa 
Barbara,  he  learned  that  the  Tepeguanes  Indians  of  the  valley  of  San 
Pablo  y  San  Ygnacio,  with  some  Taraumares  Indians,  had  risen  in  re- 
bellion, had  fallen  upon  some  farms  of  the  said  province  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, had  killed  some  Spaniards  and  friendly  Indians,  and  had  committed 
robbery  and  arson.  In  consequence  of  this  and  to  remedy  it  as  soon  as 
possible  he  sent,  as  aid,  some  captains  and  Spanish  soldiers.  And  noting 
the  said  uprising  and  the  damage  which  the  said  Indians  were  doing,  he 
formed  an  army  of  captains  and  Spanish  soldiers  and  such  friendly 
Indian  soldiers  as  there  were,  and  with  it  he  went  out  in  person  from 
this  town  in  pursuit  of  the  said  rebels  as  far  as  the  valley  of  San  Pablo, 
where  he  pitched  camp,  finding  it  deserted,  without  people,  and  part  of 
the  church  of  the  said  valley  and  some  huts  burned. 

Hearing  that  the  said  rebellious  Indians  had  gone  inland  to  the  country 
of  the  Taraumares,  immediately,  on  the  next  day  after  his  lordship  ar- 
rived at  the  said  valley,  which  was  on  the  thirty-first  of  March,  he  des- 
patched Captain  Francisco  Montano  de  la  Cueba,  maese  de  campo,  with 
some  captains,  and  a  part  of  the  said  army  of  Spanish  soldiers,  and  two 
hundred  friendly  Indians  in  search  of  the  said  rebels,  with  instructions 
as  to  what  they  were  to  do. 

It  appears  that  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  month  of  April,  of  the 
said  year,  the  said  maese  de  campo  returned  with  the  said  soldiers  and 
friendly  Indians  to  the  said  valley  of  San  Pablo,  bringing  with  him  eleven 
Indians  of  the  Taraumare  nation,  among  them  Don  Juan  Code,  who, 
through  Don  Juan  de  Olvios-,  chief  of  the  Concha  nation  and  sworn  in- 
terpreter in  the  Castilian,  Concha,  and  Mexican  languages,  and  Ambrosio, 
a  Concho  Indian  and  interpreter  in  the  Taraumare  language,  declared  that 
he  was  king  of  all  the  Taraumare  nation,  numbering  4000  Indians,  and 
that  it  recognized  him  as  its  king  and  lord.  These  and  two  other  caciques, 
named  Don  Pablo  and  Don  Francisco,  caciques  of  rancherias  and  of  the 
said  Taraumares,  made  peace  pacts,  it  seems,  with  the  said  maese  de 
campo  on  the  said  expedition  that  he  made  into  their  land.  This  they 
confirmed  and  renewed  before  the  said  sefior  governor  and  captain- 
general,  promising  at  the  time  to  aid  the  Spaniards  against  the  Tepeguane 
rebels,  and  that  they  would  keep  and  preserve  the  said  peace  pacts  and  not 
break  them  in  any  manner.  And  his  lordship  acknowledged  their  accep- 
tance of  the  peace.  As  it  was  apparent  that  the  said  rebels  were  far  within 
the  country  of  the  said  Taraumares  and  even  further,  and  that  it  was 
not  possible  to  follow  them,  he  discharged  the  said  friendly  Indians,  order- 
ing them  to  be  paid  for  the  time  that  they  had  served.  In  order  to  avoid 
great  expense  and  because  the  country  had  been  made  safe,  he  set  out 
with  his  army  and  camp  of  Spaniards  and  with  them  advanced  to  the 


124:  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Vino  Visitando  su  ssefioria  los  Pueblos  y  Rancherias  de  los  yndios  tepe- 
guanes  que  estavan  de  pas  en  esta  Gobernacion  Y  Con  ellos  Confirmo  las 
pases  que  tenian  asentadas  Y  a  rrecivir  de  nuebo  en  ellas  como  consta 
de  los  asienttos  que  en  rracpn  dello  se  hizieron  que  son  las  siguienttes. 

Paresze  que  en  el  pueblo  del  zape  jurisdicion  de  las  minas  de  Guanacevi 
en  trese  de  mayo  del  dicho  ano  de  mill  y  seiscientos  Y  Veinte  y  uno  el 
dicho  Sefior  Governador  y  Cappitan  General  Visitto  el  dicho  pueblo  E 
yso  Junttar  a  ttodos  los  Yndios  E  yndias  del  y  con  ellos  confirmo  las 
pases  que  tenian  dadas  y  asientto  de  nuebo  los  quales  Promettieron  de  las 
Guardar  y  cumplir  y  no  las  Quebrantaran  en  manera  alguna  despues  de 
lo  qual  aviendo  llegado  El  dicho  Sefior  Governador  Y  Capitan  general 
al  pueblo  de  Sanctta  Catalina  en  trese  dias  del  dicho  mes  del  dicho  ano 
Salieron  a  rrecivir  al  dicho  Sefior  Governador  don  lucas  Yndio  principal 

Y  Governador  del  dicho  pueblo  Con  los  yndios  e  yndias  del  los  quales  le 
llebaron  a  la  Yglesia  del  y  estando  Junttos  en  ella  confirmaron  las  pases 
que  tenian  asenttadas  Y  de  nuebo  las  asenttaban  e  promettieron  de  las 
guardar  y  cumplir. 

Despues  de  lo  qual  Parese  que  en  dies  y  siette  dias  del  mes  de  mayo  del 
dicho  aiio  llego  el  dicho  Sefior  Governador  Y  capitan  general  al  pueblo  de 
Sanctiago  Papasquiarron  le  ssalieron  a  rrecivir  en  buena  horden  Los 
Yndios  e  Yndias  del  Chicos  y  Grandes  e  los  hizo  Junttar  en  la  Yglesia  del 
dicho  Pueblo  donde  confirmaron  las  pases  que  tenian  asenttadas  y  de 
nuebo  las  asentaron  promettiendo  de  las  guardar  y  Cumplir. 

En  el  pueblo  de  Capinamaiz  Juridicion  del  Valle  de  San  Juan  del  rrio 
en  beintte  dias  del  dicho  mes  de  mayo  aviendo  llegado  su  ssefioria  del 
dicho  Sefior  Governador  Y  Capitan  General  al  dicho  Pueblo  hizo  Junttar 
todos  los  Yndios  e  yndias  del  Y  su  Governador  don  baltazar  Y  don  fran- 
cisco  su  alcalde  donde  asimismo  estaban  Y  se  Juntaron  Don  Juan  Gover- 
nador del  pueblo  de  las  millpillas  Y  don  tomas  del  Pueblo  de  la  zauzeda 

Y  miguel  su  alcalde  Y  baltasar  Governador  del  pueblo  de  Canattan  Con 
los  Yndios  de  los  dichos  Pueblos  Y  estando  todos  los  dichos  Yndios 
Junttos  Y  congregados  a  la  puertta  de  la  Yglesia  del  dicho  Pueblo  de 
Capinamaiz  asentaron  de  nuebo  y  confirmaron  las  pases  que  tenian  dadas 
y  Prometieron  de  las  guardar  y  cumplir. 

Despues  de  lo  qual  Parese  que  en  esta  Villa  [de  Durango]  En  Veintte 
y  siete  de  mayo  del  dicho  ano  ante  el  dicho  sefior  Governador  y  Capitan 
General  paresieron  Cinco  Yndios  El  uno  llamado  Jacobo  de  nacion  tobosa 

Y  el  otro  llamado  Cristoval  Yndio  Principal  de  la  dicha  nacion  hi  jo  de 
don  jusepe  Governador  Y  Casique  de  la  dicha  nacion  tobosa  los  quales 
mediantte  lengua  de  frai  alonso  de  oliba  de  la  horden  de  sefior  San  fran- 
cisco  dixeron  que  ellos  y  los  Yndios  Nonoties  Achaclame  y  Xipocale  avian 
bajado  de  pas  al  pueblo  de  atotonilco  a  senttar  las  pases  en  nonbre  de 
ttodos  los  demas  y  que  avian  de  bajar  a  la  siega  del  Valle  de  San  bar- 
tolome  y  que  avian  Venido  a  dar  quentta  de  lo  susodicho  al  dicho  Sefior 
Governador  y  Capitan  General  Y  Visto  por  su  ssefioria  los  rrecivio  de  pas 
en  nonbre  de  su  magestad  Y  mando  dar  mandamientto  de  amparo  para  la 
justicia  del  dicho  Valle  les  hiziezen  buen  tratamientto  y  pagasen  lo  que 
trabajasen. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  162 0-1622  125 

valley  of  San  Bartolome,  province  of  Santa  Barbara,  where  he  divided 
off  some  of  the  captains  and  soldiers,  giving  them  instructions  as  to  where 
they  were  to  go  and  orders  as  to  what  they  were  to  do.  With  those  that 
remained  his  lordship  advanced  to  visit  the  pueblos  and  rancherias  of  the 
Tepeguanes  Indians,  who  were  at  peace  in  this  government,  and  to  ac- 
knowledge anew  their  acceptance  of  the  peace  pacts.  He  confirmed  with 
them  the  peace  pacts  which  they  had  made.  All  of  this  appears  from  the 
memoranda  that  were  set  down  in  regard  to  it,  which  are  as  follows : 

It  appears  that  in  the  pueblo  of  El  Zape,  jurisdiction  of  the  mines  of 
Guanacebi,  on  the  thirteenth  of  May,  of  the  said  year  of  1621,  the  said 
senor  governor  and  captain-general  visited  the  said  pueblo  and  caused  all 
the  Indians,  men  and  women,  to  assemble  and  with  them  he  confirmed  the 
peace  pacts  which  they  had  made  and  renewed  them.  They  promised  to 
keep  and  fulfill  them  and  not  break  them  in  any  manner.  Afterwards, 
the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general  having  arrived  at  the  pueblo 
of  Santa  Catalina,  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  said  month  of  the  said 
year,  Don  Lucas,  Indian  chief  and  governor  of  the  said  pueblo,  with  the 
Indian  men  and  women,  came  out  to  meet  the  said  senor  governor  and 
took  him  to  the  village  church.  Being  all  assembled  there,  they  confirmed 
the  peace  pacts  which  they  had  made,  affirmed  them  anew,  and  promised 
to  keep  and  fulfill  them. 

After  this  it  appears  that  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  May,  of  the  said 
year,  the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general  arrived  at  the  town  of 
Santiago  Papasquiaro.  The  Indian  men  and  women,  children  and  adults, 
went  out  in  good  order  to  receive  him,  and  he  caused  them  to  assemble 
at  the  church  of  the  said  pueblo,  where  they  confirmed  the  peace  pacts 
which  they  had  made  and  they  affirmed  them  anew,  promising  to  keep 
and  fulfill  them. 

At  the  pueblo  of  Capinamaiz,  jurisdiction  of  the  valley  of  San  Juan 
del  Rio,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  said  month  of  May,  his  lordship,  the 
said  governor  and  captain-general,  having  arrived  at  the  said  pueblo, 
caused  to  assemble  all  the  Indian  men  and  women  in  it  and  their  governor, 
Don  Baltasar,  and  Don  Francisco,  their  alcalde.  There,  present  also,  and 
assembled,  were  Don  Juan,  governor  of  the  pueblo  of  Las  Milpillas; 
Don  Tomas,  of  the  town  of  La  Sauceda,  and  Miguel,  its  alcalde;  and 
Baltasar,  governor  of  the  pueblo  of  Canatan;  together  with  the  Indians 
of  the  said  pueblos.  All  of  the  said  Indians  having  assembled  at  the  door 
of  the  church  of  the  said  pueblo  of  Capinamaiz,  they  renewed  and  con- 
firmed the  peace  pacts  which  they  had  made,  and  promised  to  keep  and 
fulfill  them. 

After  this,  it  appears  that  in  this  town  [of  Durango]  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  May  of  the  said  year,  before  the  said  senor  governor  and 
captain-general,  there  appeared  five  Indians,  one  named  Jacobo,  of  the 
Toboso  nation,  and  another  called  Cristobal,  Indian  chief  of  the  said 
nation,  and  son  of  Don  Jusepe,  governor  and  cacique  of  the  said  Toboso 
nation,  who,  through  the  language  of  Fray  Alonso  de  Oliba,  of  the  Order 
of  Saint  Francis,  declared  that  they  and  the  Nonoties,  Achaclame,  and 
Xipocale  Indians  had  come  down  in  friendship  to  the  pueblo  of  Ato- 
tonilco  to  arrange  the  peace  pacts  in  the  name  of  all  the  others ;  that  they 


126  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Y  parese  que  despues  de  lo  susodicho  en  esta  Villa  [de  Durango]  en 
dies  y  seis  dias  del  mes  de  henero  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  Veintte  y  dos 
anos  antte  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Cappitan  General  parecio  Un 
yndio  llamado  don  Juan  negritto  Casique  y  Governador  de  los  tepeguanes 
que  llaman  los  negrittos  que  estan  rrancheados  en  los  terminos  de  las 
minas  de  mapemi  Y  dixo  que  por  si  e  los  demas  de  sus  parcialidades  dava 
la  pas  Y  obediencia  a  su  magestad  y  a  su  ssefioria  en  su  nonbre  la  qual 
dava  por  aver  savido  Con  quantta  Prestega  y  Puntualidad  acudia  a  las 
sierras  Y  otras  parttes  a  rremediar  las  rrevelliones  Y  delittos  que  los 
Yndios  an  echo  asi  por  su  persona  Como  con  Capitanes  que  a  ynviado  Y 
Visto  por  su  ssefioria  los  rrecivio  en  ella  en  nonbre  de  su  magestad  y 
promettio  el  dicho  Yndio  de  la  guardar  y  cumplir  y  no  la  quebranttar  en 
manera  alguna. 

Despues  de  lo  sussodicho  parece  que  en  esta  villa  [de  Durango]  en 
seis  de  marco  deste  presentte  ano  ante  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y  Capi- 
tan  General  Paresio  Un  Yndio  llamado  el  xixicutta  de  la  nacion  Tepe- 
guana  Y  mediantte  mattheo  Canelas  Ynterprette  dixo  ser  Yndio  belicoso 

Y  uno  de  los  Capitanes  y  Cavesa  de  los  tepeguanes  rrebelados  Contra  la 
Real  Corona  Y  dixo  que  el  Como  tal  Capitan  y  Cavesa  dellos  a  quatro 
anos  questa  rretirado  En  la  zierra  Y  que  no  a  osado  bajarse  de  temor  Por 
ser  de  las  cavesas  de  los  dichos  Yndios  asta  que  el  senor  Governador 
quando  vino  de  la  Jornada  que  Yqo  contra  los  revelados  Y  asentto  las 
pases  con  los  taraumares  Le  ynvio  a  llamar  de  pas  Y  enviandole  bandera 

Y  Promesa  de  le  perdonar  con  los  que  con  el  se  bajasen  Con  lo  qual  se 
consolo  mucho  Porque  arrenpenttido  de  lo  echo  estaba  aguardando  Seme- 
jantte  ocasion  y  luego  que  rrecivio  la  dicha  Vandera  Con  la  dicha  Pro- 
mesa  bajo  de  la  zierra  con  quattro  yndios  Y  Viene  a  presencia  de  su 
ssefioria  de  pas  Y  pidio  Y  ssuplico  le  rrecibiesse  en  ella  en  nombre  de  su 
magestad  que  promete  de  la  Guardar  e  cumplir  Y  de  baxar  los  demas 
yndios  que  estan  rretirados  de  su  parzialidad  y  estan  debaxo  de  la  obedi- 
encia de  su  magestad  Como  antes  lo  estaban  Guardando  las  hordenes  Y 
lo  que  su  ssefioria  les  mandare  Y  Visto  por  su  ssefioria  los  rrecivio  de  pas 

Y  rremittio  los  delittos  que  avian  echo. 

Despues  de  lo  qual  parese  que  en  esta  villa  [de  Durango]  en  onze  de 
abril  del  dicho  ano  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  y  Veintte  y  dos  anos  ante  el  dicho 
Senor  Governador  y  cappitan  General  parecio  Un  yndio  llamado  Cocani 
Governador  y  casique  del  Pueblo  de  guaricame  de  los  Yndios  de  la  nacion 
Umes  Y  con  el  Vinieron  Cantidad  de  Veintte  yndios  de  la  dicha  nacion 

Y  dixo  Venir  de  su  tierra  solamentte  confirmar  las  pases  que  tiene  dadas 
pidio  en  ellas  fuese  rrecivido  Y  su  ssefioria  le  rrecivio  al  dicho  Gover- 
nador e  yndios  sus  Sugettos  en  las  dichas  pases  Y  les  confirmo  en  ellas. 

En  la  dicha  Villa  de  durango  en  Veintte  y  ocho  de  abrill  del  dicho 
ano  ante  el  dicho  Senor  governador  Y  capitan  General  parecio  otro  yndio 
llamado  Christoval  hi  jo  de  don  pedro  Casique  del  Pueblo  de  San  Fran- 
cisco del  Mesquittal  Y  alcalde  del  pueblo  nuebo  llamado  San  francisco  de 
ocatan  el  qual  truxo  consigo  ocho  yndios  sus  sugetos  el  qual  mediantte 
Ynterprete  dixo  que  ellos  por  averse  Revelado  en  el  alzamientto  General 
pasado  por  miedo  y  temor  no  v  se  les  hiziese  algun  castigo  asta  aora  no 

v  Obviously  a  mistake  for  "  que  ". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  162 0-1622  127 

had  to  come  to  gather  the  crops  in  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome;  and 
that  they  had  come  to  give  account  of  the  aforesaid  to  the  said  senor 
governor  and  captain-general.  In  view  of  this,  his  lordship,  in  the  name 
of  his  Majesty,  acknowledged  their  acceptance  of  the  peace,  and  ordered 
that  a  writ  of  protection  should  be  given  to  the  court  of  justice  of  the 
said  valley  in  order  to  insure  them  good  treatment,  and  pay  for  their  work. 

And  it  appears  that  after  the  aforesaid,  in  this  town  [of  Durango] 
on  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  of  January,  1622,  before  the  said  senor 
governor  and  captain-general,  there  appeared  an  Indian  named  Don 
Juan,  negrito  cacique,  and  governor  of  the  Tepeguanes — they  call  negritos 
those  who  are  settled  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mines  of  Mapimi — and  he 
said  that  for  himself,  and  the  rest  of  his  allies,  he  was  making  peace  and 
submitting  to  his  Majesty  and  to  his  lordship,  in  his  name.  He  was  doing 
this  because  he  had  learned  with  what  swiftness  and  promptness  he  [the 
governor]  hurried  to  the  sierras  and  other  places  to  suppress  the  rebel- 
lions and  crimes  which  the  Indians  had  committed  against  his  own  per- 
son, as  well  as  against  the  captains  whom  he  had  sent.  In  view  of  this, 
his  lordship,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  acknowledged  their  acceptance 
of  the  peace,  and  the  said  Indian  promised  to  keep  and  fulfill  it  and  not 
to  break  it  in  any  manner. 

After  the  aforesaid,  it  appears  that  in  this  town  [of  Durango]  on  the 
sixth  of  March,  of  the  present  year,  before  the  said  senor  governor  and 
captain-general,  there  appeared  an  Indian  named  El  Xixicutta,  of  the 
Tepehuane  nation.  And  through  Mateo  Canelas,  interpreter,  he  said  that 
he  was  a  warlike  Indian  and  one  of  the  captains  and  chiefs  of  the  Tepe- 
huanes  who  was  in  rebellion  against  the  royal  crown.  And  he  said  that  he, 
being  captain  and  chief,  had  retired  four  years  ago  into  the  sierra,  and 
that  he  had  not  dared,  through  fear,  to  come  down — because  he  was  one 
of  the  chiefs  of  the  said  Indians — until  the  senor  governor,  when  he  came 
on  the  expedition  which  he  made  against  the  rebels  and  made  peace  pacts 
with  the  Taraumares,  sent  to  summon  him  in  friendship,  sending  him  a 
banner  and  a  promise  to  pardon  him,  and  those  who  should  come  down 
with  him.  With  this  he  was  greatly  consoled,  for,  repentant  of  what  he 
had  done,  he  was  awaiting  such  an  occasion,  and  as  soon  as  he  received 
the  said  banner  with  the  said  promise,  he  came  down  from  the  sierra  with 
four  Indians,  and  comes  into  the  presence  of  his  lordship  in  friendship. 
He  begged  and  prayed,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  that  his  acceptance 
of  the  peace  should  be  acknowledged.  He  promises  to  keep  and  fulfill  it; 
[and  says]  that  the  other  Indians  who  had  separated  from  their  band 
would  come  down;  that  they  are  under  the  obedience  of  his  Majesty  as 
they  were  formerly;  and  that  they  were  obeying  the  orders  and  com- 
mands of  his  lordship  and  whatever  he  might  order.  In  view  of  this  his 
lordship  acknowledged  their  acceptance  of  the  peace  and  pardoned  them 
of  the  crimes  that  they  had  committed. 

After  this,  it  appears  that  in  this  town  [of  Durango],  on  the  eleventh 
of  April,  of  the  said  year  of  1622,  before  the  said  senor  governor  and 
captain-general,  there  appeared  an  Indian  named  Cocani,  governor  and 
cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  Guaricame,  of  the  Indians  of  the  Umes  nation. 
With  him  came  as  many  as  twenty  Indians  of  the  said  nation.    He  said 


128  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

se  atrevido  a  bajar  de  la  sierra  Y  confiados  de  su  ssenoria  que  como  tan 
christiano  les  a  de  faborecer  y  anparar  Se  an  bajado  y  poblado  el  pueblo 
nuebo  llamado  san  francisco  de  ocatan  Con  sesentta  Yndios  E  yndias 
Chicos  y  Grandes  y  Vienen  antte  su  ssenoria  a  dar  la  paz  Y  obediencia  a 
su  magestad  a  quien  suplican  los  rreciva  en  ella  perdonandoles  el  delitto  y 
Culpa  que  an  Cometido  que  el  por  si  Y  en  nonbre  de  sus  sugettos  promette 
de  la  Guardar  Cumplir  y  no  la  quebranttar  en  manera  alguna  Y  su  ssenoria 
de  misercordia  en  nonbre  de  su  magestad  les  perdonaba  y  rrecivia  Y  les 
yso  saver  que  si  la  Guardaren  los  anparara  y  Defendera  de  sus  enemigos 

Y  si  la  quebrantaren  los  castigara  a  fuego  y  sangre  los  quales  dixeron 
que  elle  guardaran  cumpliran  como  tienen  dicho. 

Despues  de  lo  qual  Parece  que  se  le  rremittio  a  el  dicho  Seiior  Gover- 
nador  y  Capitan  General  unos  autos  originales  que  parecen  averse  echo 
Por  el  capitan  francisco  de  Castro  alcalde  mayor  de  las  minas  de  Guana- 
cevi  Por  los  quales  consta  que  en  las  dichas  minas  y  otras  de  fuera  del  se 
avian  ynformado  de  que  don  Pedro  y  don  lorenzo  Yndios  casiques  de  los 
pueblos  del  zape  Y  potrero  falttaban  de  aquella  Jurisdicion  y  se  entendia 
se  avian  ydo  a  ver  Con  el  Capitan  Mattheo  Canelas  mestizo  y  Corrido 
bos  de  que  los  yndios  de  aquellas  provincias  andan  en  ttatoles  w  Con  animo 
de  lebantarse  Contra  la  real  corona  Y  elexir  por  su  Rey  y  Cavesa  al  dicho 
matteo  Canelas  Y  que  por  su  facilidad  se  puede  creer  qualquier  cosa 
dellos  para  rremedio  de  lo  qual  Parece  hiso  junta  de  algunos  Capitanes 

Y  personas  haspertas  x  en  seme j antes  Casos  por  dezir  estar  zerca  de  aquella 
jurisdicion  El  yndio  ofiate  rrevelado  Y  alzado  muchos  dias  avia  Con 
ttodos  los  Yndios  de  su  parcialidad  Y  en  la  dicha  Juntta  parece  decretto 
que  en  el  dicho  Real  se  biviesse  con  ttoda  Prevencion  y  cuidado  por  la 
poca  satis facion  que  se  tiene  de  los  yndios  Tepeguanes  Y  que  se  Yziesen 
las  delijencias  Pusibles  para  la  llamar  de  paz  al  Yndio  ofiate  y  los  de  su 
parcialidad  por  convenir  asi  al  servicio  de  dios  nuestro  seiior  y  de  su 
magestad  y  que  se  le  diese  en  su  nonbre  la  paz  y  parece  que  con  dos  yndios 
llamados  Geronimo  y  bartolome  del  pueblo  de  san  Simon  les  ynviaron  al 
dicho  ofiate  una  bandera  de  tafetan  encarnado  en  medio  della  una  Ymajen 
de  nuestra  sefiora  del  rrosario  a  la  zerrania  que  llaman  del  Carnu  y  donde 
avia  noticia  estaba  al  qual  dixesen  que  el  dicho  alcalde  mayor  le  llamaba 
de  paz  Y  que  le  dava  seguro  que  si  benia  a  su  presencia  le  Perdonaria 
todos  los  delitos  que  avia  cometido  asta  el  dicho  dia  Y  se  Capitularia  la 
paz  como  Conbeniese  al  servicio  de  dios  nuestro  sefior  y  de  su  magestad 
y  parece  que  en  las  dichas  minas  en  Veintte  y  siette  dias  del  dicho  mes  de 
abrill  ante  el  dicho  alcalde  mayor  pareziesron  los  dichos  dos  yndios  con  el 
dicho  don  francisco  ofiate  con  la  dicha  Vandera  que  le  avian  entregado  Y 
con  don  pedro  Casique  del  dicho  Pueblo  de  san  simon  Y  en  las  casas  la 
morada  del  dicho  alcalde  mayor  con  el  dicho  don  francisco  ofiate  Y  dos 
hijos  que  consigo  traia  Llamados  el  uno  don  Juseppe  ofiate  Y  el  otro  don 
Juan  ofiatte  en  presencia  del  padre  frai  miguel  Gutierrez  de  la  orden  de 
san  Augustin  Cura  y  bicario  del  dicho  rreal  Y  el  Padre  Juan  de  sanguesa 

w  Tatole  is  a  Mexican  word  for  agreement  or  conspiracy. — C.  W.  H. 
x  Obviously  an  old  or  corrupt  form  for  "  expertas  ". 
r  Or  "  Carme  ".— F.  R.  B. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  162 0-1622  129 

that  he  came  from  his  country  solely  to  confirm  the  peace  pacts  which  he 
had  made,  and  asked  that  his  acceptance  of  them  should  be  acknowledged. 
And  his  lordship  acknowledged  the  acceptance  by  said  governor  and  his 
Indian  subjects  of  the  said  peace  pacts  and  confirmed  them  in  them. 

In  the  said  town  of  Durango,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  April  of  the  said 
year,  before  the  said  governor  and  captain  general,  appeared  another 
Indian  named  Cristobal,  son  of  Don  Pedro,  cacique  of  the  pueblo  of  San 
Francisco  del  Mesquital,  and  alcalde  of  the  new  pueblo  called  San  Fran- 
cisco de  Ocatan.  He  brought  with  him  eight  of  his  Indian  subjects. 
Through  an  interpreter  he  said  that  they,  having  rebelled  in  the  past  gen- 
eral uprising,  through  fear  that  some  punishment  might  be  inflicted  upon 
them,  had  not  dared  up  to  now  to  come  down  from  the  sierra,  but,  trust- 
ing that  his  lordship,  as  a  Christian,  would  favor  and  protect  them,  they 
had  come  down  and  settled  the  new  pueblo  called  San  Francisco  de  Oca- 
tan,  with  sixty  Indians — children  and  adults — and  now  they  come  before 
his  lordship  to  make  peace  with  and  give  obedience  to  his  Majesty,  whom 
they  begged  to  acknowledge  their  acceptance  of  the  peace,  and  pardon 
them  for  the  crime  and  fault  that  they  had  committed.  And  he  [Cristobal] , 
for  himself  and  in  the  name  of  his  subjects,  promised  to  keep  and  fulfill 
the  peace  and  not  break  it  in  any  manner.  In  pity,  his  lordship  pardoned 
them,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and  received  them,  and  gave  them  to 
understand  that  if  they  would  keep  it,  he  would  protect  and  defend  them 
against  their  enemies,  but  if  they  broke  it  he  would  punish  them  with  fire 
and  blood.  They  said  they  would  keep  and  fulfill  it,  as  they  have  said. 

After  this  it  appears  that  there  were  transmitted  to  the  said  senor 
governor  and  captain-general  some  original  antos,  which  appear  to  have 
been  made  by  Captain  Francisco  de  Castro,  alcalde  mayor  of  the  mines 
of  Guanacebi,  from  which  it  is  evident  that  at  the  said  mines  and  others 
outside  of  it  news  had  been  had  that  Don  Pedro  and  Don  Lorenzo, 
caciques  of  the  pueblos  of  El  Zape  and  Potrero,  had  disappeared  from 
that  district,  and  it  was  understood  that  they  had  gone  to  meet  Captain 
Mateo  Canelas,  half-breed,  and  there  was  a  rumor  that  the  Indians  of 
those  provinces  were  getting  up  a  conspiracy  with  the  object  of  rebelling 
against  the  royal  crown  and  electing  for  their  king  and  chief  the  said 
Mateo  Canelas,  and  that,  since  they  are  easily  influenced,  anything  may  be 
believed  of  them.  To  remedy  this  a  junta  was  called  of  some  captains 
and  persons  experienced  in  such  affairs.  As  it  was  said  that  the  Indian 
Onate,  who  had  been  in  revolt  for  many  days  with  all  the  Indians  of  his 
band,  was  near  that  district,  in  the  said  junta  a  decree  was  issued  that 
every  precaution  should  be  taken  in  the  said  camp,  because  of  the  slight 
confidence  that  was  felt  among  the  Tepeguanes  Indians,  and  that  all 
possible  efforts  should  be  taken  to  induce  the  Indian  Onate  and  those  of 
his  band  to  make  peace,  as  the  service  of  our  Lord  God  and  his  Majesty 
requires,  and  that  peace  should  be  offered  him  in  his  name. 

It  appears  that  they  sent  to  the  said  Onate,  by  two  Indians  named 
Jeronimo  and  Bartolome,  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Simon,  a  banner  of  crim- 
son taffeta  silk,  bearing  in  the  centre  a  picture  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Rosary. 
[This  was  sent]  to  the  mountain  range  called  El  Carnu,  where  notice 
was  had  that  he  was.   They  were  to  tell  him  that  the  said  alcalde  mayor 


130  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

rrector  del  pueblo  del  zape  Y  el  padre  martin  larios  de  la  Compania  de 
Jesus  Y  el  Capitan  Gonzalo  marttin  diputtado  Y  otros  capitanes  El  dicho 
don  francisco  Ofiate  Aviendo  fecha  rrelacion  diziendo  El  estava  apesa- 
rado  y  arrapenttido  de  los  delittos  Comettidos  Contra  la  real  Corona  a 
quien  rreconocia  Por  Su  Rey  Y  Senor  Viene  a  ofrecer  Y  dar  por  si  E  por 
los  Yndios  de  su  Parcialidad  perdonandole  lbs  Yerros  Comettidos  en  la 
qual  El  dicho  alcalde  mayor  le  rrecivio  perdonandole  los  delittos  que 
avian  Comettido  Y  con  el  asenttaron  zierttas  condiciones  que  el  dicho  don 
francisco  Ofiate  Consinttio  Como  ttodo  ello  Consta  por  los  dichos  auttos 
originates  que  estan  en  la  causa  que  de  oficio  se  sigue  contra  el  dicho 
Mattheo  Canelas  y  asimismo  Parese  que  en  Cinco  dias  del  mes  de  no- 
biembre  del  afio  passado  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  y  veintte  y  uno  El  Senor 
Almirantte  matheo  de  vesga  Governador  y  capitan  General  deste  Reyno 
por  auttos  pronuncio  dixo  que  el  dicho  dia  llego  a  esta  villa  Un  ynclio 
llamado  don  matteo  Y  principal  de  nacion  concha  Con  ottros  yndios  con 
carttas  del  capitan  Christobal  Sanchez  Tinientte  de  Justicia  mayor  y 
Capitan  a  Guerra  de  la  dicha  provincia  Y  de  los  Vezinos  del  Valle  de 
San  Bartolome  de  la  dicha  provincia  Y  con  una  ynformacion  por  do  z 
consto  que  avia  ynviado  la  Justicia  de  la  dicha  provincia  a  don  Alonso 
yndio  Casique  de  la  dicha  Provincia  de  la  dicha  nacion  Concha  la  tierra 
adentro  a  llamar  Yndios  Conchos  para  que  fuesen  a  trabajar  las  labores 
y  haziendas  del  dicho  valle  como  lo  acostumbran  cada  ano  y  que  aviendo 
entrado  llamado  y  junttado  algunos  yndios  Y  quiriendo  bolverse  a  el 
dicho  Valle  los  que  asi  avia  junttado  se  alzaron  y  rrevelaron  flecharon  E 
yrieron  al  dicho  Don  Alonso  Casique  y  le  yzieron  dies  eridas  de  manera 
que  estubo  en  rriesgo  de  perder  la  Vida  y  los  dichos  Vezinos  del  dicho 
valle  se  ofrecieron  por  sus  carttas  a  entrar  al  Castigo  de  los  delinquenttes 
Personalmentte  sin  sueldo  de  su  magestad  con  que  de  la  Real  hazienda  se 
les  diese  un  barril  de  Polbora  Y  un  cajon  de  erraje  mular  Y  Caballar  y  se 
les  pague  el  rlette  de  una  rrecua  en  que  llevar  bastimenttos  para  los  Yndios 
amigos  que  entraren  al  dicho  Castigo  o  bajarlos  Y  senttarlos  de  paz  Y 
visto  por  su  ssenoria  Considerando  quanto  Ynporta  la  brevedad  de  que 
se  entre  a  la  pricion  Y  Castigo  de  los  delinquenttes  Y  asenttarlos  de  paz 
porque  si  se  dilatase  estos  se  aunaran  Y  Juntaran  Con  otros  Yndios  asi 
de  su  nacion  Como  de  otras  Y  Podria  rresultar  algun  alzamiento  que 
causase  mui  Gran  dano  a  este  Reyno  Y  mui  grande  Costa  a  la  Real 
Hazienda  Y  su  ssenoria  enbiase  a  su  Excelencia  del  Senor  Virrey  a  dar 
quentta  dello  antes  de  poner  en  effeto  en  enviar  orden  para  el  dicho  Cas- 
tigo Y  pacificacion  Polbera  Y  lo  demas  que  se  pide  en  el  Ynterin  que  se 
va  a  la  ciudad  de  mexico  Y  Viene  della  por  estar  Cientto  Y  cinquentta 
leguas  desta  Villa  con  la  dilacion  Podra  suseder  el  dicho  alzamiento  Y 
para  que  se  escusase  y  ubiese  el  acierto  que  Conviene  al  servicio  de  dios 
nuestro  senor  y  de  su  magestad  bien  y  quietud  de  la  dicha  provincia  dijo 
Convenia  se  Yziese  Juntta  en  la  qual  f  uese  don  Juan  de  Zerbanttes  Casaos 
Caballero  del  orden  de  san  francisco  Y  Contador  mayor  del  tribunal  de 
quentas  de  la  ciudad  de  mexico  Y  Juez  Vizittador  desta  Real  Caxa  Y  el 
capitan  Pedro  de  Carbajal  tinientte  de  Governador  en  este  reyno  Y  El 

z  A  contracted  form  of  "  donde  ". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622  131 

was  offering  them  friendship  and  gave  him  assurance  that  if  he  would 
come  into  his  presence  and  submit  to  peace,  as  the  service  of  our  Lord 
God  and  his  Majesty  required,  he  would  pardon  him  for  all  the  crimes 
that  he  had  committed  up  to  the  said  day.  It  appears  that  at  the  said 
mines,  on  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  the  said  month  of  April,  before  the 
said  alcalde  mayor,  the  said  two  Indians  appeared  with  the  said  Don 
Francisco  Ofiate,  with  the  said  banner  that  they  had  delivered  to  him. 
With  Don  Pedro,  cacique  of  the  said  pueblo  of  San  Simon,  at  Las  Casas, 
the  place  of  residence  of  the  said  alcalde  mayor,  the  said  two  Indians 
appeared  with  the  said  Don  Francisco  Ofiate  and  two  of  his  sons  that  he 
brought  with  him,  one  named  Jusepe  Ofiate  and  the  other  Don  Juan 
Ofiate.  In  the  presence  of  the  father,  Fray  Miguel  Gutierrez,  of  the  Order 
of  St.  Augustine,  curate  and  vicar  of  the  said  camp,  and  Father  Juan  de 
Sanguesa,  rector  of  the  pueblo  of  El  Zape,  and  Father  Martin  Larios,  of 
the  Company  of  Jesus,  and  Captain  Gonzalo  Martin,  deputy,  and  other 
captains,  the  said  Don  Francisco  Ofiate,  having  made  a  statement  saying 
that  he  was  troubled  and  repentant  for  his  crimes  committed  against  the 
royal  crown,  which  he  recognized  as  his  king  and  lord,  and  that  he  comes 
to  offer  and  make  [peace]  for  himself  and  the  Indians  of  his  band  if 
their  errors  should  be  pardoned,  the  said  alcalde  mayor  acknowledged 
his  acceptance  of  peace  and  pardoned  the  crimes  that  they  had  committed. 
In  addition  certain  conditions  were  set  down  to  which  the  said  Don  Fran- 
cisco Ofiate  consented.  All  of  this  appears  in  the  original  autos  of  the 
case,  which  is  being  officially  prosecuted  against  the  said  Mateo  Canelas. 

It  also  appears  that  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  month  of  November,  of  the 
past  year  of  1621,  the  senor  admiral,  Mateo  de  Vesga,  governor  and 
captain-general  of  this  kingdom,  in  autos  that  he  issued,  declared  that 
on  the  said  day  there  arrived  at  this  town  an  Indian  named  Don  Mateo, 
chief  of  the  Concha  nation,  with  other  Indians,  bringing  letters  from 
Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez,  deputy  chief  justice  and  captain  of  war  of 
the  said  province  and  of  the  residents  of  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome  of 
the  said  province,  with  a  report  from  which  it  is  evident  that  the  justice 
of  the  said  province  had  sent  Don  Alonso,  Indian  cacique  of  the  said 
province  of  the  said  Concha  nation,  to  the  interior  country  to  summon 
the  Conchos  Indians  to  come  to  work  in  the  fields  and  farms  of  the  said 
valley,  as  they  were  in  the  habit  of  doing  every  year,  but  that  after  he 
had  entered  and  having  called  and  assembled  some  Indians  and  wishing 
to  return  to  the  said  valley,  those  whom  he  had  thus  assembled  rose  up 
and  rebelled  and  shot  arrows  at  the  said  Don  Alonso,  the  cacique,  and 
wounded  him  in  ten  places,  so  that  he  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  life. 

The  said  residents  of  the  said  valley  offered  in  their  letters  to  go  in 
person  and  punish  the  offenders  without  any  pay  from  his  Majesty, 
except  that  from  the  royal  exchequer  there  should  be  given  them  a  barrel 
of  powder,  a  box  of  irons  for  shoeing  mules  and  horses,  and  the  expense 
of  a  pack-train  to  carry  provisions  for  the  friendly  Indians  who  should  go 
on  the  said  punitive  expedition  to  punish  them  or  bring  down  the  offenders 
and  establish  them  in  peace.  In  view  of  this,  his  lordship,  considering 
how  important  it  was  to  lose  no  time  in  the  capture  and  punishment  of 
10 


132  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

tesorero  Juan  de  Ybarra  Y  el  factor  Y  Beedor  Raphael  de  Gascue  Jueces 
oficiales  de  la  dicha  Real  Caja  para  que  como  esperimenttados  en  seme- 
janttes  Cosas  de  Guerra  Cada  uno  diese  su  pareser  de  lo  que  mas  Con- 
viniese  y  parese  que  en  seis  dias  del  dicho  mes  de  noviembre  del  dicho 
ano  se  junttaron  los  de  suso  declarados  Con  el  Senor  Governador  y  Capi- 
tan  General  en  un  aposentto  de  las  Casas  Reales  desta  villa  y  aviendoles 
dado  a  entender  cosa  de  suso  rreferido  y  ley  do  el  dicho  autto  de  un 
aquerdo  y  conformidad  dixeron  que  eran  de  parescer  que  su  sseiioria  del 
Senor  Governador  Cometa  a  Un  Vezino  de  la  dicha  provincia  Soldado  Y 
de  Ynepiriencia  la  dicha  entrada  en  busca  y  castigo  de  los  dichos  Yndios 
delinquentes  Castigue  y  asientte  de  pas  los  demas  Yndios  Pues  los  dichos 
Vezinos  se  ofrecen  a  entrar  sin  sueldo  de  su  magestad  y  que  su  entrada 
fuese  con  brevedad  anttes  que  agan  Junttas  y  alzamienttos  advirtiendo  al 
Capitan  que  hiziere  la  dicha  entrada  no  se  aga  dafio  a  las  mugeres  e  mu- 
chachos  porque  demas  de  que  se  ara  Castigo  de  los  delinquentes  se 
siguiran  dello  muchos  effetos  del  servicio  de  su  magestad  y  que  se  les 
diese  y  sacase  del  Real  almacen  y  se  enbiase  al  tan  capitan  Un  Barril  de 
polbora  para  la  dicha  entrada  Y  que  de  los  dichos  seis  mill  pesos  que 
estan  sittuados  Para  gastos  de  pas  y  Guerra  en  cada  un  aiio  en  este  Reyno 
se  conprase  un  cajon  de  erraje  Caballar  y  mular  y  se  ynviasse  para  la 
dicha  entrada  Y  que  se  paguase  El  flette  de  una  rrecua  de  treinta  mulas 
por  tiempo  de  dos  meses  o  menos  si  menos  tiempo  durare  la  Jornada  para 
llebar  los  bastimentos  y  que  el  dicho  flete  se  pagase  de  los  seis  mill  pesos 
y  esta  ayuda  de  costa  se  las  diese  a  las  personas  que  entraren  a  la  dicha 
Jornada  por  quentta  de  su  magestad. 

Y  parese  que  en  ocho  dias  del  dicho  mes  de  noviembre  se  le  entrego 
a  el  alferez  diego  de  Villar  Vezino  desta  villa  Un  barril  de  Polbora  que 
con  el  barril  peso  Siete  arrobas  E  trece  libras  Y  un  cajon  con  siete  dozenas 
de  erraje  las  tres  Caballar  de  a  beintte  y  quatro  erraduras  cada  dozena  Y 
las  quatro  asnales  de  a  quarenta  y  ocho  erraduras  por  dozena  Y  mill  y 
ochocienttos  Clabos  de  errar  y  asimismo  rrecivio  la  Comision  e  ynstru- 
cion  que  en  rragon  dello  su  ssenoria  dio  al  Cappitan  Christoval  Sanchez 
tinientte  de  alcalde  mayor  de  la  dicha  Provincia  Para  azer  la  dicha  en- 
trada Y  todo  se  lo  entregase  a  el  dicho  alferez  diego  de  Villar  Al  dicho 
Capitan  Christoval  Sanchez  de  que  Yzo  rrecivo  en  forma  y  Consta  por 
testimonio  auttentico  que  en  el  valle  de  San  Barttolome  de  la  dicha  Pro- 
vincia en  beynte  y  dos  del  dicho  mes  de  noviembre  Como  el  dicho  Chris- 
toval Sanchez  rrecivio  del  dicho  diego  de  Villar  el  dicho  barril  de  polbora 
Y  el  dicho  cajon  de  errajes  despues  de  lo  qual  Parese  que  usando  de  la 
dicha  comision  el  dicho  Christoval  Sanchez  Y  aviendose  publicado  se 
alistaron  Cantidad  de  Soldados  espanoles  despues  de  lo  qual  parese  que 
estando  el  dicho  capitan  Christoval  Sanchez  Con  los  dichos  soldados  bajo 
del  pueblo  de  San  Francisco  en  Veintte  y  cinco  dias  de  diziembre  del 
dicho  ano  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  Y  Veintte  y  uno  una  legua  el  rrio  aba  jo 
Yendo  en  prosecucion  de  la  dicha  entrada  se  le  juntaron  e  ofrecieron  de 
yr  con  el  a  ella  y  servir  de  soldados  en  la  dicha  entrada  asta  ochentta  y 
cinco  Yndios  Casiques  Governadores  y  Capitanes  E  yndios  sus  sugettos 

a  Probably  a  miscopy  for  "  entregose  ". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622  133 

the  delinquents  and  establish  them  in  peace,  for  if  it  should  be  delayed 
they  would  join  with  other  nations,  not  only  of  their  own  nation  but  also 
of  others,  and  an  uprising  might  result  that  would  cause  great  damage  to 
this  kingdom  and  very  great  expense  to  the  royal  exchequer,  and  consider- 
ing that  [if]  his  lordship  should  send  to  give  an  account  to  his  excellency, 
the  senor  viceroy,  before  putting  in  effect  an  order  for  the  said  punish- 
ment and  pacification  and  the  powder  and  the  rest  that  is  asked  for,  in 
the  interval  that  it  would  take  to  go  to  the  city  of  Mexico  and  return 
from  it,  as  it  is  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  this  town,  with  this 
delay  the  said  uprising  might  occur,  in  order  that  this  might  be  avoided 
and  success  made,  as  is  necessary  for  the  service  of  our  Lord  God,  and 
of  his  Majesty,  in  securing  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  said  province,  he 
declared  that  it  was  necessary  to  call  a  junta,  to  be  made  up  of  Don  Juan 
de  Cervantes  Casaos,  knight  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  chief  accoun- 
tant of  the  tribunal  of  accounts  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  the  judge 
inspector  of  this  royal  treasury,  Captain  Pedro  de  Carbajal,  lieutenant 
governor  in  this  kingdom,  the  treasurer,  Juan  de  Ibarra,  and  the  factor 
and  veedor,  Raphael  de  Gascue,  officials  of  the  said  royal  treasury,  so  that, 
as  persons  experienced  in  such  matters  of  war,  each  one  could  give  his 
opinion  of  what  it  would  be  best  to  do. 

It  appears  th'at  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  month  of  November,  of  the  said 
year,  the  above  mentioned  met  with  the  senor  governor  and  captain- 
general  in  a  room  of  the  governmental  buildings  of  this  town.  After 
they  had  learned  of  the  matter  above  stated  and  had  read  the  said  auto, 
they  unanimously  declared  that  they  were  of  the  opinion  that  his  lord- 
ship, the  senor  governor,  should  assign  to  a  resident  of  this  province,  an 
experienced  soldier,  the  said  expedition  that  was  to  seek  out  and  punish 
the  said  delinquent  Indians,  and  punish  and  force  the  rest  of  the  Indians  to 
make  peace.  Since  the  said  resident  offered  to  go  without  any  salary  from 
his  Majesty,  his  expedition  should  be  made  quickly,  before  they  could  get 
together  and  rebel,  and  the  captain  who  should  make  the  said  expedition 
should  be  warned  not  to  do  any  harm  to  the  women  and  children.  For, 
besides  securing  the  punishment  of  the  delinquents  there  would  follow 
from  it  many  good  results  for  the  service  of  his  Majesty.  [They  were 
also  of  the  opinion]  that  a  barrel  of  powder  should  be  taken  from  the 
royal  storehouse  and  sent  to  the  said  captain  for  the  said  expedition  ;  that 
from  the  6000  pesos  which  are  annually  assigned  to  the  peace  and  war 
budget  in  this  kingdom,  a  box  of  irons  for  shoeing  horses  and  mules 
should  be  bought  and  sent  for  the  said  expedition;  that  the  expense 
should  be  paid  for  a  pack-train  of  thirty  mules  for  the  period  of  two 
months,  or  less,  if  the  expedition  should  last  a  shorter  time,  in  order  to 
carry  the  provisions ;  that  the  said  expense  should  be  paid  from  the  said 
6000  pesos ;  and  that  this  assistance  should  be  given  to  the  persons  who 
might  enlist  in  the  said  expedition,  for  the  account  of  his  Majesty. 

It  appears  that  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  said  month  of  November  there 
was  delivered  to  the  alferez,  Diego  de  Villar,  resident  of  this  town,  a 
barrel  of  powder,  which,  with  the  barrel,  weighed  seven  arrobas  and 
three  pounds,  and  a  box  with  seven  dozen  irons — three  dozen  of  them 
to  be  used  for  shoeing  horses  at  the  rate  of  twenty-four  shoes  for  each 


134  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

de  nacion  concha  con  los  quales  y  dichos  espanoles  parese  averse  echo  la 
dicha  entrada  Contra  los  dichos  revelados  el  dicho  capitan  Christoval 
Sanchez  y  con  ellos  parece  tubo  algunos  rrincuentros  prendio  y  Castigo 
algunos  Culpados  Y  Yco  pases  con  los  demas  yndios  de  las  parzialidades 
de  los  dichos  revelados. 

Y  en  esta  dicha  Villa  de  Durango  en  dies  y  seis  dias  del  mes  de  abril 
deste  presentte  afio  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  y  Veintte  y  dos  El  dicho  capitan 
Christoval  Sanchez  Truxo  a  presencia  de  su  ssenoria  los  auttos  originales 
que  en  rragon  de  la  dicha  entrada  y  castigo  avia  echo  y  entrego  dies  presas 
que  dixo  aver  sacado  de  la  dicha  entrada  las  cinco  yndias  ya  mugeres  de 
mas  de  Veintte  a  treintte  anos  las  quatro  Y  una  Yndezuela  de  seis  anos 
Y  un  Yndio  Grande  llamado  sevastian  Y  tres  yndezuelos  de  quatro  a  seis 
anos  que  por  ttodos  son  las  dichas  dies  piesas  Las  quales  Vistos  los  auttos 
por  el  dicho  Governador  y  Capitan  General  declaro  por  esclabas  Y  que 
de  ellas  sediese  a  su  magestad  lo  que  le  pertenece  de  su  rreal  quintto  en- 
tregandose  a  los  oficiales  Reales  de  su  Real  hazienda  Y  caja  desta  villa 
que  senalo  el  dicho  Yndio  Gandul  llamado  Sebastian  y  un  Yndezuelo  de 
los  pequenos  Y  mando  que  las  ocho  piesas  Restantes  se  Vendiesen  en 
publica  almoneda  y  se  rrematasen  en  las  personas  que  mas  por  ellas  diese 
a  luego  pagar  que  los  pesos  de  oro  que  montaren  aplico  la  tercia  parte 
dellos  para  los  gastos  de  las  honrras  que  en  esta  Villa  se  an  de  azer  de  su 
magestad  que  esta  en  el  cielo  y  la  otra  tercia  parte  se  le  diese  al  dicho 
capitan  Christoval  sanchez  para  ayuda  a  la  costa  que  a  tenido  en  traer  las 
dichas  dies  Piesas  que  rrepparttiese  Entre  si  Y  sus  Conpaneros  E  yndios 
amigos  que  an  venido  a  esta  Villa  Y  la  otra  tercia  parte  Para  los  gastos  de 
los  estrados  desta  audiencia  de  Governacion  Y  costos  desta  Causa. 

Y  parese  que  en  dies  y  siette  dias  del  dicho  mes  de  abrill  en  presencia 
del  dicho  Senor  Governador  Y  Capitan  General  Se  entregaron  al  Tesorero 
Juan  de  Ibarra  Y  facttor  Y  Veedor  Raphael  de  Gascue  Juezes  oficiales 
desta  real  hazienda  E  caxa  desta  villa  El  dicho  Yndios  Gandul  llamado 
Sebastian  que  por  su  aspecto  Parecio  ser  de  dies  y  ocho  anos  Y  un  Ynde- 
zuelo de  edad  de  cinco  a  seis  anos  que  dixeron  no  ser  christiano  Y  parece 
que  las  dichas  ocho  piesas  restantes  Se  Vendieron  en  presencia  del  Senor 
Governador  y  Capitan  General  en  los  dichos  dies  y  siete  dias  del  dicho 
mes  de  abrill  a  diferentes  personas  que  montaron  Trecientos  Pesos  de 
oro  comun  el  precio  en  que  se  rremataron  despues  de  lo  qual  en  dies  e 
nuebe  dias  del  mes  de  abrill  del  dicho  afio  el  dicho  Senor  Governador  y 
Capitan  General  por  autto  que  pronuncio  y  por  causas  que  a  ello  le 
movieron  que  esplico  en  el  dicho  autto  aplico  los  dichos  trecienttos  pesos 
del  Precio  de  las  dichas  ocho  piesas  para  los  gastos  de  las  dichas  onrras 
de  su  magestad  que  esta  en  el  cielo  segun  de  que  todo  lo  susodicho  Y  otras 
Cosas  mas  largamente  Consta  Y  paresce  por  los  auttos  originales  que  en 
rragon  de  todo  lo  susodicho  sea  b  f echo  que  en  mi  poder  quedan  a  que  me 
Refiero  Y  Por  Mandado  del  dicho  Senor  Governador  Y  Capitan  General 
di  El  Presentte  que  es  ffecho  en  esta  Villa  de  durango  en  diez  y  nueve  del 
mes  de  mayo  de  mill  y  seiscienttos  y  Veintte  y  dos  anos  Siendo  testigos 

b  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  se  an  ". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1620-1622  135 

dozen  irons,  and  the  other  four  dozen  irons  to  be  used  to  shoe  other  ani- 
mals at  the  rate  of  forty-eight  shoes  for  each  dozen  irons,  and  eight 
hundred  nails  for  shoeing.  At  the  same  time  he  received  the  commission, 
and  the  instructions  which,  in  view  of  it,  his  lordship  gave  to  Captain 
Cristobal  Sanchez,  deputy  alcalde  mayor  of  the  said  province,  to  make 
the  said  expedition.  All  of  this  the  said  alferez  Diego  de  Villar  delivered 
to  the  said  captain  Cristobal  Sanchez,  for  which  he  gave  a  receipt  in  the 
proper  form. 

It  is  evident  from  authentic  testimony  that  in  the  valley  of  San  Bar- 
tolome,  of  the  said  province,  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  said  month  of 
November,  the  said  Cristobal  Sanchez  received  from  the  said  Diego  de 
Villar  the  said  barrel  of  powder  and  the  said  box  of  irons.  After  this, 
it  appears  that  the  said  Cristobal  Sanchez,  in  the  exercise  of  the  said  com- 
mission and  after  it  had  been  proclaimed,  enlisted  a  number  of  Spanish 
soldiers.  Afterwards  it  appears  that  the  said  Captain  Cristobal  San- 
chez, with  the  said  soldiers,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  December,  of 
the  said  year  of  1621,  went  from  the  town  of  San  Francisco,  one  league 
down  the  river,  in  prosecution  of  the  said  expedition.  As  many  as  eighty- 
five  Indians,  caciques,  governors,  captains,  and  their  subjects  of  the  Con- 
cha nation,  joined  him  and  offered  to  go  with  him  on  the  expedition  and 
to  serve  as  soldiers.  With  them  and  the  said  Spaniards  the  said  Captain 
Cristobal  Sanchez  appears  to  have  made  the  said  expedition  against  the 
said  rebels,  with  whom  it  appears  that  he  had  several  encounters,  took 
and  punished  some  of  the  guilty  ones,  and  made  peace  with  the  rest  of  the 
Indian  allies  of  the  said  rebels. 

In  this  said  town  of  Durango,  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  of 
April,  of  this  present  year  of  1622,  the  said  Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez 
brought  into  the  presence  of  his  lordship  the  original  autos  which  he  had 
made  in  connection  with  the  said  expedition  and  punishment,  and  he  de- 
livered ten  prisoners  that  he  said  he  had  taken  on  the  said  expedition,  five 
of  them  women  already  grown,  four  being  from  twenty  to  thirty  years 
of  age,  and  one  little  girl  of  six,  a  large  Indian  named  Sebastian,  and 
three  little  boys  from  four  to  six  years  old,  making  all  together  the  said 
ten  persons.  These,  after  the  autos  had  been  examined  by  the  said  gov- 
ernor and  captain-general,  he  declared  to  be  slaves,  and  that  from  them 
he  would  set  aside  for  his  Majesty  what  belonged  to  him  as  his  royal 
fifth,  delivering  it  to  the  royal  officials  of  the  real  hacienda  and  treasury 
of  this  town;  he  designated  for  this  purpose  the  said  Indian  brave  named 
Sebastian  and  one  of  the  little  boys.  He  ordered  that  the  remaining  eight 
should  be  sold  at  public  auction  to  the  persons  that  would  pay  the  most  for 
them  at  once,  and  that  a  third  part  of  the  gold  that  should  be  received  for 
them  should  be  applied  to  the  expenses  of  the  honors  that  would  have  to 
be  given  in  this  town  [to  the  memory]  of  his  Majesty  who  is  in  Heaven; 
another  third  should  be  given  to  the  said  Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez  to 
aid  him  in  the  expenses  that  he  had  in  bringing  the  said  ten  persons,  this 
to  be  divided  between  himself,  his  companions,  and  the  friendly  Indians 
who  have  come  to  this  town ;  and  the  remaining  third  part  to  be  applied 
to  the  expenses  of  this  audiencia  of  government  and  the  cost  in  this  case. 


136  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

el  alferez  diego  de  Villar  Y  Geronimo  de  bayamonte  vezino  y  estantes  en 
esta  villa  Va  enmendado  a  su  rreal/m/to/Vea.c 

Fecho  y  Sacado  fue  este  tratado  del  testimonio  original  que  en  mi  poder 
queda  y  en  los  auttos  en  el  Conthenidos  y  Va  cierto  y  Verdadero  Y  se 
corregio  y  Concerto  en  la  Villa  de  durango  en  diez  y  nueve  dias  del  mes 
de  mayo  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  Veinte  y  dos  afios  siendo  todo  a  lo  Ver 
corregir  Y  Concertar  los  dichos  alferez  diego  de  Villar  Y  Geronimo  de 
bayamonte  Vezino  y  estante  en  esta  Villa.d    [Firmas.] 


Del  legajo  de  papeles  tocantes  a  asuntos  de  los  Indios  revelados  en  nueva 
Vizcaya.   Governador  Mateo  de  Vesga*   [Mayo  de  1624.] 

En  la  villa  de  durango  en  cinco  dias  del  mes  de  marzo  de  mill  y  seys- 
cientos  y  beynte  y  quatro  afios  ante  su  ssefioria  el  sefior  almirante  matheo 
de  besga  governador  y  capitan  general  parescio  un  yndio  .  .  .  que  dijo 
llamarse  don  balthasar  y  ser  casique  y  Governador  de  los  yndios  del 
pueblo  de  ticonazo  de  los  yndios  cristianos  del  y  que  al  presente  rreside 
en  el  cerro  gordo  con  sus  yndios  Cristianos  por  horden  mando  de  su 
senoria  y  assimismo  Trujo  Consigo  otro  yndio  de  nacion  tepeguan  que 
mediantte  el  dicho  ynterprete  y  del  dicho  don  balthasar  que  abla  la  lengua 
tepeguana  el  qual  mostro  a  su  ssefioria  un  pufiado  de  maiz  y  dijo  que  abia 

c  Reference  is  to  the  emendations  made  in  the  original  copy  of  the  document. 
d  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  15,  191 4- 
•  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1624  137 

It  appears  that  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  the  said  month  of  April,  in 
the  presence  of  the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general,  there  were 
delivered  to  the  treasurer,  Juan  de  Ibarra,  and  the  factor  and  overseer, 
Raphael  de  Gascue,  official  judges  of  this  real  hacienda  and  treasury  of 
this  town,  the  said  Indian  buck  called  Sebastian,  who  seemed  from  his 
appearance  to  be  eighteen  years  old,  and  a  boy  from  five  to  six  years  old, 
who  they  said  was  not  a  Christian.  It  appears  that  the  eight  remaining 
slaves  were  sold  in  the  presence  of  the  senor  governor  and  captain-general, 
on  the  said  seventeenth  day  of  the  said  month  of  April,  to  different  per- 
sons, and  that  the  price  for  which  they  were  auctioned  amounted  to  three 
hundred  pesos  in  common  gold. 

Afterwards,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  the  month  of  April,  of  the  said 
year,  the  said  senor  governor  and  captain-general,  by  an  auto  which  he 
issued,  and  for  reasons  that  moved  him  to  do  so,  which  he  explained  in 
the  said  auto,  applied  the  said  three  hundred  pesos — the  price  of  the  said 
eight  slaves — to  the  expenses  of  the  said  honors  to  his  Majesty  4T  who  is 
in  Heaven.  All  of  the  aforesaid  and  other  things  are  evident  and  appear 
more  at  length  in  the  original  autos,  which,  in  connection  with  the  above, 
have  been  made;  these,  to  which  I  refer,  remain  in  my  possession.  By 
order  of  the  said  governor  and  captain-general  I  issued  the  present  writ- 
ing, which  is  done  in  this  town  of  Durango  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  the 
month  of  May,  1622,  the  witnesses  being  the  alferez,  Diego  de  Villar, 
and  Jeronimo  de  Bayamonte,  citizen  and  resident  of  this  town.  The 
document  has  the  following  emendations :  "asu  real/m/to/Vea." 

This  copy  was  made  and  drawn  from  the  original  testimony  which  is 
in  my  possession  and  in  the  autos  contained  therein.  It  is  true  and  ac- 
curate, and  was  corrected  and  verified  in  the  town  of  Durango,  on  the 
nineteenth  day  of  May,  1622,  the  said  alferez,  Diego  de  Villar,  and 
Jeronimo  de  Bayamonte,  citizen  and  resident  of  this  town,  being  wit- 
nesses of  the  correction  and  verification.    [Signatures."] 


From  the  bundle  of  papers  touching  upon  the  affairs  of  the  rebellious 
Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Governor  Mateo  de  Vesga.  [May, 
1624.] 

In  the  town  of  Durango,  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  month  of  March,  1624, 
before  his  lordship,  the  senor  admiral,  Mateo  de  Vesga,  governor  and 
captain-general,  there  appeared  an  Indian  .  .  .  who  said  that  he  was 
named  Don  Baltasar,  and  that  he  was  the  cacique  and  governor  of  the 
Christian  Indians  of  the  pueblo  of  Ticonazo,  and  that  at  present  he  resides 
in  the  Cerro  Gordo  with  his  Christian  Indians  by  order  and  command 
of  his  lordship.  He  also  brought  with  him  another  Indian  of  the  Tepe- 
guane  nation,  who,  through  the  said  interpreter  and  the  said  Don  Bal- 
tasar, who  speaks  the  Tepeguane  language,  showed  his  lordship  a  handful 
of  maize,  and  said  that  there  had  come  down  in  friendship  as  many  uncon- 
verted Indians  as  there  were  grains  of  corn — men  and  women  totalling 
eighty-five.    He  had  settled  them  in  the  said  Cerro  Gordo;  [they  were] 


138  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

bajado  de  paz  tantos  yndios  Gentiles  Como  abia  maises  hombres  y  mu- 
geres  que  abia  ochenta  y  sinco  Los  quales  tiene  poblados  en  el  dicho  cerro 
gordo  quietos  y  pacificos  y  con  Mucho  gusto  y  parte  dellos  bautizados  y 
que  el  dicho  don  balthasar  aviendo  tenido  noticia  de  un  yndio  llamado 
Juan  de  nacion  tepeguan  natural  del  pueblo  del  zape  que  andaba  con  otros 
quatro  yndios  alzado  y  salteando  por  los  caminos  y  que  asi  apresso  el  y 
el  dicho  Don  Agustin  y  sus  pilguanes  f  a  el  dicho  yndio  Juan  a  el  qual 
haorco  en  el  parage  que  llaman  del  Canutillo  Para  exemplo  de  los  demas 
yndios  no  se  atreviesen  a  seme j antes  Cassos  Con  que  la  tierra  e  yndios 
poblados  estan  sogegados  y  Contentos  de  todo  Lo  qual  biene  a  dar  quenta 
a  su  sseiioria  Como  La  da  a  quien  piden  y  suplican  anparo  en  el  dicho 
pueblo  donde  biben  llamado  sancta  maria  del  serro  gordo  biban  y  residan 
y  asimismo  se  les  de  alguna  Ropa  para  su  bestir  pues  son  buenos  Yndios 
y  fieles  Y  acudiran  como  Acuden  a  el  servicio  de  su  magestad  y  a  prender 
Los  salteadores  que  obiere  y  bisto  por  su  ssefioria  Les  dio  Lizencia  para 
que  estubiesen  y  residiesen  en  el  dicho  pueblo  y  mando  asistan  en  el 
Resciviendo  como  recivio  de  paz  a  el  dicho  don  agustin  y  sus  sugetos  y 
Les  mando  La  conserben  que  su  sseiioria  Les  amparara  y  defendera  de 
sus  enemigos  y  aviendoselo  dado  a  entender  por  el  dicho  ynterpete  dijeron 
que  ellos  mantendran  la  dicha  paz  y  estaran  sugetos  a  la  paz  y  obediencia 
de  su  magestad  Y  Cumpliran  lo  que  su  sseiioria  les  manda  atento  a  lo 
qual  y  que  los  dichos  don  Baltasar  y  don  Agustin  traen  consigo  otros  qua- 
tro yndios  pirguanes  g  mandava  Y  mando  que  domingo  de  herniva  mer- 
cader  y  bezino  desta  villa  persona  En  quien  estan  rematados  Los  precios 
de  la  ropa  que  su  ssefioria  Manda  dar  a  semejantes  yndios  que  a  los  pre- 
cios que  se  le  remato  de  al  dicho  don  Baltasar  cacique  y  governador  siete 
a  baras  de  pafio  comun  un  sombrero  entre  fino  un  guipil  caretero  Unas 
naguas  enteras  una  frezadilla  conga  y  a  el  dicho  don  agustin  otras  siete 
baras  de  paiio  un  sombrero  entrefino  un  guipil  Caretero  Unas  naguas  en- 
teras una  frezadilla  a  don  lucas  uno  de  los  dichos  quatro  yndios  sinco 
baras  y  media  de  paiio  comun  un  sombrero  Entrefino  siete  baras  de  sayal 
una  frezadilla  y  a  Sebastian  otro  de  los  dichos  yndios  tres  baras  y  media 
de  pafio  Comun  siete  baras  de  sayal  Un  sombrero  Entrefino  unas  naguas 
enteras  a  diego  otro  yndio  de  los  sussodichos  tres  baras  y  media  de  pafio 
Comun  un  sombrero  Entrefino  siete  baras  de  sayal  Un  guipil  caretero  para 
su  muger  Y  una  frezadilla  a  Juan  yndio  de  los  que  bajaron  de  paz  sinco 
baras  de  pafio  comun  siete  de  sayal  una  frezadilla  un  sombrero  Entrefino 
y  asimismo  dara  A  todos  quatro  achas  de  cortar  madera  y  quatro  machetes 
y  dos  nobillos  para  que  lleven  a  el  dicho  su  pueblo  y  Repartan  Entre  los 
yndios  del  para  que  coman  y  mas  se  haga  pago  de  siete  pesos  Y  quatro 
Tomines  que  les  dio  por  mandado  de  su  senoria  Con  que  an  comido  y  ban 
comiendo  los  dichos  Yndios  que  dandoselos  con  un  treslado  autorizado 
deste  asiento  y  rescivo  del  dicho  Juan  Rodriguez  espejo  ynterprete  susso- 
dicho  atento  no  traen  persona  que  por  ellos  pueda  recivir  la  dicha  ropa  de 
como  Recivieron  los  dichos  yndios  La  dicha  ropa  que  los  pessos  de  oro 
que  montare  su  seiioria  se  les  mandara  pagar  de  los  seis  mill  pesos  que 

f  Probably  a  misspelling  for  "  pilguanejo  ",  a  word  used  in  Mexico  for  "servant". 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1624  139 

quiet  and  peaceful  and  very  content  and  part  of  them  were  baptized.  The 
said  Don  Baltasar  having  had  information  that  an  Indian  named  Juan 
of  the  Tepeguane  nation,  native  of  the  pueblo  of  El  Zape,  was  wandering 
about  with  four  other  Indians  in  revolt  and  committing  robberies  on  the 
roads,  he  and  the  said  Don  Agustin  and  his  servants  took  the  said  Indian 
Juan  prisoner  and  hanged  him  at  the  place  called  El  Canutillo,  as  an 
example  to  the  other  Indians  not  to  venture  to  do  such  things.  As  a 
result  the  country  and  Indians  settled  there  have  become  quiet  and  con- 
tented. Of  all  this  he  comes  to  give,  as  he  does  give,  account  to  his  lord- 
ship from  whom  they  ask  for  and  crave  asylum  in  the  said  pueblo  where 
they  live,  called  Santa  Maria  del  Cerro  Gordo,  in  order  that  they  may 
live  and  reside  [there] ,  and  also  to  ask  that  some  clothing  be  given  to  them 
with  which  to  dress  themselves,  for  they  are  good  and  faithful  Indians, 
and  will  assist,  as  they  are  now  assisting,  in  the  service  of  his  Majesty 
and  in  arresting  any  highwaymen  that  there  may  be.  In  view  of  this  his 
lordship  gave  them  license  to  remain  and  live  in  the  said  pueblo  and 
ordered  that  they  should  assist  therein,  acknowledging,  as  he  did  acknowl- 
edge, the  acceptance  by  the  said  Don  Agustin  and  his  subjects  of  the 
peace.  He  ordered  them  to  keep  it  and  [stated]  that  his  lordship  would 
protect  and  defend  them  from  their  enemies.  Having  been  made  to  un- 
derstand this  through  the  said  interpreter,  they  declared  that  they  would 
maintain  the  said  peace,  and  that  they  would  submit  to  the  peace  and  to 
the  obedience  of  his  Majesty  and  that  they  would  fulfill  whatever  his 
lordship  ordered  them.  In  view  of  this,  and  because  the  said  Don  Bal- 
tasar and  Don  Agustin  were  bringing  with  them  four  other  Indian  ser- 
vants, he  ordered  that  Domingo  de  Herniva — merchant  and  resident  of 
this  town  and  the  person  who  bought  at  auction  the  right  to  fix  the  price 
on  clothing  which  his  lordship  ordered  should  be  given  to  Indians  in  such 
cases — should,  at  the  prices  that  were  fixed  for  him  by  his  contract,  give 
to  the  said  Don  Baltasar,  cacique  and  governor,  seven  varas  of  common 
cloth,  one  middling  fine  hat,  one  carter's  huipil,48  some  long  petticoats, 
and  a  conga  blanket ;  to  the  said  Don  Agustin,  another  seven  varas  of 
cloth,  one  middling  fine  hat,  one  carter's  huipil,  some  long  petticoats,  and 
one  blanket;  to  Don  Lucas,  one  of  the  said  four  Indians,  five  and  one  half 
varas  of  common  cloth,  one  middling  fine  hat,  seven  varas  of  serge,  and 
one  blanket;  to  Sebastian,  another  of  the  said  Indians,  three  and  one  half 
varas  of  common  cloth,  seven  varas  of  serge,  one  middling  fine  hat,  and 
some  long  petticoats;  to  Diego,  another  of  the  aforesaid  Indians,  three 
and  one-half  varas  of  common  cloth,  one  middling  fine  hat,  seven  varas 
of  serge,  one  carter's  huipil  for  his  wife,  and  one  blanket;  to  Juan,  one 
of  the  Indians  that  came  down  to  make  peace,  five  varas  of  common 
cloth,  seven  of  serge,  one  blanket,  and  one  middling  fine  hat. 

Likewise  he  will  give  to  all  four  axes  for  cutting  wood,  and  four 
machetes,  and  two  young  bulls  to  be  taken  to  their  said  pueblo  and  divided 
among  the  Indians  there  for  them  to  eat;  furthermore  that  they  should 
be  paid  seven  pesos  and  four  to  mines.49  These  he  gave  to  them  by  order 
of  his  lordship,  and  as  a  result  the  said  Indians  have  eaten  and  are  eating. 
These  things  were  given  to  them  together  with  a  certified  copy  of  this 
agreement  and  a  receipt  from  the  said  Juan  Rodriguez  Espejo,  the  inter- 


140  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

estan  situados  este  presente  ano  para  gastos  de  paz  Y  guerra  desta  gover- 
nacion  y  asi  Lo  proveyo  y  firmo  con  el  dicho  Ynterpete  Matheo  de 
Besga.  .  .  . 

En  la  villa  de  durango  de  la  nueba  bizcaya  en  siete  dias  del  mes  de 
mayo  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  Veinte  y  quatro  afios  Ante  el  Senor  Almi- 
rante  matheo  de  besga  Governador  y  Cappitan  general  del  Reyno  y  pro- 
bincias  De  la  nueba  bizcaya  Por  su  Magestad  Parescio  el  Padre  ffrai 
Lazaro  despinosa  guardian  del  conbento  de  San  buena  bentura  de  la 
horden  de  san  francisco  del  pueblo  de  atotonilco  Jurisdiscion  de  la  Pro- 
bincia  de  Santa  barbola  el  qual  trujo  Consigo  a  don  Jusepe  yndio  Gover- 
nador Casique  del  dicho  pueblo  de  atotonilco  y  Con  el  dicho  padre  e  yndio 
binieron  tres  yndios  que  mediante  alonsso  benitez  ynterpete  deste  juzgado 
en  lengua  mejicana  y  el  dicho  yndio  don  jusepe  ynterprete  nombrado  por 
su  sefioria  en  lengua  concha  y  thobosa  y  mejicana  Dijeron  llamarse  el 
Uno  Diego  y  ser  hi  jo  de  Un  yndio  llamado  don  agustin  Capitan  Y  gover- 
nador de  la  nacion  tobosa  y  el  otro  dixo  llamarse  alonso  de  nacion  tho- 
bossa  y  ser  Cappitan  de  una  rrancheria  de  yndios  de  la  dicha  nacion  y  el 
otro  Ultimo  de  los  tres  dijo  Llamarse  Jacobo  de  nacion  thobossa  que 
los  dichos  diego  y  alonsso  yndios  principales  mediante  los  dichos  ynter- 
pretes  en  las  dichas  lenguas  Dijeron  que  ellos  y  sus  sujetos  y  las  naciones 
nonojes  o  cochames  chicos  y  algunos  thepeguanes  y  salineros  a  mas  de 
beynte  afios  que  andan  de  guerra  contra  Los  espanoles  sin  tener  ni  aber 
dado  obediencia  a  Su  Magestad  Retirados  en  los  campos  y  sin  dotrina  y 
que  ellos  comfiessan  Los  danos  que  an  echo  en  los  ganados  y  estancias 
de  la  dicha  probincia  de  Santa  barbola  y  asimismo  estando  su  ssenoria 
con  su  campo  en  ella  Los  ynbio  a  llamar  de  Paz  con  el  dicho  yndio  Jacobo 
Con  bandera  de  paz  y  salbo  conducto  no  quisieron  bajar  sino  antes 
respondieron  que  ffueran  los  espanoles  a  buscarlos  a  sus  sierras  que  ellos 
se  deffenderian  y  Bisto  por  su  ssenoria  La  dicha  Respuesta  despues  enspo  h 
acomodado  su  ssenoria  ymbio  al  cappitan  Christobal  sanchez  con  com- 
pafiia  de  soldados  espanoles  e  yndios  amigos  conchos  contra  ellos  Con 
los  quales  tubieron  Guacabasa ■  y  en  ella  murio  Un  espanol  Y  se  trujeron 
en  la  dicha  Jornada  algunos  yndios  presos  y  otros  quedaron  eridos  y  cono- 
ciendo  ellos  Lo  mal  que  an  echo  y  que  Merecen  gran  castigo  bienen  por 
si  y  en  nombre  de  sus  sujetos  que  estan  juntos  y  congregados  quince  leguas 
del  pueblo  de  atotomilco  a  pedir  como  piden  con  el  dicho  Padre  fTrai 
lazaro  de  espinossa  que  su  sefioria  Como  tan  benigno  Los  resciba  en  nom- 
bre de  su  magestad  de  paz  pues  bienen  Con  solo  aberles  ymbiado  el  dicho 
Padre  Una  capilla  de  su  abito  Con  la  qual  estan  esperando  en  el  dicho 
paraje  La  horden  que  su  ssenoria  Les  senalare  donde  acudiran  a  La  doc- 
trina  Christiana  y  prometen  rescibiendolos  de  paz  de  la  guardar  y  Cum- 
plir  y  Guardar  Lo  que  Su  Ssenoria  Los  hordenare  y  Bisto  por  su  Ssenoria 
dijo  que  en  nombre  de  su  magestad  rescebia  y  rescibio  de  paz  a  Thodos 
los  dichos  Yndios  La  qual  guardandola  y  Cumpliendola  su  ssenoria  les 

h  Evidently  a  miscopied  abbreviation  for  "  un  tiempo  ". 

lFrom  the  context  it  would  appear  that  this  is  an  Indian  word  which  means  "en- 
counter ",  or  fight. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1624  141 

preter  above  mentioned,  inasmuch  as  they  do  not  bring  any  one  who 
is  able  to  receive  the  clothing,  [that  is,  give  a  receipt]  that  the  said  In- 
dians received  the  said  clothing.  The  sum  of  money  which  this  will 
amount  to,  his  lordship  will  order  to  be  paid  from  the  6000  pesos  that 
have  been  assigned  this  present  year  for  the  expenses  of  peace  and  war 
in  this  jurisdiction.  It  was  so  ordered  and  signed  with  the  said  inter- 
preter.  Mateo  de  Vesga.  .  .  . 

In  the  town  of  Durango,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  on  the  seventh  day  of  the 
month  of  May,  1624,  before  the  sefior  admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  governor 
and  captain-general  for  his  Majesty  of  the  kingdom  and  province  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  appeared  Father  Fray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa,  guardian  of 
the  monastery  of  San  Buenaventura,  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  of 
the  pueblo  of  Atotonilco,  jurisdiction  of  the  province  of  Santa  Barbara. 
He  brought  with  him  Don  Jusepe,  Indian  governor  and  cacique  of  the 
said  pueblo  of  Atotonilco.  With  the  said  father  and  Indian  came  three 
Indians,  who,  through  Alonso  Benitez,  interpreter  of  this  court  in  the 
Mexican  language,  and  the  said  Indian,  Don  Jusepe,  appointed  interpreter 
by  his  lordship  in  the  Concha,  Toboso,  and  Mexican  languages,  said  that 
their  names  were  as  follows :  one,  Diego,  son  of  an  Indian  called  Don 
Agustin,  captain  and  governor  of  the  Tobosa  nation;  another  named 
Alonso,  of  the  Tobosa  nation  and  captain  of  a  rancheria  of  Indians  of 
the  said  nation;  and  the  last  one  of  the  three  said  that  his  name  was 
Jacobo,  of  the  Tobosa  nation. 

The  said  Diego  and  Alonso,  Indian  chiefs,  through  the  said  interpre- 
ters in  the  said  languages,  said  that  they  and  their  subjects  and  the 
Nonojes,  or  Cochames  Chicos,  and  some  of  the  Tepeguanes  and  Salineros, 
had  been  at  war  with  the  Spaniards  for  more  than  twenty  years,  without 
ever  having  given  obedience  to  his  Majesty  and  had  withdrawn  to  the 
country  without  Christian  instruction.  They  confessed  to  the  damage 
they  had  done  to  the  cattle  and  farms  of  the  said  province  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, and  that  when  his  lordship  was  encamped  there  and  sent  the  said 
Indian  Jacobo,  with  a  banner  of  peace  and  safe  conduct,  to  summon  them 
to  make  peace  they  did  not  wish  to  come  down,  but  instead  replied  that 
the  Spaniards  might  go  and  seek  them  in  their  sierras  and  that  they 
would  defend  themselves.  His  lordship,  having  heard  the  said  reply, 
afterwards  sent,  at  a  suitable  time,  Captain  Cristobal  Sanchez  with  a 
company  of  Spanish  soldiers  and  friendly  Conchos  Indians  against  them, 
and  with  them  they  had  a  fight  in  which  one  Spaniard  was  killed.  On  the 
said  expedition  some  Indians  were  taken  prisoners  and  others  were 
wounded.  Acknowledging  the  evil  that  they  had  done  and  the  fact  that 
they  merited  severe  punishment,  they  come,  for  themselves,  and  in  the 
name  of  their  subjects  who  are  assembled  and  congregated  fifteen  leagues 
from  the  pueblo  of  Atotonilco,  to  plead,  as  they  do  plead,  with  the  said 
Father  Fray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa,  that  his  lordship,  being  so  benignant, 
should  receive  them  in  peace,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty.  For  they  come 
only  because  the  said  Father  had  sent  them  a  hood  from  his  habit,  and 
with  it  they  are  awaiting  at  the  said  place  the  order  in  which  his  lordship 
will  indicate  to  them  the  place  to  which  they  will  repair  for  Christian  in- 


142  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

amparara  y  deffendera  de  sus  enemigos  que  si  la  quebrantaren  Les  casti- 
gara  a  ffuego  y  sangre  sin  aber  misericordia  dellos  y  que  declaren  que 
Cantidad  de  yndios  e  yndias  chicos  y  grandes  habiendoselo  dado  a  enten- 
der  por  los  dichos  ynterpretes  dijeran  que  como  dicho  tienen  guardaran 
la  dicha  paz  en  que  son  rescebidos  y  no  la  quebrantaran  en  manera  alguna 
Por  ningun  casso  que  cumpliendo  Con  lo  que  su  ssenoria  Les  manda 
declaran  ser  muchos  asi  honbres  como  mugeres  y  nifios  y  que  sefialandoles 
puerto  donde  biban  y  residan  se  contaran  ymbiaran  La  Lista  y  minuta  a 
su  ssenoria  y  bisto  por  su  Sefioria  mediante  Los  dichos  ynterpetes  Les 
mando  poblasen  seys  leguas  del  dicho  pueblo  de  atotomilco  en  Un  parage 
que  llaman  de  San  ffelipe  orillas  de  un  rrio  Llamado  fflorido  donde  agan  su 
yglesia  y  bivienda  y  sus  millpas  que  su  ssenoria  Les  ayudara  Para  lo 
azer  Los  quales  dijeron  mediante  los  dichos  ynterpretes  que  cumpliran  Lo 
que  se  les  manda  y  estan  enagradecimiento  a  la  merced  de  su  ssenoria 
Les  aze  y  mando  que  Domingo  de  herniva  mercader  en  esta  Villa  Per- 
sona en  quien  estan  rematados  Los  precios  de  las  cossas  que  se  dan  a 
los  yndios  desta  governacion  Como  en  quien  yzo  mas  baja  de  al  dicho  dio 
yndio  siete  baras  de  sayal  Un  sombrero  entrefino  una  ffracadilla  j  conga 
dos  cajas  de  cuchillos  carnizeros  y  un  guipilcumise  y  un  par  de  zapatos 
baquita  y  un  toston  de  agujas  e  ylo  y  al  dicho  alonsso  otro  tantto  y  al 
dicho  yndio  jacobo  Principal  otro  tanto  y  mas  unas  naguas  medias  para 
su  muger  y  al  dicho  don  Jusepe  se  le  de  por  ser  ladino  y  aber  ayudado  y 
serbido  a  su  magestad  en  todas  las  guerras  tres  baras  y  media  de  pafio 
comun  Un  sombrero  entreffino  Unos  berceguies  k  de  badana  unos  gapatos 
de  baqueta  y  medias  naguas  comunes  y  un  guipilcuimite  y  asimismo  se  de 
a  el  dicho  padre  fray  Lacaro  de  espinossa  Por  el  mucho  trabajo  y  dili- 
gencia  que  a  echo  en  lo  susodicho  y  parte  que  a  thenido  en  Darles  de  comer 
y  bestias  en  que  an  benido  setenta  y  Cinco  pesos  en  plata  que  dandoselo 
thodo  Lo  sussodicho  a  el  dicho  padre  y  dichos  yndios  su  ssenoria  Le 
mandara  pagar  con  sus  rescibos  y  Cartas  de  pago  del  dicho  padre  e  yndios 
de  los  seys  mill  pesos  que  estan  situados  para  gastos  de  paz  y  guerra  de 
esta  governacion  deste  presente  ano  y  assi  Lo  probeyo  e  ffirmo  con  el 
dicho  padre  e  ynterpete  Matheo  de  Vesga  ffray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa 
Alonsso  Benitez  ante  mi  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente  escrivano  de  su 
magestad  y  governacion.1   [Firmas.'] 

i  "  Frazadilla  "  or  "  f  rezadilla  ". 

k  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  borceguies  ". 

1  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  20,  1914. 


Mateo  de  Vesga,  1624  143 

struction.  They  promise,  if  they  are  admitted  to  peace,  to  keep  and  fulfill 
it  and  to  do  whatever  his  lordship  may  order  them  to  do. 

In  view  of  this,  his  lordship  said  that  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  he 
acknowledged,  as  he  did,  the  acceptance  of  the  peace  by  all  of  the  said 
Indians,  and  that,  if  they  kept  and  fulfilled  it,  his  lordship  would  protect 
and  defend  them  from  their  enemies,  but  if  they  should  break  it  he  would 
punish  them  with  fire  and  blood,  without  having  any  pity  upon  them. 
He  also  asked  that  they  state  how  many  Indians  there  were,  young  and 
old,  and  that  after  this  had  been  explained  to  them  by  the  said  interpre- 
ters, they  should  say,  as  they,  have  said,  that  they  will  keep  the  said  peace 
in  which  they  are  received  and  that  they  will  not  break  it  in  any  manner 
for  any  cause  whatever.  In  answer  to  what  his  lordship  orders  they  de- 
clare that  the  number  of  Indians,  men  as  well  as  women  and  children,  is 
large,  and  that  if  he  would  appoint  a  place  where  they  may  live  and  reside 
they  would  be  counted  and  they  would  send  the  list  and  memorandum  to 
his  lordship. 

This  having  been  heard  by  his  lordship  through  the  said  interpreters, 
he  ordered  that  they  should  settle  six  leagues  from  the  said  pueblo  of 
Atotonilco,  in  a  place  called  San  Felipe,  on  the  banks  of  a  river  named 
Florido,  where  they  should  build  their  church  and  dwellings  and  plant 
their  cornfields,  in  which  his  lordship  would  assist  them.  They  said, 
through  the  said  interpreters,  that  they  would  do  what  they  were  ordered 
to  do  and  that  they  are  grateful  for  the  kindness  that  his  lordship  shows 
them.  He  ordered  that  Domingo  de  Herniva,  merchant  of  this  town  and 
the  person  who  bought  at  auction  the  right  to  fix  the  prices  on  the  things 
that  are  given  to  the  Indians  of  this  jurisdiction,  as  the  one  who  made  the 
lowest  bid  on  them,  should  give  to  the  said  Indian  seven  varas  of  serge, 
one  middling  fine  hat,  one  conga  blanket,  two  boxes  of  butcher  knives, 
one  carter's  huipilcuntise,50  a  pair  of  cowhide  shoes  and  a  half  dollar's 
worth  of  needles  and  thread;  to  the  said  Alonso  a  like  list  of  things;  to 
the  said  Indian  chief,  a  like  list,  and,  in  addition,  some  half-length  petti- 
coats for  his  wife;  and  to  the  said  Jusepe,  because  of  his  being  educated 
and  having  aided  and  served  his  Majesty  in  all  the  wars,  three  and  one 
half  varas  of  common  cloth,  one  middling  fine  hat,  some  half-boots  of 
tanned  sheepskin,  some  cowhide  shoes,  common  middle-length  petticoats, 
and  one  carter's  huipilcnimite.51  He  also  ordered  that  the  said  Father 
Fray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa  should  be  given,  in  return  for  the  great  labor 
and  efforts  that  he  had  expended  in  the  foregoing  and  the  part  that  he 
had  had  in  providing  food  for  them  and  the  animals  on  which  they  came, 
seventy-five  pesos  in  silver. 

When  all  the  aforesaid  have  been  given  to  the  said  father  and  the  said 
Indians,  and  upon  obtaining  from  the  said  father  and  the  said  Indians 
their  receipts  and  certificates  of  payment,  his  lordship  will  order  that  the 
above  payments  be  made  from  the  6000  pesos  that  have  been  assigned 
for  the  expenses  of  peace  and  war  of  this  jurisdiction  for  this  present 
year.  He  thus  ordered  and  signed  it  with  the  said  father  and  interpreter. 
Mateo  de  Vesga.  Fray  Lazaro  de  Espinosa.  Alonso  Benitez.  Before 
me,  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente,  clerk  of  his  Majesty  and  government. 
[Signatures.'] 


144  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Estado  en  que  estaba  Durango  y  la  tierra,  los  edificios  que  an  hecho 
yglesias  y  monasterios  el  gran  crezimyento  que  tuvo  la  provyncia  y 
goviemo  m  [de  Nueva  Vizcaya.  1624.] 

Autto. 

En  la  Villa  de  durango  dela  nueba  Vizcaya  en  diez  y  siete  dias  del  mes 
de  Junio  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  veynte  y  quatro  afios  El  sefior  almirante 
Mateo  de  besga  Governador  y  Capitan  General  deste  Reyno  de  la  nueba 
Vizcaya  por  Su  magestad  dijo  que  por  quanto  al  tiempo  y  quando  su 
senoria  Bino  a  Governar  este  Reyno  y  entro  en  esta  dicha  villa  caverzera 
del  Para  tomar  como  Thomo  Posesion  del  dicho  Govierno  alio  y  estava 
esta  Villa  Muy  aruynada  asi  de  gente  y  Vecinos  como  de  casas  de  bivienda 
y  por  el  buen  horden  que  a  tenido  su  Senoria  en  el  dicho  su  govierno 
agasaxe  n  que  a  hecho  a  los  Vecinos  del  y  pasaxeros  que  an  benido  a  esta 
villa  se  a  aumentado  en  comercio  de  gente  y  trato  de  mercangias  y  otras 
cosas  En  que  sean  engrandecido  aciendo  casas  de  Vivienda  en  esta  dicha 
villa  estancias  en  su  Juridiscion  haziendas  de  minas  en  los  Reales  que  ay 
en  esta  Governacion  Como  son  el  conbento  de  sefior  San  nicolas  de  la  hor- 
den de  sefior  San  agustin  que  se  a  fundado  en  esta  villa  el  ffactor  Raphael 
de  gascue  Una  cassa  muy  sunttuossa  y  grande  y  de  mucho  valor  y  Graviel 
Ruiz  Vezino  desta  Villa  otra  cassa  el  capitan  Juan  de  Aguiluz  Una  cassa 
antonio  sanchez  de  salinana  otra  Casa  en  que  bive  El  capitan  Alonso  de 
quesada  otra  cassa  Andres  de  Villa  otra  casa  francisco  de  medrano  otra 
casa  El  presente  secretario  dos  aposentos  el  Canonigo  Porras  tres  o  quatro 
aposentos  desta  cassa  de  Su  bivienda  Antonio  morcillo  dos  tiendas  Bal- 
tasar  falcon  chirionero  dos  cassas  miguel  de  Varrassa  chirionero  otra 
cassa  Y  dos  tiendas  francisco  de  mena  dos  tiendas  Antonio  de  molina 
otra  cassa  Juana  bautista  otra  cassa  domingo  gonzales  arcabuzero  Una 
cassa  Vartolome  sanchez  cobos  Una  cassa  ernando  Reynado  chirinero 
otra  cassa  El  bachiller  Juan  de  Vega  Vezino  y  Rexidor  desta  Villa  Una 
tienda  Gaspar  denaba  mercader  una  cassa  y  en  una  cera  della  tres  tiendas 
El  Alferez  Real  pidio  de  casa  bona  Una  tienda  Juan  de  Cadiz  dos  cassas 
el  dicho  Graviel  Ruiz  Una  calera  Junto  a  esta  billa  miguel  Rodriguez 
Una  cassa  ana  de  ypolito  una  cassa  Juana  Rodriguez  una  cassa  melchora 
de  los  Reyes  otra  cassa  media  Legua  desta  Villa  Su  senoria  fundo  Un 
pueblo  llamado  San  Antonio  de  Cantidad  de  yndios  que  Vajaron  de  la 
sierra  y  manuel  Rodriguez  de  messa  a  poblado  Una  estancia  de  Labor 
Una  legua  desta  Villa  el  dicho  Vachiller  Juan  de  Vega  a  poblado  Una 
Legua  desta  billa  otra  estancia  de  Labor  el  capitan  Martin  de  Ybarra  A 
Poblado  quatro  leguas  desta  villa  otra  estancia  de  labor  y  de  ganado 
mayor  diego  de  guzman  herrera  a  poblado  otra  estancia  de  labor  y  ganado 
mayor  tres  leguas  desta  villa  el  dicho  Juan  de  ocadiz  otra  estancia  de 
lavor  tres  leguas  della  Las  quales  dichas  estancias  al  tiempo  que  bino  su 
senoria  a  el  dicho  su  gobierno  estavan  destruydas  y  Las  Yglesias  y 
Viviendas  de  los  padres  de  La  compania  de  Jesus  que  administravan  Los 
yndios  quemadas  Y  destruydas  y  Las  aziendas  De  sacar  plata  de  Los 

m  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4. 

n  Obviously  "  agasajo  ". 


Durango,  1624  145 

The  condition  of  Durango  and  of  the  country,  the  buildings,  churches,  and 
monasteries  that  were  constructed,  and  the  great  development  of  the 
province  and  government  [of  Nueva  Viscaya.   1624]. 

Auto. 

In  the  town  of  Durango,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of 
the  month  of  June,  1624,  the  sefior  admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,  governor 
and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  for  his  Majesty, 
said  that  whereas  at  the  time  that  his  lordship  came  to  govern  this 
kingdom  and  entered  this  said  town,  its  capital,  in  order  to  take,  as  he 
did  take,  possession  of  the  said  government,  he  found  this  town  in  a 
wretched  state  with  respect  to  people  and  citizens  as  well  as  dwelling- 
houses,  through  the  good  order  which  his  lordship  has  maintained  in 
his  said  government,  and  the  kindness  that  he  has  shown  to  the  residents 
and  travellers  that  have  come  to  this  town,  there  has  been  an  increase 
in  commerce,  population,  trade,  and  other  things  for  which  they  may  be 
extolled — building  of  dwelling-houses  in  the  said  town,  [developing] 
farms  in  its  district,  [constructing]  reduction  works  in  the  mining  camps 
of  this  jurisdiction  as,  for  instance :  the  monastery  of  San  Nicolas,  of 
the  Order  of  Saint  Augustine,  which  has  been  founded  in  this  town;  the 
factor,  Rafael  Gascue,  a  very  sumptuous  and  large  house  of  great  value; 
Gabriel  Ruiz,  citizen  of  this  town,  another  house ;  Captain  Juan  de  Agui- 
luz,  a  house;  Antonio  Sanchez  de  Salinaria,  another  house  in  which  he  is 
living;  Captain  Alonso  de  Quesada,  another  house;  Andres  de  Villa,  an- 
other house ;  Francisco  de  Medrano,  another  house ;  the  present  secretary, 
two  rooms;  the  canon  Porras,  three  or  four  rooms  [added]  to  his  dwell- 
ing ;  Antonio  Morcillo,two  stores ;  Baltasar  Falcon  Chirionero,  two  houses ; 
Miguel  de  Barrasa  Chirionero,  another  house  and  two  stores;  Francisco 
de  Mena,  two  stores ;  Antonio  de  Molina,  another  house ;  Juan  Bautista, 
another  house ;  Domingo  Gonzalez,  harquebus-maker,  a  house ;  Bartolome 
Sanchez  Cobos,  a  house;  Hernando  Reynado  Chirinero,  another  house; 
the  bachiller,  Juan  de  Vega,  citizen  and  regidor  of  this  town,  a  store; 
Gaspar  Denaba,  merchant,  a  house,  and  in  one  cera  of  it  three  stores.  The 
royal  alferez  asked  for  a  store  of  Casabona ;  Juan  de  Cadiz,  two  houses ; 
the  said  Gabriel  Ruiz,  a  lime-kiln  near  his  town;  Miguel  Rodriguez,  a 
house;  Ana  de  Hipolito,  a  house;  Juana  Rodriguez,  a  house;  Melchora 
de  los  Reyes,  another  house.  A  half  a  league  from  this  town  his  lordship 
founded  a  pueblo  called  San  Antonio,  with  a  number  of  Indians  who 
came  down  from  the  sierra.  Manuel  Rodriguez  de  Mesa  has  settled  a 
farm  one  league  from  this  town.  The  said  bachiller  Juan  de  Vega  has 
settled  another  farm  one  league  from  this  town.  Captain  Martin  de 
Ibarra  has  settled  another  farm  for  planting  and  cattle  raising  four  leagues 
from  this  town.  Diego  de  Guzman  Herrera  has  settled  another  farm  for 
planting  and  cattle  raising  three  leagues  from  this  town,  and  the  said 
Juan  de  Cadiz,  another  farm  three  leagues  from  it.  At  the  time  that  his 
lordship  came  to  take  possession  of  the  said  government  the  said  farms 
were  destroyed;  the  churches  and  dwellings  of  the  fathers  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Jesus,  who  were  governing  the  Indians,  were  burned  and  de- 
stroyed, and  the  reduction  works  for  taking  out  silver  at  the  mining 


146  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Reales  de  minas  y  aciendas  de  labores  de  sus  contornos  quemadas  thodo 
lo  qual  se  a  buelto  a  Reedificar  y  se  a  edifficado  en  grande  aumento  desta 
Villa  y  Reyno  y  de  los  Reales  quintos  de  su  magestad  desde  que  su 
senoria  empezo  a  Governar  Con  sus  buenas  trazas  abelidad  y  buen 
Govierno  que  a  tenido  en  el  tiempo  que  a  governado  este  Reyno  y  para 
que  conste  a  su  magestad  y  su  real  consejo  de  las  yndias  Lo  susodicho 
conviene  se  aga  Ynformacion  de  todo  ello  con  Las  personas  de  mas 
calidad  y  onradas  desta  villa  y  que  se  den  mandamientos  Para  que  los 
alcaldes  mayores  de  los  Reales  de  minas  Cada  Uno  en  su  jurisdiscion  agan 
ymformacion  De  las  aziendas  de  minas  y  labores  que  se  an  Reedificado 
y  Poblado  durante  el  dicho  Govierno  de  su  senoria  y  ffechas  Las  ymbien 
a  este  tribunal  para  que  Juntas  Con  la  que  en  esta  villa  se  yciere  se  saque 
un  traslado  de  todo  ello  y  autorizado  en  publica  fforma  se  ymbie  a  su 
magestad  E  dicho  se  Real  Consejo  y  asi  lo  proveyo  e  ffirmo  Matheo  de 
Vesga  antte  mi  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente  etc. 

Ynformacion  .  .  .  Capitan  don  Diego  Ceron  Carbaxal  testigo : 
...  que  esta  villa  y  reyno  estava  muy  aruynada  asi  de  gente  como  de 
casas  y  algunos  yngenios  de  Reales  de  minas  Casas  de  Viviendas  de  Las 
estancias  de  lavor  Por  las  grandes  guerras  que  a  abido  del  algamiento 
General  que  en  este  Reyno  Ubo  .  .  .  y  este  testigo  andubo  Personalmente 
Con  el  senor  don  Gaspar  de  alvear  caballero  de  la  horden  de  Santiago 
Governador  que  fue  deste  Reyno  antecessor  de  su  senoria  como  cappitan 
De  Una  compania  de  Soldados  espafioles  que  tubo  a  su  cargo  en  el  al- 
Qamiento  General  que  RefTerido  tiene  y  Vio  que  los  yndios  destruyeron  y 
quemaron  La  azienda  de  labor  y  Ganado  mayor  de  pero  mato  que  esta 
tres  leguas  de  yndee.  .  .  . 

Geronimo  Trebino  alguacil  mayor  .  .  .  testigo : 

.  .  .  Y  se  an  hecho  y  reedifficado  Las  dichas  estancias  de  Labor  y 
Ganado  mayor  y  este  testigo  a  ydo  personalmente  con  el  senor  Governa- 
dor a  las  Visitas  que  a  echo  en  este  reyno  como  tal  alguacil  mayor  y  a 
bisto  que  se  an  reedificado  en  las  minas  de  Goanacebi  Sancta  barbola 
yndee  y  Guanabal  aciendas  de  minas  y  Labor  en  todo  lo  qual  y  en  aberse 
baxado  y  Poblado  de  yndios  dos  pueblos  el  uno  en  el  valle  del  serro  Gordo 
de  yndios  Varbaros  y  otro  en  la  provincia  de  sancta  barbola  en  la  cienega 
que  llaman  de  san  Pablo  con  mucha  cantidad  de  yndios.0 


Relacion  que  se  le  vino  {Pedro  Coronado~\  azer  al  gobernador  del  estado 
de  unas  provyncias  y  de  las  battalias  que  tubo  con  ellos  y  rendimiento 
y  or  denes  que  se  dieronP  [Durango,  provincia  de  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
jo  de  Abril  de  1625.'] 

En  La  Villa  de  durango  En  treinta  dias  del  mes  de  abril  de  mill  y  Seis- 
cientos  y  Beynte  y  cinco  afios  El  Senor  almirante  Mattheo  de  Vesga  Gov- 

0  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  27,  1914. 
p  A.  G.  I.,  Sevilla,  67-1-4. 


Pedro  Coronado,  1625  147 

camps,  and  the  adjacent  farms  were  burned.  All  of  these  have  been  re- 
built, or  built,  to  the  great  benefit  of  this  town  and  kingdom  and  the  royal 
fifths  52  of  his  Majesty,  since  his  lordship  began  to  govern  with  the  good 
management,  ability,  and  good  administration  that  he  has  exercised  in 
the  time  during  which  he  has  governed  this  kingdom. 
^  In  order  that  the  aforesaid  may  be  evident  to  his  Majesty  and  his  royal 
Council  of  the  Indies,  it  is  necessary  that  a  statement  of  the  whole  matter 
be  made  by  the  persons  of  the  highest  rank  and  reputation  in  this  town, 
and  that  orders  be  given  that  the  alcaldes  mayores  of  the  mining  camps, 
each  one  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  shall  make  a  report  concerning  the 
reduction  works  and  farms  that  have  been  rebuilt  and  settled  during  the 
administration  of  his  lordship.  When  they  are  made  they  shall  send 
them  to  this  tribunal,  so  that,  together  with  the  report  which  will  be  made 
in  this  city,  a  copy  may  be  made  of  the  whole,  and,  after  it  is  attested  in 
legal  manner,  sent  to  his  Majesty  and  his  royal  Council.  Thus  he  ordered 
and  signed  it,  Mateo  de  Vesga.  Before  me,  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente, 
etc. 

Statement.  .  .  .  Captain  Don  Diego  Ceron  Carbajal,  witness: 
.  .  .  that  this  town  and  kingdom  were  in  a  ruinous  state  with  respect 
to  people,  as  well  as  houses  and  some  works  at  the  mining  camps  and 
dwelling-houses  on  the  farms,  because  of  the  great  wars  resulting  from 
the  general  uprising  that  took  place  in  this  kingdom  .  .  .  and  this  wit- 
ness went  in  person  with  Senor  Don  Gaspar  de  Alvear,  knight  of  the 
Order  of  Santiago,  former  governor  of  this  kingdom  and  predecessor  of 
his  lordship,  as  captain  of  a  company  of  Spanish  soldiers  that  he  had  in 
his  charge  in  the  general  uprising  referred  to,  and  he  saw  that  the  Indians 
had  destroyed  and  burned  the  farm  buildings  and  cattle  of  Pero  Mato, 
which  is  three  leagues  from  Inde 

Geronimo  Trevino,  Algnacil  Mayor  .  .  .  witness : 
.  .  .  and  the  said  farms  and  cattle-ranches  have  been  re-established, 
and  this  witness,  in  his  capacity  as  algiiacil  mayor,  has  gone  in  person 
with  the  said  governor  on  the  visits  which  he  has  made  in  this  kingdom, 
and  he  has  seen  at  the  mines  of  Guanacebi,  Santa  Barbara,  Inde,  and 
Guanabal  that  the  mines  and  farms  of  all  those  places  have  been  re- 
established, and  that  the  Indians  have  come  down  and  settled  two  pueblos, 
one  in  the  valley  of  Cerro  Gordo  with  barbarous  Indians,  and  the  other, 
with  a  large  number  of  Indians,  in  the  province  of  Santa  Barbara,  at  the 
marsh  called  San  Pablo. 


Report  which  [Pedro  Coronado']  came  to  make  to  the  governor  concern- 
ing the  state  of  some  of  the  provinces,  and  the  battles  that  took  place 
with  [the  Indians],  their  submission,  and  the  orders  that  were  given. 
[Durango,  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  April  30,  1625.] 

In  the  town  of  Durango,  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  April,  1625,  the  senor 

admiral  Mateo  de  Vesga,53  governor  and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom 

and  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Copala,  Chiametla,  and  Sinaloa,"  for 

his  Majesty,  declared  that  on  yesterday,  which  was  the  twenty-ninth  day 

11 


148  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

ernador  y  Capitan  General  deste  rreino  y  provincias  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya 
Copala  chiametla  y  Cinaloa  por  su  magestad  dixo  que  por  quanto  ayer 
que  se  contaron  veinte  y  nueve  dias  deste  presente  mes  y  afio  llego  a  esta 
villa  Pedro  Coronado  alguacil  mayor  de  la  villa  de  San  Phelipe  y  Santiago 
de  la  provincia  de  Cinaloa  y  Soldado  de  los  que  sirven  a  su  magestad  en 
ella  el  qual  bino  por  Caudillo  de  quatro  soldados  que  truszo  a  su  cargo 
Y  assimismo  Una  Carta  de  letra  y  firma  del  Padre  Luis  de  Bonifaz  de  La 
Compania  de  Jessus  Rector  y  Visitador  de  la  dicha  provincia.  La  dicha 
carta  escrivio  el  dicho  Padre  Luis  de  Bonifaz  a  pedimiento  del  cappitan 
Diego  Martinez  de  Urdayde  que  Lo  es  de  la  dicha  provincia  Y  Theniente 
de  Governador  y  Cappitan  General  della  que  el  dicho  capitan  Diego  mar- 
tinez  No  la  pudo  escrivir  Por  Tener  el  brazo  quebrado  y  estar  enfermo 
en  cama  Y  la  dicha  carta  dize  en  ella  a  su  ssenoria  que  el  dicho  Pedro 
Coronado  Viene  a  esta  dicha  villa  Como  persona  platica  y  de  toda  satis- 
fazion  a  dar  quenta  a  su  senoria  de  la  guerra  que  a  tenido  el  dicho  Capitan 
diego  Martinez  de  Urdayde  Con  las  naciones  Soes  apachales  Calimones  y 
otras  circunvecinas  y  cerco  del  Pefiol  que  llaman  De  Varravas  Yia  q  que 
su  senoria  Se  enttere  de  todo  y  de  quanto  a  el  Excelentisimo  Virey  de  la 
nueva  espana  Mando  al  dicho  Pedro  Coronado  clara  y  adviertamente 
Haga  rrelacion  de  todo  el  susesso  Muertes  de  amigos  y  enemigos  Pressa 
que  se  haya  Hecho  Cada  cossa  con  distincion  y  Verdad  que  en  todo 
tiempo  paresca  avella r  dicho  y  estando  pressente  el  dicho  Pedro  Coronado 
dixo  que  en  conformidad  de  la  horden  que  el  dicho  su  capitan  Diego  Mar- 
tinez de  Urdayde  dio  de  que  Viniesse  a  esta  dicha  villa  a  dar  a  su  senoria 
la  dicha  quenta  La  da  en  esta  forma. 

El  movimiento  de  la  dicha  Guerra  contra  la  nacion  soes  que  su  dis- 
tricto  es  quatro  Leguas  del  fuerte  de  montesclaros  mision  de  los  padres 
de  la  Compania  de  Jessus  fue  el  principal  movimiento  y  Un  Yndio  Veli- 
cosso  Gran  Capitan  de  la  dicha  nacion  llamado  jocopillo  fue  el  que  em- 
pesso  a  lebantar  Gente  y  pagar  los  naturales  a  Ussanssa  dellos  y  conbocar 
a  las  Naciones  Calimones  que  estavan  cinco  Leguas  poco  mas  de  la  nacion 
soes  y  assi  mismo  La  Nacion  apachale  Cuyo  capitan  hera  otro  Yndio 
Velicosso  Llamado  Huechuri  Y  aviendose  convocado  y  Juntado  a  Su 
Ussanssa  Para  Cuando  La  Luna  estuviesse  en  el  tiempo  que  entre  ellos 
sefialavan  matar  a  los  rreligiossos  que  Los  administravan  que  Heran  el 
Padre  Castin  y  Jullio  Pazcual  su  companero  Y  assimismo  matar  Los 
yndios  christianos  que  estavan  debaxo  del  amparo  de  la  Real  Corona  Y 
no  mataron  Los  dichos  padres  por  aver  passado  a  otras  Vissitas  y  enpes- 
sando  Los  dichos  yndios  La  Guerra  mataron  en  el  pueblo  de  Vaca  ocho 
yndios  principales  christianos  Por  no  querer  alssarse  Con  ellos  y  a  este 
tiempo  se  alsso  y  rrebelo  el  pueblo  de  Calimoones  que  colindava  con  el 
dicho  pueblo  de  Vaca  quemando  Todo  el  dicho  pueblo  y  siguiendo  Y 
avnandosse  Con  Los  demas  yndios  alssados  no  quissieron  admitir  Los 
dichos  rrequirimientos  antes  mataron  Los  dichos  menssaxeros  e  Hizieron 
dellos  Varbacoas  y  Se  los  comieron  y  enviaron  al  dicho  capitan  Mensse- 
jero  Con  muchas  amenazas  y  desverguenzas  que  en  Campana  Le  esperavan 

i  Probably  a  corrupted  abbreviation  for  "  y  para  ". 
rA  corrupted  abbreviation  for  "  haverla  ". 


Pedro  Coronado,  1625  149 

of  this  present  month  and  year,  Pedro  Coronado,  alguacil  mayor  of  the 
town  of  San  Felipe  and  Santiago,  of  the  province  of  Sinaloa,  and  one 
of  the  soldiers  who  are  serving  his  Majesty  there,  arrived  in  this  town. 
He  came  as  leader  of  four  soldiers  who  were  in  his  charge,  and  brought, 
at  the  same  time,  a  letter  in  the  handwriting  and  with  the  signature  of 
Father  Luis  de  Bonifaz,  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  rector  and  visitor  of 
the  said  province.  The  said  Father  Luis  de  Bonifaz  wrote  the  said  letter 
at  the  request  of  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide,55  who  is  captain  of  the  said 
province  and  lieutenant  governor  and  captain-general  of  it,  for  the  said 
Captain  Diego  Martinez  could  not  write,  because  of  having  his  arm 
broken,  and  because  of  being  ill  in  bed.  In  the  said  letter  to  his  lordship 
he  says  that  the  said  Pedro  Coronado  comes  to  this  said  town  as  a  well- 
informed  person  and  perfectly  qualified  to  give  information  to  his  lord- 
ship of  the  war  which  the  said  Captain  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide  has 
waged  with  the  Soes,  Apachales,  Calimones,  and  other  nations  surrounding 
and  near  the  large  rock  called  Varravas.  And  in  order  that  his  lordship 
might  inform  himself  of  everything  that  he  might  give  a  complete  account 
to  the  most  excellent  viceroy  of  New  Spain,56  he  ordered  the  said  Pedro 
Coronado  to  make  a  clear  and  intelligible  report  of  the  entire  event,  the 
deaths  of  friends  and  enemies,  prisoners  that  may  have  been  taken — 
everything  distinctly  and  accurately — so  that  for  all  time  it  might  appear 
that  he  told  it.  The  said  Pedro  Coronado,  being  present,  declared  that 
in  accordance  with  the  order  which  his  said  captain,  Diego  Martinez  de 
Urdaide,  had  given  him  to  come  to  this  town  and  give  to  his  lordship  the 
said  account,  he  gives  it  in  the  following  manner : 

The  movement  against  the  Soes  nation,  whose  district  is  four  leagues 
from  the  fort  of  Montesclaros,  mission  of  the  fathers  of  the  Company 
of  Jesus,  was  the  chief  movement  of  the  said  war.  A  belligerent  Indian 
named  Jocopillo,  chief  captain  of  the  said  nation,  was  the  one  who  began 
to  raise  people  and  pay  the  natives  according  to  their  custom,  and  to 
convoke  the  Calimones  nations,  who  are  about  five  leagues,  or  a  little 
more,  from  the  Soes  nation,  and  also  the  Apachale  nation,  whose  captain 
was  another  bellicose  Indian  named  Huechuri.  They  congregated  and 
assembled  according  to  their  custom,  when  the  moon  was  at  the  time  that 
had  been  agreed  upon  among  them,  to  kill  the  religious  who  were  gov- 
erning them — Father  Castin  57  and  his  companion,  Julio  Pascual — and 
likewise  to  kill  the  Christian  Indians  who  were  under  the  protection  of 
the  royal  crown.  But  they  did  not  kill  the  said  fathers  because  they  had 
gone  to  other  missions. 

Beginning  the  war,  the  said  Indians  killed  at  the  pueblo  of  Vaca  eight 
Christian  Indian  chiefs,  because  they  did  not  wish  to  rebel  with  them. 
At  the  same  time  the  pueblo  of  Calimones,  which  was  contiguous  to  the 
said  pueblo  of  Vaca,  rose  up  and  revolted,  completely  burning  the  said 
pueblo  and  advancing  with  the  rest  of  the  rebellious  Indians.  They  did 
not  wish  to  receive  the  said  demands,  but  on  the  contrary  killed  the  said 
messengers  and  roasted  them  and  ate  them.  And  they  sent  to  the  said 
captain  a  messenger  with  many  threats  and  insults,  saying  that  they  were 
in  the  field  awaiting  him  with  their  arms.   When  he  saw  the  damage  they 


150  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Con  sus  armas  y  Visto  por  el  capitan  el  dafio  que  avian  hecho  Y  que  de 
salirse  Con  ellos  Podria  rresultar  el  tomar  avilantes  Las  demas  naciones 
como  Lo  hizieran  Por  ser  en  tan  Grande  Numero  La  Gente  que  ay  en  la 
dicha  Provincia  Y  assi  el  dicho  Capitan  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdayde  Salio 
a  campana  con  quarenta  y  ocho  espanoles  Vien  armados  Y  quinientos 
amigos  que  Servian  de  soldados  y  fue  en  busca  del  enemigo  a  donde  Se 
avian  rrettirado  a  las  sierras  mas  altas  que  avia  en  aquella  provincia  Y 
aviendo  caminado  el  dicho  capitan  con  su  campo  Por  sus  Jornadas  doze 
dias  Lllego  a  bista  de  un  pefiol  alto  al  pie  de  el  enpessaron  a  pelear  Los 
amigos  con  Los  enemigos  sin  que  el  capitan  y  soldados  empessassen  la 
pelea  y  los  enemigos  aquella  Noche  Se  rretiraron  y  suvieron  al  Pefiol  Por 
ser  aspero  y  ffuerte  que  Por  serlo  tanto  fue  necessario  al  dicho  capitan 
ponerle  cerco  Con  su  canpo  Y  los  Tnvo  cercados  treinta  dias  y  en  todos 
ellos  peleando  de  Una  parte  y  otra  Hasta  que  el  dicho  capitan  les  Gasto 
el  agua  y  espera  Socorro  de  Diez  soldados  mas  y  dos  mill  yndios  amigos 

Y  al  cavo  de  los  dichos  treinta  dias  el  dicho  capitan  aviendo  abierto  algun 
camino  a  manos  Con  todos  Los  espanoles  e  yndios  amigos  Repartio  por 
esquadros  Gano  el  dicho  Pefiol  y  dio  la  batalla  a  los  enemigos  en  la  qual 
murieron  mas  de  Ciento  y  cinquenta  de  los  enemigos  Peleando  Valerosa- 
mente  Con  las  armas  en  las  manos  y  assimismo  ovo  muchos  heridos  de 
los  dichos  enemigos  Uyendose  rretiraron  Las  sierras  arriva  y  abaxo  Y 
murieron  treinta  Yndios  amigos  y  assimismo  salieron  quatro  espanoles 
Heridos  y  Coxieron  Prissioneros  Hombres  y  muxeres  chicos  y  grandes 
Cerca  de  quarenta  personas  Con  lo  qual  el  dicho  Capitan  bolvio  marchando 
con  su  campo  hasta  llegar  al  f  uerte  de  montesclaros  dexando  assentado  de 
pas  todos  Los  pueblos  de  los  amigos  con  que  con  el  castigo  que  Hizo  con 
Lo  referido  Y  ahorcando  Veinte  y  Un  Yndios  y  entre  ellos  a  Uno  Veli- 
cosso  llamado  tacanuri  esta  la  dicha  provincia  en  toda  paz  y  con  los  pris- 
sioneros En  conformidad  de  Las  Hordenes  e  Ynstruciones  que  El  dicho 
capitan  tiene  Hizo  deposito  y  Beinte  y  seis  personas  dellos  fueron  delin- 
quentes  y  matadores  a  los  quales  sentencio  el  dicho  capitan  a  destierro 
de  la  dicho  provyncia  y  a  servicio  Personal  Por  tiempo  Limitado  Y  que 
los  aplico  Por  Tercias  partes  caons  8  de  su  magestad  Gastos  de  Justicia 
y  Gastos  de  la  Jornada  que  Hizo  Y  esto  es  al  pie  de  lo  que  passo  y  Berdad 

Y  que  su  Senoria  mande  Parescer  ante  si  a  tres  soldados  de  los  que  trae 
consigo  y  estan  en  esta  villa  llamados  Andres  diaz  Mateo  rios  y  bal- 
thasar  de  sepulbeda  Los  quales  Se  hallaron  en  la  dicha  Guerra  y  Jornada 
y  se  les  lea  todo  Lo  referido  Para  que  Su  Senoria  Conste  ser  todo  Verdad 
Hasta  que  el  dicho  capitan  envie  rrazon  de  todo  a  su  senoria. 

Y  Bista  la  dicha  relacion  por  su  Senoria  mando  que  delante  de  los 
dichos  tres  soldados  presente  estavan  se  les  lea  de  Vervo  ad  Verbum  la 
dicha  declaracion  y  declaren  si  passo  assi  segun  y  como  en  ella  se  refiere. 

Y  aviendosseles  leido  a  la  lettra  La  dicha  rrelacion  dixeron  que  todos  tres 
Con  el  dicho  Capitan  diego  Martinez  de  Urdayde  Soldados  y  demas 
campo  que  en  la  dicha  Jornada  Y  Guerra  se  Hallaron  Y  estubieron 
pressenttes  y  se  Hallaron  en  ella  y  paso  Segun  y  de  la  manera  que  el  dicho 
Pedro  Coronado  Lo  tiene  declarado  y  el  dicho  Balthassar  de  Sepulbeda 

8  For  "cajones". 


Pedro  Coronado,  1625  151 

had  done,  and  that  if  they  had  their  own  way  it  would  result  in  making 
the  other  nations  more  audacious,  as  they  would  be,  because  of  the  great 
number  of  them  in  the  province,  the  said  Captain  Diego  Martinez  de 
Urdaide  took  the  field  with  forty-eight  Spaniards,  well  armed,  and  five 
hundred  friendly  Indians  who  were  serving  as  soldiers,  and  went  in 
search  of  the  enemy  to  where  they  had  retreated,  in  the  highest  sierras 
in  that  province. 

The  said  captain,  having  travelled  with  his  army  for  twelve  days'  jour- 
ney, arrived  in  sight  of  a  large  high  rock,  at  the  foot  of  which  the  friendly 
Indians  began  to  fight  with  the  hostiles  without  waiting  for  the  captain 
and  soldiers  to  begin  the  fight.  That  night  the  enemy  retired  and  climbed 
the  rock,  and  because  it  was  so  rough  and  strong  it  became  necessary  for 
the  said  captain  to  surround  it  with  his  force.  He  kept  them  surrounded 
for  thirty  days,  in  all  that  time  fighting  in  one  place  or  another,  until  the 
said  captain  used  up  all  the  water  they  had  and  awaited  a  reinforcement 
of  ten  more  soldiers  and  2000  friendly  Indians.  At  the  end  of  the  said 
thirty  days  the  said  captain,  having  opened  some  sort  of  a  road  by  hand, 
with  all  the  Spaniards  and  friendly  Indians  divided  into  squadrons,  gained 
the  said  rock  and  gave  battle  to  the  enemy  in  which  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  the  enemy  died  fighting  valorously  with  their  arms  in 
their  hands.  Likewise  many  of  the  said  hostiles  were  wounded  while  they 
took  flight  and  retired  to  the  sierras  above  and  below.  Thirty  friendly 
Indians  were  killed  and  four  Spaniards  were  wounded.  Nearly  forty 
persons,  men  and  women,  small  and  large,  were  taken  prisoner.  The 
said  captain  then  returned,  marching  with  his  army  until  he  reached  the 
fort  of  Montesclaros,  leaving  all  the  pueblos  of  the  friendly  Indians  at 
peace  with  the  punishment  administered  as  above  stated,  and  hanging 
twenty  Indians,  among  them  one  troublesome  man  named  Tacanuri. 

This  said  province  is  entirely  at  peace,  and  in  conformity  with  the 
orders  and  instructions  that  he  had,  the  said  captain  placed  the  prisoners 
in  safe  keeping.  Twenty-six  among  them  were  criminals  and  murderers, 
and  the  said  captain  sentenced  them  to  banishment  from  the  said  province 
and  to  personal  service  for  a  limited  time,  and  applied  the  proceeds  in  three 
parts :  to  the  treasury  of  his  Majesty,  the  costs  of  justice,  and  the  ex- 
penses of  the  expedition  that  he  made.  This  is  literally  what  happened 
and  is  true.  His  lordship  ordered  that  there  should  appear  before  him 
three  of  the  soldiers  of  those  whom  he  brought  with  him  and  who  were 
in  this  town,  named  Andres  Diaz,  Mateo  Rios,  and  Baltasar  de  Sepul- 
veda,  who  were  in  the  said  war  and  expedition,  and  that  all  the  aforesaid 
should  be  read  to  them,  so  that  his  lordship  might  learn  whether  it  was 
all  true,  until  such  time  as  the  said  captain  should  send  a  report  of  all 
to  his  lordship. 

After  the  said  statement  had  been  examined  by  his  lordship,  he  ordered 
that  it  should  be  read  word  for  word  in  the  presence  of  the  said  three 
soldiers,  and  that  they  should  state  whether  all  had  occurred  as  was  stated 
in  it,  and  after  they  had  read  the  said  statement  in  detail  they  declared 
that  they  all  three  went  with  the  said  Captain  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide 
and  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  and  army  on  the  said  expedition  and  war, 


152  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Salio  Herido  de  la  dicha  batalla  y  Vio  Los  Heridos  que  en  la  dicha  rrela- 
cion  se  contiene  y  pressas  muertes  y  heridos  Segun  y  Como  en  la  dicha 
rrelacion  Se  rrefiere  y  todo  Lo  en  ella  contenido  Es  berdad  Como  pares- 
cera  por  Las  ynformaciones  y  auctos  que  el  dicho  capitan  tiene  fechos  en 
rracon  dellos.  Y  lo  firmo  el  dicho  Pedro  Coronado  y  Mathias  rodriguez 
Soldados  y  los  demas  no  lo  firmaron  por  que  dixeron  no  saver  y  bisto 
Por  su  Sefioria  La  dicha  rrelacion  mando  que  saque  en  traslado  copias 
y  authorissados  en  publica  forma  su  sefioria  Lo  envie  a  el  Excelentisimo 
Senor  Marques  de  Zerralbo  Virrey  de  la  nueba  espana  Y  assi  lo  proveyo 
Y  firmo  Matheo  de  Vesga  Pedro  Coronado  Mathias  rodriguez  ante  mi 
Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente  secretario  de  Su  Magestad  Y  governacion 
...  en  la  Villa  de  durango  en  treinta  dias  del  mes  de  abrill  de  mill  y 
seiscientos  y  veinte  y  cinco  afios.1   [Firmas.~\ 


Razon  Y  minuta  de  los  yndios  que  se  administran  en  las  provincias  de  la 
nueba  Vizcaia  Por  los  Vicarios  Veneficiados  y  rrelixiosos  de  San 
Francisco  y  compania  de  Jesus  que  hoy  estan  bautizados.u    [1625.] 

Provincia  de  Sinaloa. 

El  padre  leandro  patino  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en  su 

mision  mill  y  quatrocientas  personas 1400 

El  padre  Alverto  Llarin  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  Administra  en  su 

mision  tres  mill  personas 3000 

El  padre  martin  de  aspilueta  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  Administra 

en  su  mision  dos  mill  y  quinientas  y  sesenta  y  siete  personas .     2567 

El  padre  Juan  calbo  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en  su  mi- 
sion nobecientas  y  Veinte  y  dos  personas 922 

El  padre  Pedro  Juan  castin  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en 

su  mision  seys  mill  y  quinientas  y  setenta  personas 6570 

El  padre  Francisco  olibano  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en 
su  mision  nuebe  mill  y  setecientas  y  cinquenta  y  nueve  per- 
sonas         9759 

El  padre  diego  bandersipe  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en 

su  mision  diez  mill  personas 10000 

El  padre  Pedro  mendez  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en  su 

mision  siete  mill  y  ducientas  y  cinquenta  personas 7250 

El  padre  Juan  de  Cardenas  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en 

su  mision  quatro  mill  personas 4000 

El  padre  thomas  Basilio  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  administra  en  su 

mision  cinco  mill  y  quatrocientas  personas 5400 

1 F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  29,  1914. 
u  A.  G.  I.,  67-1-4. 


Account  of  Baptized  Indians,  1625  153 

and  were  present  and  took  part  in  it,  and  that  everything  had  happened 
as  the  said  Pedro  Coronado  had  declared.  The  said  Baltasar  de  Sepul- 
veda  was  wounded  in  the  said  battle,  and  he  saw  the  wounded  men- 
tioned in  the  said  report,  and  the  prisoners,  deaths,  and  wounds,  as  stated 
in  the  said  report,  and  he  declared  that  everything  contained  in  it  was 
true,  as  would  appear  by  the  reports  and  autos  that  the  said  captain  had 
made  in  regard  to  them.  The  said  soldiers  Pedro  Coronado  and  Mathias 
Rodriguez  signed  it;  the  others  did  not  sign  it  because  they  said  they 
did  not  know  how  [to  write].  The  said  statement  having  been  examined 
by  his  lordship,  he  ordered  that  certified  copies  in  legal  form  be  made  of  it 
and  sent  to  the  most  excellent  senor,  Marquis  de  Cerralvo,08  viceroy  of 
New  Spain.  It  was  thus  done  and  signed  by  Mateo  de  Vesga,  Pedro 
Coronado,  and  Mathias  Rodriguez  before  me,  Luis  Arias  de  la  Puente, 
secretary  of  his  Majesty's  government  ...  in  the  town  of  Durango,  on 
the  thirtieth  day  of  the  month  of  April,  1625.    [Signatures.'] 


Account  and  memorandum  of  the  baptized  Indians  governed  in  the 
provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  by  the  vicars,  beneficiaries,  and  religious 
of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  and  of  the  Company  of  Jesus.   [1625.] 

Province  of  Sinaloa. 

Father  Leandro  Patifio  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

one  thousand  and  four  hundred  persons  at  his  mission 1400 

Father  Alberto  Llarin  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

three  thousand  persons  at  his  mission 3000 

Father  Martin  de  Aspilueta  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers 

to  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty-seven  persons  at  his 

mission 2S^7 

Father  Juan  Calvo  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to  nine 

hundred  and  twenty-two  persons  at  his  mission 922 

Father  Pedro  Castin  59  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to  six 

thousand  five  hundred  and  seventy  persons  at  his  mission . .  .  6570 
Father  Francisco  Olivano  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

nine  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty-nine  persons  at  his 

mission    9759 

Father  Diego  Bandersipe  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

ten  thousand  persons  at  his  mission 10000 

Father  Pedro  Mendez  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons  at  his  mission.  7250 
Father  Juan  de  Cardenas  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

four  thousand  persons  at  his  mission 4000 

Father  Thomas  Basilio  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

five  thousand  and  four  hundred  persons  at  his  mission 54°° 

Father  Guillermo  Oten  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

three  thousand  and  eight  hundred  persons  at  his  mission ....     3800 


154  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

El  padre  Guillermo  oten  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  Administra  en  su 

mision  tres  mill  y  ochocientas  personas 3800 

El  padre  miguel  gomez  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  Administra  en  su 

mision  cinco  mill  y  quinientas  personas 5500 

El  padre  Juan  barela  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  administra  en  su 

mision  diez  mill  Y  quatrocientas  personas 10400 

El  padre  diego  de  la  cruz  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  administra  en  su 

mision  cinco  mill  y  quinientas  personas 5500 

El  padre  diego  de  Guzman  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  nobecientas 

personas     900 

El  padre  bias  de  paredes  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  mill  y  trescientas 

y  ochenta 1380 

El  padre  ygnacio  de  zavala  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  mill  y  quini- 
entas           1500 

El  padre  bicente  de  la  aguila  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  cinco  mill 

quinientas  y  ochenta 55&0 

Real  de  Topia  y  su  Juridicion. 

En  el  Real  de  Thopia  y  su  balle  administran  los  padres  fray  cosme 
martinez  y  fray  Juan  de  medina  de  la  horden  de  San  fran- 
cisco  tres  cientas  y  ochenta  y  quatro  personas 384 

En  la  quebrada  administra  el  padre  Guillermo  de  san  clemente  de 

la  compafiia  de  Jesus  trescientas  personas 300 

En  el  paraxe  de  la  estancia  administra  el  padre  bartolome  toledano 

de  La  compafiia  de  Jesus  trescientas  y  ochenta  y  una  personas       381 

Valle  de  San  Bartolome  y  Provincia  de  Sancta  Barbara. 

En  el  valle  de  san  Bartolome  y  provincia  de  sancta  barbara  y  sus 
rancherias  administran  Los  padres  fray  Juan  de  thorres  ol- 
guin  y  fray  felipe  de  sosa  de  la  horden  de  san  francisco  mill 
y  tres  personas 1003 

JURIDISCTON  DE  YNDEE. 

En  la  jurisdiscion  de  yndee  administran  Los  padres  nicolas  de  es- 
trada  y  Guillermo  de  solier  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  quinientas 
y  quatorze  personas 514 

DlSTRITO  Y  COMARCA  DEL  PRESIDIO  DE  SANCTA  CaTALINA. 

En  el  Presidio  y  distrito  de  sancta  catalina  administra  el  padre  an- 
dres  Lopez  y  el  padre  burgos  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  seys- 
cientas  y  treynta  Y  quatro  personas 634 

Valle  de  la  Sauzeda  y  Canatan  y  su  Juridiscion. 

El  padre  fray  francisco  guerta  de  la  horden  del  seftor  san  fran- 
cisco administra  tres  cientas  y  diez  y  siete  personas.  .......        317 


Account  of  Baptised  Indians,  1625  155 

Father  Miguel  Gomez  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to  five 

thousand  and  five  hundred  persons  at  his  mission 5500 

Father  Juan  Barela  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to  ten 

thousand  and  four  hundred  persons  at  his  mission 10400 

Father  Diego  de  la  Cruz  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administers  to 

five  thousand  and  five  hundred  persons  at  his  mission 5500 

Father  Diego  de  Guzman  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  [administers 

to]  nine  hundred  persons 1 900 

Father  Bias  de  Paredes  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  [administers  to] 

one  thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty  [persons] 1380 

Father  Ignacio  de  Zavala  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  [administers 

to]  one  thousand  and  five  hundred  [persons] 1500 

Father  Vicente  de  la  Aguila  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  [administers 

to]  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  eighty  [persons] 55^0 

Real  de  Topia  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

In  the  real  and  valley  of  Topia  Fathers  Fray  Cosme  Martinez  and 
Fray  Juan  de  Medina  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  administer 
to  three  hundred  and  eighty  four  persons 384 

At  La  Quebrada  Father  Guillermo  de  San  Clemente  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Jesus  administers  to  three  hundred  persons 300 

At  La  Estancia  Father  Bartolome  Toledano  of  the  Company  of 

Jesus  administers  to  three  hundred  and  eighty-one  persons. .        381 

Valley  of  San  Bartolome  and  the  Province  of 
Santa  Barbara. 

In  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome  and  the  province  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara and  their  rancherias  Fathers  Fray  Juan  de  Torres  Olguin 
and  Fray  Felipe  de  Sosa  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  admin- 
ister to  one  thousand  and  three  persons 1003 

Jurisdiction  of  Inde. 

In  the  jurisdiction  of  Inde  Fathers  Nicolas  de  Estrada  and  Guil- 
lermo de  Solier  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administer  to  five 
hundred  and  fourteen  persons 5*4 

District  and  Neighboring  Territory  of  the  Presidio 
of  Santa  Catalina. 

In  the  presidio  and  district  of  Santa  Catalina  Father  Andres  Lopez 
and  Father  Burgos  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  administer  to  six 
hundred  and  thirty- four  persons 634 

Valley  of  La  Sauceda  and  Canatan  and  its 
Jurisdiction. 

Father  Fray  Francisco  Guerta  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  ad- 
ministers to  three  hundred  and  seventeen  persons 517 


156  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Valle  de  San  Juan  del  Rrio  y  su  Juridiscion. 

El  padre  fray  pedro  de  aguilar  y  el  padre  fray  Rodrigo  de  ovantes 
de  la  horden  de  senor  san  francisco  administran  ducientas  y 
sesenta  y  nueve  personas 269 

Real  de  Quencame  y  su  Juridiscion. 

El  padre  fray  alonso  de  ciguenza  de  la  horden  de  san  francisco 

administra  trecientas  y  quarenta  y  nueve  personas 349 

Juridiscion  de  San  Francisco  del  Mezquital. 

El  Padre  fray  graviel  serrano  y  el  padre  fray  Agustin  de  avrego  de 
la  horden  de  san  francisco  administran  seyscientas  y  nueve 
personas     609 

GUAZAMOTA  Y  SU  JURISDICION. 

El  padre  fray  francisco  capillas  de  la  horden  de  san  francisco  ad- 
ministra seiscientas  y  ochenta  y  dos  personas 682 

DlSTRITO  DE  LA  GUARDIANIA  DE  LA  VlLLA  DE  DuRANGO. 

El  padre  fray  Alonso  de  Vaeza  de  la  horden  de  san  francisco  Vi- 
cario  de  los  pueblos  que  administra  el  y  el  dicho  conbento  son 
mill  y  setenta  y  una  personas 1071 

Real  de  Guanazabi  y  su  Jurisdiccion. 

El  padre  martin  Larios  y  el  padre  Joseffe  de  Lomas  de  la  com- 
pafiia  de  Jesus  administran  Ducientas  y  sesenta  y  quatro  per- 
sonas           264 

Real  de  Mapemi  y  su  Jurisdiccion. 

El  Licenciado  francisco  silgado  administra  ciento  y  veinte  y  nuebe 

yndios    129 

Juridiscion  de  Parras  y  Laguna. 

El  Padre  Alonso  gomez  de  zervantes  el  padre  mateo  de  castro 
berde  el  padre  martin  de  egurrola  el  padre  diego  de  quellar 
el  padre  miguel  bernon  el  padre  martin  de  brizuela  de  la  com- 
pania  de  jesus  administran  mill  y  quinientas  y  sesenta  y  nuebe 
personas     1569 

Probincia  de  Chiametla. 

En  la  probincia  de  chiametla  y  su  Jurisdicion  administran  el  Licen- 
ciado bartholome  mexia  de  prado  y  el  bachiller  antonio  Ruvio 
f elix  dos  mill  y  ducientas  y  ochenta  personas 2280 


Account  of  Baptized  Indians,  1625  157 

Valley  of  San  Juan  del  Rio  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

Father  Fray  Pedro  de  Aguilar  and  Father  Fray  Rodrigo  de  Ovan- 
tes  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  administer  to  two  hundred 
and  sixty-nine  persons 269 

Real  de  Cuencame  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

Father  Fray  Alonso  de  Ciguenza  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  ad- 
ministers to  three  hundred  and  forty-nine  persons 349 

Jurisdiction  of  San  Francisco  del  Mezquital. 

Father  Fray  Gabriel  Serrano  and  Father  Fray  Agustin  de  Abrego 
of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  administer  to  six  hundred  and 
nine  persons    609 

GUAZAMOTA  AND  ITS  JURISDICTION. 

Father  Fray  Francisco  Capillas  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  ad- 
ministers to  six  hundred  and  eighty-two  persons 682 

District  of  the  Guardianship  of  the  Town  of 
Durango. 

Father  Fray  Alonso  de  Baeza  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  vicar 
of  the  pueblos  which  he  administers  to,  he  and  the  said  con- 
vent [administer  to]  one  thousand  and  seventy-one  persons. .      1071 

Real  de  Guanazabi  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

Father  Martin  Larios  and  Father  Josef  de  Lomas  of  the  Company 

of  Jesus  administer  to  two  hundred  and  sixty- four  persons. .       264 

Real  de  Mapimi  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

The  licenciado  Francisco  Silgado  administers  to  one  hundred  and 

twenty-nine  Indians    .- 129 

Jurisdiction  of  Parras  and  Laguna. 

Father  Alonso  Gomez  de  Cervantes,  Father  Mateo  de  Castro 
Verde,  Father  Martin  de  Egurrola,  Father  Diego  de  Ouellar, 
Father  Miguel  Vernon,  Father  Martin  de  Brizuela,  of  the 
Company  of  Jesus,  administer  to  one  thousand  five  hundred 
and  sixty-nine  persons 1 5°9 

Province  of  Chiametla. 

In  the  province  of  Chiametla  and  its  jurisdiction,  the  licenciado 
Bartolome  Mexia  de  Prado  and  the  bachiller  Antonio  Rubio 
Felix  administer  to  two  thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty 
persons     22&° 


158  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Sierra  de  San  Andres  y  San  Polito  y  su  Jurisdiscion. 

El  padre  diego  de  queto  de  la  compafiia  de  Jesus  y  el  padre  Juan  de 
mallen  y  el  padre  pedro  Gravina  y  el  padre  Juan  del  castillo 
administran  cinco  mill  y  trescientas  y  ochenta  Personas 53&0 

Provincia  de  Taraumares  y  su  Jurisdiscion. 

Los  naturales  desta  no  se  save  La  cantidad  que  son  Porque  asta 
hoy  no  an  tenido  Dotrina  esta  es  la  provincia  adelante  de  la  de 
sancta  barbola  son  yndios  que  bienen  a  trabaxar  a  el  valle  de 
san  bartolome  de  continue 

Salineros. 

Esta  nacion  esta  unida  con  otras  tres  que  son  tobosos  coclames, 
nonoxes  que  todas  quatro  de  hordinario  andan  Juntas  y  con- 
gregadas  asisten  y  avitan  a  treynta  Leguas  de  La  provincia 
de  sancta  Varbola  Jamas  an  admitiado  Dotrina  ay  Gran  suma 
de  ellos. 

Provincia  del  Nagarita. 

Esta  Provincia  Empieza  desde  el  distrito  de  La  de  Guazamota  y  a 
ella  an  llegado  algunos  espanoles  y  no  an  Rescivido  dano  y 
Tanvien  son  yndios  domesticos  y  de  las  rancherias  mas  cer- 
canas  a  la  provincia  de  Guazamota  Salen  algunos  yndios  a 
travajar  Con  los  espanoles  de  la  villa  del  nombre  de  dios  Valle 
de  suchil  Y  Lapoana  Es  Grande  esta  provincia  no  se  sabe  la 
cantidad  que  tiene. 

Todo  lo  qual  Es  nueba  Vizcaya  Y  de  todos  Los  christianos  que  Van 
en  esta  Region  quedan  en  poder  del  governador  y  Capitan  General 
Matheo  de  Vesga  Los  originales  ffirmados  de  las  Justicias  donde  las  ay 
y  Religiosos  de  todas  las  hordenes  y  Venefficiados.v 


Al  presidente  de  Guadalaxara  sobre  el  modo  de  escrivir  cartas  a  Su 
Magestad.™    [Febrero  12  de  1642. ~] 

Licenciado  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Vaesa  alcalde  de  mi  cassa  y  Corte, 
Juez  de  mis  obras  y  Vosques  Reales  a  quien  he  proveido  Por  presidente 
de  mi  Audiencia  Real  de  la  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  de  la  Provincia  de  la 
Nueva  Galicia — Porque  de  no  venir  las  cartas  que  me  escriven  de  essas 
provincias  y  los  Recados  que  los  acompanan  con  la  claridad  y  distincion 
que  conviene  suele  causar  y  causa  mucha  Confusion  al  tiempo  de  verse, 

v  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Aug.  22,  1914. 
*  A.  G.  I.,  103-3- 1. 


Form  of  Letters,  1624  159 

Sierra  of  San  Andres  and  San  Polito  and  its 
Jurisdiction. 

Father  Diego  de  Queto  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  Father  Juan  de 
Mallen,  Father  Pedro  Gravina,  and  Father  Juan  del  Castillo 
administer  to  five  thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty  persons .     5380 

Province  of  Taraumares  and  its  Jurisdiction. 

The  number  of  the  natives  of  this  province  is  not  known,  for  up 
to  the  present  time  they  have  not  had  religious  instruction. 
It  is  the  province  beyond  that  of  Santa  Barbara.  These  In- 
dians come  regularly  to  work  in  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome. 

Salineros. 

This  nation  is  combined  with  three  others — the  Tobosos,  the 
Coclames,  and  the  Nonoxes — and  all  four  usually  travel  to- 
gether and  live  in  a  body  thirty  leagues  from  the  province  of 
Santa  Barbara.  They  have  never  accepted  religious  instruc- 
tion. There  is  a  great  number  of  them. 

Province  of  Nagarita. 

This  province  begins  from  the  district  of  Guazamota.  Some 
Spaniards  have  gone  there  and  have  received  no  injury. 
Also  the  Indians  are  domesticated,  and  from  the  rancherias 
nearest  the  province  of  Guazamota  some  of  them  go  out  to 
work  for  the  Spaniards  of  the  town  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  Valle 
de  Suchil,  and  Lapoana.  This  is  a  large  province,  but  the 
number  of  people  it  contains  is  not  known. 

Such  is  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  the  total  of  all  the  Christians  who  are  in 
this  region.  The  original  [records],  signed  by  the  justices,  where  there 
are  any,  by  the  religious  of  the  orders,  and  by  the  beneficiaries,  are  under 
the  authority  of  the  governor  and  captain-general,  Mateo  de  Vesga. 


To  the  president  of  Guadalajara,  concerning  the  form  [to  be  observed]  in 
writing  letters  to  his  Majesty.    [February  12,  1642.] 

Licenciado  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Baesa,60  alcalde  of  my  house  and 
court,  justice  of  royal  construction  and  forests,  whom  I  have  named  as 
president  of  my  royal  audiencia,  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Nueva  Galicia :  For  the  reason  that  the  letters  which  you  write 
me  from  those  provinces,  and  the  records  which  accompany  them,  do  not 
have  the  clarity  and  distinctness  desired,  and  habitually  cause  great  con- 
fusion when  the  time  comes  to  consider  them  and  answer  them,  it  is  essen- 
tial that  in  future  you  should  use  a  more  suitable  style  in  drawing  them 
up.    [Therefore,]  I  have  decided  to  order  and  command  you,  as  I  do,  that 


160  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

y  Responder  ha  ellas  y  es  necessario  de  aqui  adelante  aya  formas  estilo 
mas  conveniente  para  su  expedicion  He  resuelto  ordenaros  y  mandaros 
(como  lo  hago)  que  quando  me  escrivieredes  en  cosas  de  Justicia,  y  otras 
qualesquiera  que  se  ofrescan  lo  hagays  con  mucha  distention  separando 
las  materias.  Con  carta  particular  de  Cada  Una  a  media  marjen;  y  que 
en  la  otra  media  Venga  sacada  Relacion  sumaria  de  Lo  que  contiene  La 
carta  o  Capitulos  que  tubiere  Lo  mas  sustancial  que  sea  posible  y  en 
manera  que  se  pueda  determinar  por  ella  lo  que  Conbenga  numerando  los 
Capitulos,  y  intitulando  Los  Recados  que  con  ellas  binieren  de  forma  que 
llame  lo  uno  a  lo  otro,  y  para  que  observen  y  guarden  precisamente  el 
estilo  los  Governadores  y  Alcaldes  mayores  del  distrito  de  essa  haudi- 
enssia  dareis  las  ordenes  que  fueren  necesarias  porque  la  diversidad 
grande  que  ordinariamente  ocurre  a  mi  consejo  Real  de  las  Yndias  de 
negocios  Cartas  y  Papeles  que  bienen  de  essas  partes,  sin  el  estilo  que 
piden  las  materias  obliga  a  toda  esta  prevention  y  las  cartas  que  me 
escrivieredes  que  an  de  ser  solamente  Las  precisas,  inescusables,  se  an 
de  dirijir  al  dicho  mi  conssejo  en  manos  de  mi  ssecretario  de  el  y  no  por 
otra  via  con  las  quales  hareis  que  se  remita  Un  indice  que  por  mayor  de- 
clare sus  materias,  y  para  que  en  Sus  breves  datos  se  sepa  lo  que  son; 
y  espero  de  Vuestras  obligaciones  que  pondreis  en  la  ejecucion  de  lo  re- 
ferido  el  cuidado  que  convenga  .  .  .  Febrero  12  de  1642.    Yo  el  Rey.x 


Al  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  guarde  las  cedulas  que  estan  dadas, 
para  que  no  se  hagan  esclavos  a  los  Yndios  Y  los  conserven  en  paz 
quietud  Y  Justiciar    [Madrid,  30  de  Noviembre  de  1647.] 

El  Rey.  Mi  Governador  y  Capitan  General  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Nueva 
Vizcaya — en  mi  conssejo  Real  de  las  Indias  se  ha  entendido  que  essa  pro- 
vincia confina  con  las  naciones  barvaras  que  caen  a  la  Vanda  de  Sinaloa, 
Tepeguanes  Salineros  y  otros  que  son  de  guerra  aunque  ordinariamente 
Viven  de  paz  Y  que  estando  en  ella  fueron  a  tratar  con  ellos  los  Alcaldes 
maiores  y  doctrineros  bendiendo  y  llevando  los  hijos  a  que  sirviessen  en 
las  minas  y  en  otras  partes  dandolos  por  esclavos  o  ofreciendolos  como 
de  pressente  que  es  lo  mismo  y  resulto  de  esto  el  comengarsse  a  inquietar 
y  castigallos  el  Governador  don  Luis  de  Valdes  con  destemplanga  y  contra 
la  fee  publica  que  pues  haviendo  los  llamado  a  la  doctrina  prendio  y 
arcabuceo  a  algunos  con  que  se  algaron  tomaron  las  armas  y  flechas  y 
hicieron  algunas  correrias  se  abrieron  mis  mis  cajas  y  me  a  costado  mas 
de  cinquenta  mill  pesos  el  quietarlos  y  no  lo  estan  del  todo  y  que  es  muy 
conveniente  a  mi  servicio  Y  a  su  quietud  el  mandar  apretadamente  No  se 
hagan  esclavos  a  los  Yndios  Barbaras  ni  los  embien  por  Via  de  pressente 
a  nadie  ni  a  servir  a  parte  alguna  contra  su  Voluntad  quando  estan  en  paz 
Y  no  se  prenden  en  buena  guerra ;  Y  haviendose  Visto  por  los  del  dicho 

*  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 

y  A.  G.  I.,  103-3-1.  The  original,  or  a  copy  of  the  original,  of  this  document  is  in 
A.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 


Treatment  of  Indians,  1647  161 

when  you  write  to  me  concerning  matters  of  justice,  or  anything  else  that 
may  present  itself,  you  do  so  with  great  distinctness,  keeping  the  various 
topics  separate.  Write  your  letter  for  each  topic  on  half  the  page,  and  on 
the  other  half  let  there  appear  a  brief  abstract  of  the  contents  of  the  letter, 
or  of  the  chapters,  made  as  concise  as  possible,  and  in  such  a  manner  that 
from  the  abstract  one  may  decide  what  needs  to  be  done.  Number  the 
chapters,  and  give  titles  to  the  records  which  accompany  your  letters  in 
such  a  way  as  to  show  how  they  correspond.  And  in  order  that  the  gov- 
ernors and  alcaldes  mayores  of  the  district  of  that  audiencia  may  observe 
and  follow  the  same  form  precisely,  you  will  give  the  necessary  orders. 
For  the  great  diversity  [in  form]  which  frequently  is  observed  by  my 
royal  Council  of  the  Indies  in  the  records,  letters,  and  papers,  which  come 
from  those  parts  without  the  form  demanded  by  the  subject-matter,  makes 
this  warning  necessary.  The  letters  which  you  may  write  to  me,  which 
should  be  only  those  which  are  absolutely  necessary,  are  to  be  directed  to 
my  said  Council  in  care  of  my  secretary  of  the  same,  and  not  to  any  other 
address.  With  them  send  an  index  of  their  contents  which  in  general  may 
show  the  subject-matter,  so  that  one  may  know  from  the  brief  data  given 
what  these  contents  are.  I  hope  that  you  will,  according  to  your  obligation, 
exercise  proper  care  in  complying  with  the  above.  February  12,  1642. 
I  the  King. 


To  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya;  ordering  him  to  observe  the  cedulas 
which  have  been  issued  in  order  that  the  Indians  may  not  be  enslaved, 
that  they  may  be  kept  peaceful  and  quiet,  and  that  they  may  be 
accorded  justice.    [Madrid,  November  30,  1647.] 

The  King.  To  my  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  province  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya :  It  has  been  learned  in  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies 
that  that  province  adjoins  the  barbarous  nations  which  live  along  the 
boundary  of  Sinaloa — the  Tepeguanes,  Salineros,  and  others — who  are 
now  at  war,61  though  they  are  usually  at  peace ;  that  while  they  were  so 
at  peace,  there  went  among  them  to  trade  certain  alcaldes  mayores  and 
religious  instructors  who  carried  off  and  sold  their  children  to  serve  in 
the  mines  and  elsewhere,  disposing  of  them  as  slaves  or  giving  them  as 
presents,  which  amounts  to  the  same  thing.  As  a  result  they  became  dis- 
quieted, and  the  governor,  Don  Luis  de  Valdes,62  began  to  punish  them 
immoderately  and  without  regard  for  the  public  faith,  for,  after  calling 
them  to  attend  religious  instruction,  he  seized  and  shot  some  of  them. 
Thereupon  they  revolted,  took  up  their  arms  and  arrows,  and  made  some 
raids ;  they  broke  into  my  treasury,  and  it  has  cost  me  over  50,000  pesos 
to  pacify  them,  although  they  are  not  entirely  quieted  yet.  It  is  very  fit- 
ting to  my  service  and  to  their  peace  to  command  strictly  that  the  barbar- 
ous Indians  shall  not  be  made  slaves  nor  sent  as  presents  to  anyone,  nor 
made  to  serve  anywhere  against  their  will  when  they  are  at  peace  and 
are  not  taken  in  open  war. 


162  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

mi  consejo  atendiendo  a  lo  referido  y  a  lo  mucho  que  desseo  la  conserva- 
tion paz  Y  quietud  de  los  Yndios  y  que  en  ninguna  manera  Sean  Vejados 
molestados  ni  dados  por  esclavos  con  ningun  pretexto  pues  si  se  berifi- 
casse  ser  cierta  esta  relacion  Sin  duda  se  me  abria  deservido  mucho  en 
ello  y  deseando  poner  el  Remedio  conveniente  e  tenido  por  bien  de  dar 
la  presente  por  la  qual  os  mando  atendais  mucho  a  guardar  precissa  y 
puntualmente  lo  dispuesto  en  las  cedulas  que  estan  dadas  para  que  no 
se  hagan  esclavos  a  los  Yndios  ni  los  ocasionen  ninguna  turbacion  en  essa 
provincia  por  los  Alcaldes  mayores  doctrineros  ni  otra  perssona  alguna 
antes  los  acaricien  y  traten  con  toda  blandura  y  benignidad  y  conserven 
en  paz  quietud  Y  Justicia  porque  de  lo  contrario  me  dare  por  deservido 
y  tomare  de  Una  vez  la  resolucion  que  mas  combenga  contra  los  trans- 
gressores  de  las  dichas  mis  cedulas  y  en  Reciviendo  esta  me  ynformareis 
del  estado  en  que  se  hallan  estas  turbaciones  y  Vos  de  Vuestra  parte 
haveis  de  procurar  con  los  medios  de  suabidad  que  pudieredes  tener  essos 
naturales  sosegados  y  quietos  procurandoles  alijerar  las  cargas  Y  excusar- 
les  las  molestias  tratando  solo  de  su  conservacion  y  de  inclinarlos  a  toda 
buena  conformidad  para  que  reciven  mejor  la  doctrina  y  ensenanga  de 
nuestra  Santa  fee  chatolica  y  si  en  esto  os  adelantaredes  a  Vuestros  ante- 
cessors me  tendre  por  servido  de  ello  y  hare  merced : — fecha  en  Madrid 
a  30  de  Noviembre  de  1647 — Yo  el  Rey.z  etc. 


Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  que  ym forme  sobre  el  Presidio,  que  havisa 
combiene  formar  de  nuebo  el  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya? 
[Madrid,  18  de  Enero  de  1648.] 

El  Rey.  Mi  Virrey  .  .  .  Don  Luis  de  Valdez  mi  Governador,  y  Capi- 
tan  General  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  en  carta  que  me  escrivis  en  26  de 
febrero  de  646  anos,  dize,  entre  otras  cosas,  la  guerra  que  le  han  hecho 
los  Yndios  algados,  de  aquella  provincia,  y  los  robos  y  muertes  que  an 
causado  y  grandes  gastos  que  se  han  hecho  y  que  ha  reducido  a  la  paz 
mas  de  dos  mil,  muerto  y  aorcado  ciento  y  cinquenta,  lo  qual  a  obrado 
con  la  assistencia  del  dinero  y  gente,  que  le  embiastes,  y  con  lo  mucho  que 
el  a  gastado  y  suplido  y  para  establecer  en  aquella  Provincia,  La  paz  de 
los  Yndios  es  muy  conveniente  que  se  forme  un  Presidio,  nuebo,  en  el 
Paraje  del  Cerro  Gordo  que  es  el  Camino  Real  que  ay  desde  el  Parral  a 
esa  Ziudad,  sobre  lo  cual  os  havia  escripto,  y  ha  guardava  vuestra  Reso- 
lucion, para  disponerlo  sin  costa  de  mi  Real  hazienda,  relaxando  algunas 
plazas  de  otros  Presidios  de  aquel  Reyno,  y  anidiendolas  en  este,  por  ser 
tan  necesario  por  freno  de  los  Yndios,  y  que  gesen  Las  guerras  Ziviles, 
Y  Haviendose  Visto  por  los  de  mi  Consejo  Real  de  las  Yndias  con  lo  que 
sobre  ello  pidio  mi  fiscal  en  el,  porque  para  tomar  resolucion  en  este  punto 
conviene  a  mi  servicio  saver  con  toda  distincion  y  claridad,  si  es  justo  y 

z  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 
aA.  G.  L,  103-3-1- 


Presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo,  1648  163 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  the  members  of  my  Council, 
in  the  light  of  the  foregoing  and  of  my  great  desire  for  the  peace  and 
quietude  of  the  Indians,  and  that  they  should  be  in  no  way  vexed,  molested, 
or  given  as  slaves  under  any  pretext  soever — for  if  this  account  be  true 
I  have  without  doubt  been  very  badly  served — I,  desiring  to  bring  about 
a  suitable  reform,  have  thought  well  to  issue  the  present  order,  whereby 
I  command  you  to  observe  precisely  and  faithfully  the  provisions  of  the 
cedulas  which  have  been  issued  commanding  that  the  Indians  shall  not 
be  enslaved  nor  given  any  cause  for  disturbance  in  that  province  by  the 
alcaldes  mayores,  religious  instructors,  or  any  other  person,  but  that  they 
shall  rather  be  petted,  treated  with  all  kindness  and  benignity,  kept  in 
peace  and  quiet,  and  accorded  just  treatment.  For  if  this  is  not  done  I 
shall  consider  myself  ill  served,  and  shall  at  once  take  proper  steps  against 
the  violators  of  my  cedulas.  Upon  your  receipt  of  this  you  will  report  to 
me  the  state  of  these  disturbances,  and  on  your  own  part,  you  will  en- 
deavor by  all  the  mild  measures  of  which  you  can  avail  yourself  to  keep 
those  natives  peaceful  and  quiet;  endeavor  to  lighten  their  burdens  and 
relieve  them  of  troubles,  looking  solely  to  preserving  them  and  inclining 
them  to  the  proper  submission  so  that  they  may  more  readily  receive 
the  doctrine  and  instruction  in  our  holy  Catholic  faith.  If  you  excel  your 
predecessors  in  this  work  I  shall  consider  myself  well  served  thereby,  and 
I  will  reward  you.   Dated  at  Madrid,  November  30,  1647.   I  THE  King. 


To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  report  concerning  the 
presidio  which  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  recommends  to  be 
established  anew.    [Madrid,  January  18,  1648.] 

The. King.  My  viceroy:63  ...  A  letter  which  you  wrote  to  me  on 
February  26,  1646,  recounts,  among  other  things,  the  war  which  the 
revolted  Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  have  waged  against  Don  Luis 
Valdes,64  my  governor  and  captain-general  of  that  province,  the  rob- 
beries and  murders  which  they  have  committed,  and  the  enormous  ex- 
pense which  they  have  caused,  and  states  that  he  has  reduced  to  peace  over 
2000  of  them,  and  has  killed  and  hanged  150  of  them.  This  he  has  effected 
by  the  aid  of  men  and  money  which  you  have  sent  him.  And  [he  says 
that]  in  view  of  the  great  amount  which  he  has  spent  and  in  order  to 
establish  peace  among  the  Indians  of  that  province,  it  is  very  desirable 
to  establish  a  new  presidio  at  the  place  called  Cerro  Gordo  on  the  royal 
highway  which  leads  from  Parral  to  that  city.  He  had  written  to  you 
concerning  the  project,  and  has  awaited  your  decision  for  carrying  it  out, 
without  cost  to  my  real  hacienda,  by  releasing  some  men  from  the  other 
presidios  of  that  kingdom  and  congregating  them  in  a  new  one,  a  measure 
highly  necessary  to  check  the  Indians  and  put  an  end  to  civil  wars.  The 
matter  having  been  considered  by  the  members  of  my  royal  Council  of 
the  Indies  together  with  the  recommendation  of  the  fiscal  concerning  it 
[it  was  decided  that],  in  order  for  them  to  pass  upon  the  matter,  it  is 
conducive  to  my  service  for  them  to  know  definitely  and  clearly  whether 
12 


164  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

combeniente,  a  el  y  a  la  quietud  y  conservacion  de  aquella  Provincia,  paz 
y  sosiego  de  los  Yndios  della,  que  se  forme  de  nuebo  el  Presidio  que  pro- 
pone el  dicho  Governador  de  que  numero  de  gente  de  Ynfanteria  o  Cava- 
lleria  a  de  ser,  lo  que  ymportara  cada  ano,  su  gasto  y  de  que  Presidio  se 
podra  sacar,  sin  que  haga  falta,  y  en  que  parte,  y  Lugar,  sera  mejor  pon- 
erlo,  y  si  habra  algunos  efectos  que  no  se  han  de  mi  hazienda  que  aplicar 
a  esto,  o  si  seria  superfluo,  y  sin  necessidad,  este  Presidio,  que  se  propone, 
pues  parece  que  en  tantos  afios,  se  a  podido  governar  aquella  Provincia  y 
Casso  que  todavia  Combenga,  expresareis  con  mucha  claridad,  las  ragones 
y  f undamentos  que  hubiere  para  formalle,  y  de  donde  y  con  que  hazienda 
se  podra  hazer  sin  gasto  de  la  mia  por  el  aprieto  pressente  de  las  Cossas, 
y  las  combeniencias,  e  ynconvenientes,  que  de  Uno,  U  otro  pueden  resul- 
tar  a  quien  y  por  que  Causa,  y  Ragon  os  mando,  que  en  la  primera  ocasion 
que  se  os  ofresca,  me  informeis,  sobre  todo  muy  individual  Y  distinta- 
mente,  con  Vuestro  parecer  para  que  Visto  por  los  del  dicho  mi  consejo 
se  provea  lo  mas  conveniente  y  necessario  fecha  en  Madrid  a  18  de  henero 
de  1648 — Yo  EL  REY.b 


Respuesta  al  President e  de  Guadalaxara  ssobre  Un  papel  que  remitio,  que 
le  dio  un  Religioso  de  San  francisco  ssobre  materias  de  Religion  Con- 
versions y  Contribuciones  que  los  Yndios  hacen  al  barbaro  Maiarita.0 
[Madrid,  30  de  Noviembre  de  1649.'] 

El  Rey.  Licenciado  Pedro  perez  de  baeza  Pressidente  de  mi  audiencia 
Real  de  la  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  provincia  de  la  nueva  Galicia  la  carta 
que  me  escribistes  en  13  de  abril  de  este  ano  y  el  papel  que  os  dio  un  Re- 
ligioso orden  de  San  francisco  ssobre  materias  de  Religion  conversiones 
y  contribuciones  que  los  yndios  hacen  al  barbaro  maiarita  y  decis  enviareis 
un  Oidor  para  que  visite  aquel  distrito  y  otras  cosas  que  en  ella  referis 
cerca  de  esto  se  a  recibido  y  visto  en  mi  conssejo  Real  de  las  yndias  y  a 
parecido  ordenaros  y  mandaros  como  lo  hago  que  al  dicho  provincial  le 
agradecais  el  celo  y  atencion  con  que  en  esto  ha  obrado  y  le  encargneis 
lo  continue  y  por  lo  que  os  toca  a  Vos  y  esa  mi  audiencia  cuidareis  mucho 
de  acudir  a  conseguir  el  bien  universal  de  los  yndios  con  la  atencion  y 
buen  modo  que  para  estos  pareciere  mas  conveniente  y  me  yreis  dando 
quenta  de  lo  que  fuereis  obrando  en  estas  materias  de  madrid  a  30  de 
noviembre  de  1649  Yo  el  Rey  por  mandado  del  Rey  nuestro  Sefior  Juan 
Baptist  a  Saenz  Navarrete  y  sefialada  de  los  del  Conssejo. 

*  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 
CA.  G.  L,  144-1-15- 


Maiarita,  1649-  105 

it  is  proper  and  advantageous  for  my  service,  and  likewise  for  the  quiet 
and  preservation  of  that  province  and  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the 
Indians,  to  establish  anew  the  presidio  which  the  governor  proposes;  of 
what  number  of  infantry  or  cavalry  it  will  cost  each  year;  from  what 
presidio  the  garrison  may  be  drawn  without  causing  a  deficiency ;  in  what 
region  and  place  it  would  be  best  to  locate  it ;  whether  there  are  any  sums 
not  pertaining  to  my  treasury  which  can  be  applied  to  this  purpose ;  and 
whether  this  proposed  presidio  is  superfluous  and  unnecessary.  For  it 
appears  that  it  has  been  possible  to  govern  that  province  for  many  years 
without  it.  But  in  case  you  think  that  it  is,  nevertheless,  desirable,  you 
will  indicate  clearly  the  reasons  and  needs  which  may  exist  for  its  foun- 
dation, and  from  what  funds  it  may  be  built  without  drawing  from 
mine — because  of  the  existing  stringency  of  affairs.65  You  will  also  point 
out  the  advantages  or  disadvantages  which  may  result  from  either  decision, 
and  to  whom  and  why  such  results  may  ensue.  I  therefore  command  you 
to  report  to  me  at  your  first  opportunity  concerning  the  entire  matter 
minutely  and  clearly,  submitting  your  own  opinion,  in  order  that,  the 
matter  being  considered  by  the  members  of  my  said  Council,  that  which 
is  necessary  and  convenient  may  be  ordered.  Dated  at  Madrid,  Janu- 
ary 18,  1648.  I  the  King. 


Reply  to  the  president  of  Guadalajara  concerning  a  document  that  he  sent, 
which  was  given  to  him  by  a  religious  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis, 
relative  to  affairs  of  religion,  conversions,  and  the  contributions  which 
the  Indians  pay  to  the  barbarian  Maiarita.  [Madrid,  November  jo, 
1649.I 

The  King.  Licenciado  Pedro  Perez  de  Baeza,66  president  of  my  royal 
Audiencia  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia : 
The  letter  which  you  wrote  to  me  on  April  13  of  this  year,  and  the  paper 
which  a  religious  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis  gave  to  you  concerning 
matters  of  religion,  conversions,  and  the  contributions  which  the  Indians 
pay  to  the  barbarian  Maiarita,  and  in  which  you  say  that  you  will  send 
an  oidor  to  visit  that  district,  and  refer  to  other  related  matters,  has  been 
received  and  considered  by  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies.  It  has  seemed 
well  to  order  and  command  you,  as  I  do,  to  thank  the  provincial  for  the 
zeal  and  application  with  which  he  has  labored  in  this  matter,  and  to 
charge  him  to  continue.  As  for  your  duty  and  that  of  my  audiencia,  you 
will  endeavor  to  secure  the  entire  welfare  of  the  Indians  with  all  the 
attention  and  wise  means  deemed  most  fitting,  and  you  will  continue  to 
report  to  me  what  you  are  doing  in  these  matters.  Dated  at  Madrid, 
November  30,  1649.  I  THE  >King.  By  command  of  the  king,  our  lord. 
Juan  Bautista  Saenz  Navarrete.  Signed  by  the  members  of  the 
Council. 


166  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Ynforme  que  hace  El  Padre  C.d  fray  lorengo  Canto  e  Religioso  de  la 
Serdphica  Orden  de  nuestro  Padre  San  francisco  A  el  Senor  Don 
Diego  Guajardo  fajardo  Governador  y  capitan  general  de  el  Reyno 
de  la  Vizcaya,  y  sus  probincias,  y  a  los  religiosos  Prelados  y  Supe- 
riores  de  la  dicha  Orden.f  [Santiago  de  Babonoyaba,  21  de  Mayo  de 
1650.I 

Senor:  Lunes  que  se  contaron  nuebe  de  este  mes  de  mayo,  sali  de  este 
convento  y  Pueblo  de  Santiago  babonoyaba,  en  compania  de  el  padre 
Guardian  fray  Hernando  de  Orbaneja  y  de  don  joan  de  la  cruz  Gover- 
nador general  de  todas  las  naciones  de  naturales,  conchos  y  tarahumares 
para  la  entrada  que  se  me  ordeno  y  mando  assi  por  Vuestra  Senoria  Como 
por  mi  prelado  Provincial  El  Reverendo  Padre  fray  christobal  Palomino. 

Este  dia  llegamos  a  el  pueblo  y  Doctrina  de  Sancta  Ysavel  de  nuestra 
administracion,  que  ay  de  un  pueblo  a  otro,  ocho  buenas  leguas. 

Martes  diez  de  el  dicho  mes  de  mayo  nos  detubimos  en  este  paraje 
porque  nos  amenacaba  mal  tiempo. 

Miercoles  once  le  higo  bueno,  y  salimos  de  Santa  isabel  a  el  pueblo  y 
Doctrina  de  San  andres  que  ay  cinco  leguas  desde  Santa  Ysabel  a  esta. 

Juebes  salimos  de  San  Andres  (a  doze)  Para  el  pueblo  y  Doctrina  de 
San  bernave :  que  ay  por  el  camino  que  fuimos  de  este  San  Andres  a  este, 
seis  leguas  grandes :  En  este  pueblo  de  San  bernave  estubimos  un  dia,  por 
registrar  y  mirar  bien  los  puestos  que  los  tiene  muy  buenos. 

Sabado  salimos  de  san  bernabe,  y  fuimos  a  san  gregorio  yaguna,  que 
ay  desde  aquel  pueblo  a  este  nuebe  leguas,  y  no  son  cortas.  En  este  pueblo 
y  Doctrina  de  San  Gregorio  yaguna  estubimos  el  dia  que  llegamos,  y  todo 
el  domingo  siguiente.  Y  aqui  se  juntaron  lo  mas  de  la  gente  del  pueblo 
de  san  Diego,  con  su  casique  llamado  don  lorengo  que  ay  de  uno  al  otro 
pueblo  seis  leguas,  segun  el  buen  in  forme  que  me  higo  el  padre  fray  Her- 
nando como  quien  tan  trabajado  y  tan  tocado  lo  tiene  en  tiempo  de  tantos 
afios. 

En  el  pueblo  de  san  bernabe  hice  nonbre  de  Dios  baptigando  diez  y  siete 
criaturas  y  bele  a  la  muger  del  hijo  de  el  casique  de  dicho  pueblo  llamado 
Don  bernabe;  y  por  aver  sido  aqui  el  principio  de  la  administracion  de 
dichos  dos  santos  Sacramentos  le  puse  Por  nonbre  a  dicho  Pueblo  san 
bernabe  del  nonbre  de  Dios. 

En  el  pueblo  de  san  gregorio  baptice  treinta  y  siete  criaturas  que  ac- 
tualmente  avia  juntas  asi  de  este  pueblo  como  de  el  de  san  Diego  con  que 
son  en  numero  los  baptigados  cinquenta  y  quatro. 

Para  Volvernos  salimos  de  ayaguna  lunes  diez  y  seis  de  dicho  mes  de 
mayo;  y  aviendonos  llovido  muncho  continuadamente  en  siete  leguas  de 
camino,  llegamos  a  san  bernabe  a  buena  ora. 

Y  martes  en  este  pueblo  en  compania  de  el  Padre  Guardian  referido, 
y  de  don  joan  Governador  general,  y  pasamos  de  la  otra  vanda  de  el  rio, 
a  donde  encima  de  una  ladera  que  se  senorea  todo  aquel  hermoso  vallecillo, 

d  It  is  not  clear  for  what  this  abbreviation  stands ;  it  might  stand  for  "  Catholico  ", 
or  for  "  Christiano  ". 

e  Elsewhere  in  this  document  this  name  appears  as  "  Cantu  ". 
« A.  G.  L,  66-6-18. 


Lorenzo  Cantu,  1650  167 

Report  which  Father  Fray  Lorenzo  Cantu,  a  religious  of  the  Seraphic 
Order  of  our  Father  Saint  Francis,  makes  to  Senor  Don  Diego 
Guajardo  Fa  jar  do,  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  kingdom  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  and  its  provinces,  and  to  the  religious,  prelates,  and 
superiors  of  the  said  order.  [Santiago  de  Babonoyaba,  May  21, 
1650.] 

Sir:  On  Monday,  the  ninth  of  this  month  of  May,  I  set  out  from  this 
convent  and  town  of  Santiago  Babonoyaba,  in  company  with  the  father 
guardian,  Fray  Hernando  de  Orbaneja,  and  Don  Juan  de  la  Cruz, 
governor-general  of  all  the  Conchos  and  Tarahumares  nations,  upon  the 
expedition  which  I  was  ordered  and  commanded  to  make  by  your  lord- 
ship and  by  my  provincial  prelate,  Reverend  Father  Fray  Cristobal 
Palomino. 

The  same  day  we  arrived  at  the  town  and  doctrina  of  Santa  Ysabel, 
which  lies  within  our  jurisdiction.  The  distance  from  one  town  to  the 
other  is  eight  good  leagues. 

Tuesday,  the  tenth  of  the  said  month  of  May,  we  remained  in  this 
place  because  bad  weather  was  threatening  us. 

Wednesday,  the  eleventh,  the  weather  was  good,  and  we  set  out  from 
Santa  Ysabel  for  the  town  and  doctrina  of  San  Andres.  It  is  five  leagues 
from  Santa  Ysabel  to  San  Andres. 

Thursday  we  set  out  from  San  Andres  at  twelve  o'clock,  for  the  town 
and  doctrina  of  San  Bernabe.  By  the  road  which  we  went,  the  distance 
from  San  Andres  to  this  town  is  six  long  leagues.  We  stayed  in  this  town 
of  San  Bernabe  one  day  in  order  to  examine  and  observe  closely  the  loca- 
cations  [  for  a  mission] .   It  has  very  good  ones. 

Saturday  we  set  out  from  San  Bernabe  and  went  to  San  Gregorio 
Yaguna;  the  distance  from  that  town  to  this  is  nine  leagues,  and  they 
are  not  short.  In  this  town  and  doctrina  of  San  Gregorio  Yaguna  we 
remained  all  of  the  day  upon  which  we  arrived,  and  all  of  the  following 
Sunday.  Here  gathered  the  greater  part  of  the  people  of  San  Diego,  with 
their  chief  named  Don  Lorenzo.  The  pueblos  are  six  leagues  distant  from 
each  other,  according  to  the  credible  report  given  to  me  by  Father  Fray 
Hernando,  who  is  well  informed  by  reason  of  his  labor  and  his  experi- 
ence of  so  many  years. 

In  the  town  of  San  Bernabe  I  began  my  labors  by  baptizing  seventeen 
infants,  and  I  pronounced  the  nuptial  benediction  for  the  wife  of  the 
son  of  the  chief  of  this  town,  named  Don  Bernabe.  Because  this  place 
was  the  scene  of  the  beginning  of  the  administration  of  these  two  holy 
sacraments,  I  gave  to  the  said  town  the  name  of  San  Bernabe  del  Nombre 
de  Dios. 

In  the  town  of  San  Gregorio  I  baptized  thirty-seven  infants  who  were 
there  gathered  from  this  town,  as  well  as  from  San  Diego.  Counting 
these,  the  number  of  those  baptized  is  now  fifty- four. 

In  order  to  return  we  set  out  from  Ayaguna  on  Monday  the  sixteenth 
of  the  said  month  of  May.  After  it  had  rained  on  us  continuously  for 
seven  leagues,  we  reached  San  Bernabe  at  a  seasonable  time. 

Tuesday,  in  this  town,  in  company  with  the  Father  Guardian  and  Don 
Juan,  the  governor-general,  we  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  to  a 


168  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

senale  personalmente  sitio.  Para  iglesia  y  convento  y  por  no  aver  de 
presente  otro  ministro  de  justicia  que  en  nombre  de  su  magestad  me 
diesse  la  posesion  rogue  a  dicho  governador  don  joan  de  la  cruz  me  la 
diera  como  me  la  dio  Estando  presente  el  casique  y  Governador  de  dicho 
pueblo,  Don  bernabe,  y  don  pedro  casique  y  Governador  de  el  pueblo  de 
san  Andres,  y  don  francisco  asimesmo  casique  de  el  pueblo  de  san  Andres 
los  quales  tres  casiques  con  otro  llamado  don  Diego  fueron  acomparian- 
donos  a  la'ida  y  a  la  buelta  con  mucho  gusto  y  se  mostraron  muy  leales 
basallos  de  su  magestad  Y  por  los  grandes  regosijos  y  festejos  que  a 
nuestro  recibimiento  hicieron  los  naturales  de  los  pueblos  de  san  Andres 
san  bernabe,  y  san  gregorio  yaguna,  y  los  que  se  juntaron  en  este  de  el 
pueblo  de  san  diego  jusgamos  estar  en  buena  disposicion  sus  animos  para 
recibir  nuestra  santa  fe  catholica;  y  las  demostraciones  que  todos  estos 
barbaros  de  esto  dieron  y  lo  que  pidieron  a  los  interpretes  que  nos  diessen 
a  entender;  fue  que  todos  estos  regocijos  que  hacian  y  el  gusto  que  mos- 
traban  era  por  averles  ya  cumplido  sus  grandes  deseos  que  tenian  de  verse 
administrados  y  que  asistiessen  en  sus  pueblos  y  tierras  los  Padres  y 
Religiosos  de  nuestro  Padre  San  francisco  que  entre  ellos  comunmente 
nos  Hainan  los  Padres  blancos  y  del  avito  bianco.  Y  notesse  que  a  todos 
los  bailes  y  a  nuestro  recibimiento  casi  ninguno  de  estos  pueblos  indio 
ninguno  trujo  area  ni  flechas  ni  otra  ninguna  de  sus  armas  esecion  que 
noto  mucho  el  padre  Guardian  fray  Hernando  de  Orbaneja  como  tan 
esperimentado,  y  el  Governador  don  joan  con  sus  soldados  conchos  que 
le  acompanaban  Sefial  cierta  de  que  estan  quietos  y  pacificos  en  sus  pue- 
blos. Dios  Nuestro  Senor  les  conserbe  en  ella  para  honrra  y  gloria  suia 
y  ensalgamiento  de  su  sancta  fe  catholica  y  extencion  de  los  reynos  y 
monarquia  de  nuestro  Rey  y  Senor  phelipe  quarto  que  Dios  guarde 
muchos  anos. 

En  este  puesto  y  Pueblo  Senor  Governador  y  duefio  mio  pienso  asistir 
y  continuar,  la  posesion  que  se  a  dado  edificando  templo  Para  Dios  y  casa 
y  convento  en  que  poder  vivir  asi  yo  el  tiempo  que  mi  Religion  y  la  santa 
Obediencia  me  lo  permitiere  como  los  demas  religiossos  mis  hermanos 
que  me  sucedieren.  El  intento  que  me  movio  a  tener  la  asistencia  en  este 
pueblo  y  puesto  de  san  bernabe  nombre  de  Dios  fue  en  aver  hallado  y 
visto  en  el  muy  buenas  comodidades  de  materiales  asi  de  maderas  como  de 
piedra  y  otros  para  poder  edificar  y  para  poder  acudir  a  la  administracion 
de  los  Santos  Sacramentos  a  los  pobres  naturales  de  las  poblaciones  y 
rancherias  de  san  gregorio  yaguna  San  Diego  San  Antonio  San  Mathias 
y  Santo  Thomas  y  Santa  cruz  que  vendran  a  estar  en  contorno  de  dicho 
convento  veinte  o  veinte  y  quatro  leguas  poco  mas  o  menos  que  tendre 
a  mi  cargo  y  cuidado  interin  que  los  prelados  enviaren  mas  ministros  y 
obreros  porque  Realmente  senor  que  la  mies  es  mucha  y  si  su  magestad 
Dios  le  guarde  no  nos  socorre  con  sus  ayudas  de  costas  se  pasara  muy 
mal,  o  no  se  podra  vivir  Porque  la  gente  es  pobrisima  y  la  tierra  nueba 
y  hasta  aora  no  se  sabe  con  certidambre  si  Dios  tiene  criados  en  ella  al- 
gunos  tesoros  y  minerales. 

Y  porque  estos  g  de  proximo  para  ir  a  el  Parral  a  besar  su  mano  a 
Vuestra  Senoria  y  vocalmente  hacer  la  relacion  de  todo,  y  debajo  de  todo 

e  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  estoy  ". 


Lorenzo  Cantu,  1650  169 

place  where  I  personally  indicated  a  building  site  for  a  church  and  monas- 
tery on  the  top  of  a  slope  which  dominates  all  the  beautiful  little  valley. 
As  there  was  present  no  other  person  possessing  the  powers  of  magis- 
tracy to  give  me  the  site  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  I  asked  the  governor, 
Don  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  to  do  so.  This  he  did,  in  the  presence  of  the  gover- 
nor of  the  said  town,  Don  Bernabe,  Don  Pedro,  chief  and  governor  of 
the  town  of  San  Andres,  and  Don  Francisco,  also  a  cacique  of  the  town 
of  San  Andres.  These  three  chiefs,  with  another  called  Don  Diego,  had 
gladly  accompanied  us  on  our  journey,  both  going  and  coming,  and 
showed  themselves  very  loyal  vassals  of  his  Majesty.  Judging  from  the 
great  rejoicing  and  the  entertainments  given  for  our  reception  by  the 
natives  of  the  towns  of  San  Andres,  San  Bernabe,  and  San  Gregorio 
Yaguna,  and  from  the  number  of  them  who  gathered  in  this  town  of 
San  Diego,  we  considered  that  their  spirits  were  kindly  disposed  toward 
the  reception  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith.  The  demonstrations  which  all 
these  barbarians  gave  of  this,  and  the  requests  which  they  made  through 
the  interpreters,  gave  us  to  understand  that  all  their  entertainments  and 
all  the  pleasure  which  they  manifested  were  because  they  had  achieved 
their  great  desire  to  be  ministered  unto  by  and  to  have  resident  in  their 
towns  and  lands  the  fathers  and  religious  of  our  holy  Father  Saint 
Francis,  whom  they  commonly  call,  among  themselves  the  white  fathers, 
or  the  fathers  of  the  white  habit.  It  was  noticeable  that  at  all  their  dances 
and  at  our  reception  there  was  hardly  an  Indian  present  in  any  of  these 
towns  with  bow  and  arrows  or  any  other  weapon — a  fact  which  was 
noted  in  particular  by  Father  Guardian  Fray  Hernando  de  Orbaneja,  a 
man  of  considerable  experience,  and  by  Don  Juan,  the  governor,  with 
his  Conchos  soldiers  who  accompanied  him.  This  was  a  sure  sign  that 
they  were  at  peace  and  quiet  in  their  towns ;  may  God  preserve  them  in 
it  for  his  honor  and  glory  and  the  exaltation  of  his  holy  Catholic  faith 
and  the  extension  of  the  kingdoms  and  monarchy  of  our  king  and  lord, 
Philip  IV.,67  whom  may  God  guard  many  years. 

In  this  post  and  town,  my  lord,  governor,  and  master,  I  intend  to  reside 
and  maintain  the  possession  which  has  been  conceded,  by  erecting  a  tem- 
ple to  God  and  a  house  and  monastery  in  which  I  may  be  able  to  live  for 
the  time  which  my  religion  and  holy  obedience  shall  permit,  as  well  as  my 
other  brother  religious  who  shall  succeed  me.  The  motive  which  led  me 
to  take  up  my  abode  in  this  town  and  post  of  San  Bernabe  Nombre  de 
Dios  was  that  I  had  found  and  seen  in  it  good  supplies  of  materials  both 
of  wood  and  stone  and  other  things  for  building,  and  facilities  for  ad- 
ministering the  holy  sacraments  to  the  poor  natives  of  the  towns  and 
villages  of  San  Gregorio  Yaguna,  San  Diego,  San  Antonio,  San  Matias, 
Santo  Tomas,  and  Santa  Cruz,  which  lie  about  this  monastery  within  a 
radius  of  twenty  or  twenty-four  leagues  more  or  less,  and  which  I  shall 
have  in  my  charge  and  care  until  the  prelates  send  more  ministers  and 
laborers.  For  truly,  my  lord,  the  harvest  is  abundant,  and  if  his  Majesty, 
whom  God  protect,  does  not  aid  us  with  funds  to  meet  expenses  we  shall 
suffer  greatly  and  may  not  even  be  able  to  live,  since  the  people  are  very 
poor,  the  land  new,  and  it  is  not  known  yet  of  a  certainty  whether  God 
has  created  any  treasure  or  precious  metals  in  it. 


170  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

secreto  natural  pedirle  el  remedio  de  algunas  cosas  que  necesitan  de  el  y 
muncho,  no  soy  mas  largo  guarde  nuestro  Senor  a  Vuestra  Sefioria  y 
dexe  ver  con  muncho  gusto  y  salud  que  le  deseo  fTecha  en  este  pueblo  de 
Santiago  babonoyaba  mayo  veinte  y  uno  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  cinquenta 
anos  Capellan  perpetuo  de  Vuestra  Sefioria  que  su  mano  beso  Fray 
Lorenco  Cantu. 


Respuesta  at  Govemador  de  la  Nueva  vizcaia  sobre  la  reducion  de  los 
Yndios  de  Sonora.h   [Madrid,  27  de  Marzo  de  165 1.~] 

El  Rey.  Don  Diego  Guaxardo  faxardo  mi  governador  y  cappitan  gen- 
eral de  las  provincias  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  en  cartas  que  me  escribisteis 
en  diez  y  nueve  de  Henero  de  seiscientos  y  cin- 
quenta decis  que  estando  en  la  pacificacion  de  la 
provincia  de  taraumares  deespachasteis  por  jus- 
ticia  mayor  y  cappitan  de  guerra  de  la  Sonora  a 


Duplicose  Abril   165 1 


simon  lasso  de  la  vega  con  orden  de  que  por  aquella  parte  hiciesse  fron- 
tera  al  enemigo  por  ella  reconociesse  toda  la  tierra  que  pudiesse  y  la  fuesse 
reduciendo  a  mi  servicio  en  que  a  puesto  la  diligencia  con  veinte  y  que  a 
no  tener  los  ynpedimientos  y  contradicion  que  hace  el  cappitan  del  presidio 
de  cinaloa  que  haviendo  sido  su  fundacion  sujeta  a  este  govierno  Mis 
Virreyes  de  la  Nueva  Espana  an  advocado  en  si  el  proveerle  con  tacita 
permission  de  Vuestros  Antecessores  y  no  teniendo  mas  jurisdicion  que 
la  de  el  presidio  procuran  Ampliarla  y  entroducirsse  con  potestad  en  la 
provincia  de  Sonora  originando  algunas  competencias  que  malogravan  la 
ocasion  y  para  que  cesse  este  ynconveniente  me  suplicais  fuesse  servido  de 
declarar  a  quien  pertenece  el  govierno  de  aquellas  provincias  para  que 
cada  uno  se  contengan  en  los  limites  que  le  tocan  pues  redujisteis  a  paz 
y  a  mi  obediencia  la  de  taraumares,  es  tan  dilatada  y  tantos  sus  naturales 
que  se  havian  suscitado  algunas  centellas  de  passion  en  los  malcontentos 
y  an  procurado  ynquietarla  de  nuevo  y  a  no  haverles  dejado  el  freno  de 
la  Villa  de  aguilar  os  huvieran  dado  cuidado  y  aviais  aplicado  el  posible 
para  sosegarlos  y  teneis  pressos  a  los  que  movian  la  inquietud  y  aveis 
despachado  personas  que  estan  entendiendo  en  el  Remedio  y  esperais 
ponerle  de  suerte  que  no  passe  adelante  el  dano.  Y  Haviendose  visto  por 
los  de  mi  conssejo  Real  de  las  yndias  a  parecido  deciros  que  se  cree  que 
en  esto  aveis  cuidado  de  lo  que  os  toca  y  assi  lo  prosiguireis  en  lo  de 
adelante  que  en  ello  me  sirvireis  de  Madrid  a  27  de  margo  de  165 1  anos 
Yo  el  Rey  Por  mandado  del  Rey  nuestro  senor  Juan  Bautista  Saenz 
Navarrete.  Y  seiialada  de  los  del  conssejo. 

hA.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 


Duplicated,  April,  165 1 


Indians  of  Sonora,  1651  171 

Inasmuch  as  I  am  about  ready  to  go  to  Parral  to  kiss  your  lordship's 
hand  and  make  a  verbal  report  concerning  everything  and  ask  you  in  all 
secrecy  to  remedy  certain  things  which  greatly  need  rectifying,  I  shall 
not  write  more.  May  our  Lord  guard  your  lordship  and  permit  me  to 
see  you  in  pleasure  and  good  health  as  I  desire.  Done  in  this  town  of 
Santiago  Babonoyaba,  May  21,  1650.  Your  lordship's  permanent  chap- 
lain, who  kisses  your  hand,  Fray  Lorenzo  Cantu. 


Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  concerning  the  reduction  of  the 
Indians  of  Sonora.    [Madrid,  March  2/,  1651.] 

The  King.  Don  Diego  Guajardo  Fajardo,68  my  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  the  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya :  In  letters  which  you  wrote 
to  me  on  January  19,  1650,  you  say  that  while 
engaged  in  the  pacification  of  the  province  of 
Tarahumara 69  you  sent  as  justicia  mayor  and 
captain  of  war  of  Sonora,  Simon  Laso  de  la  Vega, 
with  orders  to  confront  the  enemy  in  that  province,  to  reconnoitre  all  the 
land  that  he  could,  and  reduce  it  to  my  service,  which  undertaking  he 
began  on  the  twentieth,  and  [you  ask]  that  he  be  spared  the  obstructions 
and  opposition  which  the  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  offers.  [You 
say]  that  this  presidio  [since]  its  foundation  has  been  subject  to  this 
government  [Nueva  Vizcaya],  but  that  my  viceroys  of  New  Spain  have 
arrogated  to  themselves  the  garrisoning  of  it,  with  the  tacit  permission 
of  your  predecessors,  and  they,  having  no  wider  jurisdiction  than  the 
presidio,  are  endeavoring  to  extend  their  jurisdiction  and  to  establish 
their  authority  in  the  province  of  Sonora,  thereby  giving  rise  to  some 
conflicts  which  complicated  the  situation.  In  order  that  the  irregularity 
shall  cease,  you  beg  me  to  be  pleased  to  declare  to  whom  belongs  the  gov- 
ernment of  those  provinces,  in  order  that  each  one  may  restrain  himself 
within  the  limits  which  belong  to  him.  For  [you  say  that]  you  who  re- 
duced the  province  of  the  Tarahumares  to  peace  and  obedience  to  me, 
a  province  so  wide  and  with  so  many  natives  who  have  been  incited  by 
flashes  of  passion  among  some  malcontents,  who  have  again  attempted 
to  disturb  it,  that  if  they  had  not  been  stopped  by  the  check  upon  them 
presented  by  the  town  of  Aguilar,  they  would  have  caused  you  consid- 
erable trouble,  that  you  have  exerted  yourself  as  much  as  possible  to  quiet 
them,  that  you  hold  prisoners  those  who  caused  the  disturbances,  that  you 
have  sent  persons  who  are  engaged  in  improving  the  situation,  and  that 
you  hope  to  effect  reforms  whereby  the  damage  may  be  prevented  in 
future.  The  matter  having  been  considered  by  the  members  of  my  royal 
Council  of  the  Indies,  it  has  seemed  well  to  say  to  you  that  it  is  believed 
that  in  this  matter  you  have  had  a  care  for  that  which  is  in  your  charge, 
wherefore  you  will  so  continue  to  do  in  future,  for  in  so  doing  you  serve 
me.  Madrid,  March  27,  165 1.  I  the  King.  By  command  of  the  king, 
our  lord.  Juan  Bautista  Saenz  Navarrete.  Signed  by  the  members 
of  the  Council. 


172  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  ynforme  ssobre  lo  que  propone  el  gover- 
nador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  cerca  de  la  provission  de  las  plagas  de  los 
presidios  de  su  district o.i    [Buen  Retiro,  23  de  Mayo  de  i6$2.~\ 

El  Rey.  Conde  de  alva  de  aliste  primo  gentil  hombre  de  mi  camara  mi 
Virrey  governador  y  capitan  general  de  las  provincias  de  la  Nueva  Es- 
pana y  presidente  de  mi  audiencia  de  ella  o  la  perssona  o  perssonas  a  cuyo 
cargo  fuere  su  gobierno  en  carta  que  me  escribio  Don  Diego  Guaxardo 
mi  governador  y  capitan  general  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  en 
veinte  y  seis  de  febrero  de  seiscientos  y  cinquenta  y  uno  dice  que  el  ano 
de  seiscientos  y  treinta  y  seis  higo  asiento  el  capitan  don  Pedro  de  perea 
con  el  Marques  de  Cadereita  mi  Virrey  de  essas  provincias  de  Poblar  la 
de  Sonora  con  ciertas  condiciones  siendo  una  dellas  el  que  hubiesse  de 
ocurrir  al  governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  a  que  le  despachase  titulo  de 
justicia  mayor  y  capitan  a  guerra  de  la  dicha  provincia  de  sonora  por 
ser  el  districto  de  aquel  govierno  y  que  en  esta  Conformidad  hubiesse  de 
estar  sujeto  a  las  ordenes  que  se  le  diessen  de  la  Nueva  bizcaya  y  que 
habiendo  muerto  el  capitan  Don  pedro  perea  continuaron  los  governadores 
della  la  provission  de  aquel  oficio  y  que  los  capitanes  de  los  pressidios  de 
sinaloa  sin  mas  fundamento  que  yntroducir  en  la  de  sonora  Juridicion 
moviendo  algunas  competencias  pues  siendo  despachados  aquellos  pre- 
ssidios con  patentes  de  mis  virreyes  de  esa  Nueva  Espana  no  solo  preten- 
den  los  de  sinaloa  ebadirse  de  la  subordinacion  que  tienen  a  aquel  gobierno 
pero  aun  la  probission  de  Justicia  de  aquella  provincia  que  siempre  se  a 
despachado  por  el  almirante  Don  Pedro  porter  casanate  que  a  la  sagon 
era  capitan  de  aquel  pressidio  a  enbaragar  la  possesion  a  las  personas  que 
a  despachado  a  ello  el  dicho  Mi  governador  y  continuando  en  estender  la 
Jurisdicion  que  no  le  toca  y  mover  algunas  conpetencias  al  capitan  simon 
lasso  de  la  vega  a  quien  havia  puesto  por  Justicia  Mayor  y  capitan  a  guerra 
de  la  dicha  provincia  de  sonora  el  governador  de  Nueva  Vizcaya  y  que 
sirviendome  como  buen  soldado  higo  algunas  entradas  y  pacificaciones  a 
su  costa  ya  haviendo  sucedido  el  lebantamiento  de  la  Nacion  Taraumara 
le  despacho  or  den  para  que  juntando  los  mas  espanoles  e  yndios  amigos 
que  pudiesse  entrarse  por  aquella  parte  a  socorrer  al  dicho  governador 
haciendo  guerra  a  los  yndios  rebeldes  y  estando  en  la  conpania  esperando 
este  socorro  que  ubiera  sido  de  mucha  ynportancia  y  habiendo  tenido 
abisso  suyo  de  que  estava  para  salir  con  el  a  pocos  dias  Recebio  una  carta 
la  qual  me  a  remetido  en  que  el  dicho  Don  Pedro  porter  cassanete  le  abi- 
saba  como  habian  muerto  alebosamente  de  un  arcabugasso  al  dicho  capi- 
tan simon  lasso,  sucesso  no  sin  algunas  sospechas  y  que  con  estas  nuevas 
avia  despachado  luego  al  general  Juan  B  de  Morales  perssona  de  toda 
satisfacion  y  que  habia  sido  el  primero  que  habia  entrado  al  reparo  de  la 
ynvasion  de  los  tharaumares  y  tenia  pedidos  socoros  al  dicho  almirante  a 
que  administrasse  Justicia  en  dicha  provincia  de  sonora  y  bolviesse  a 
juntar  la  Jente  que  tenia  conducida  su  antecessor  que  con  su  muerte  se 
avia  esparcido  y  entrasse  a  socorrerle  con  ella  y  que  averiguasse  la  muerte 
Referida  y  castigasse  los  agresores  y  por  que  con  el  levantamiento  de  los 

1  A.  G.  L,  144-1-15. 


Enlistment  of  Soldiers,  1652  173 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  asking  him  to  report  on  the  proposal  of  the 
governor  of  Nneva  Vizcaya  with  reference  to  the  enlistment  of  sol- 
diers in  the  presidios  of  his  district.    [Buen  Retiro,  May  2$,  1652.'] 

The  King.  Count  of  Alvadeliste,70  cousin,  lord  of  my  bedchamber,  my 
viceroy,  and  captain-general  of  the  provinces  of  New  Spain,  and  president 
of  my  audiencia  of  that  viceroyalty,  or  to  the  person,  or  persons,  in  whose 
charge  its  government  may  be :  In  a  letter  written  to  me  by  Don  Diego 
Guajardo,71  my  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  province  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  on  February  26,  1651,  he  says  that  in  the  year  1636  Captain 
Don  Pedro  de  Perea  72  made  a  contract  with  the  Marquis  of  Cadereyta,73 
my  viceroy  of  those  provinces,  for  the  settlement  of  Sonora  under  certain 
conditions,  one  of  which  was  that  he  was  to  apply  to  the  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  to  issue  to  him  title  as  justicia  mayor  and  captain  of  war 
of  the  said  province  of  Sonora,  since  it  was  a  district  of  that  government; 
in  conformity  with  this  arrangement  he  was  to  be  subject  to  orders  issued 
to  him  from  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Captain  Don  Pedro  de  Perea  having  died, 
the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  continued  making  appointments  to  that 
office.  But  the  captains  of  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  with  no  other  pur- 
pose than  that  of  intervening  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Sonora — thereby 
giving  origin  to  some  contentions  since  those  presidios  were  organized 
under  patents  from  my  viceroys  of  New  Spain — attempt  to  free  them- 
selves not  only  from  the  subordination  which  they  have  to  that  govern- 
ment, but  even  from  the  administration  of  justice  of  that  province,  which 
has  always  been  despatched  by  Admiral  Don  Pedro  Porter  Casanate,74 
who  was  at  the  time  captain  of  that  presidio;  they  have  moreover  en- 
deavored to  prevent  possession  of  the  office  by  persons  appointed  to  it 
by  my  said  governor,  persisting  in  extending  their  jurisdiction  over  mat- 
ters which  do  not  pertain  to  them,  and  exciting  rivalry  with  Captain 
Simon  Laso  de  la  Vega,  whom  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  appointed 
justicia  mayor  and  captain  of  war  of  the  said  province  of  Sonora.  Laso 
de  la  Vega,  serving  me  as  a  good  soldier,  made  some  expeditions  and 
subjugations  at  his  own  expense  and,  the  uprising  of  the  Tarahumara  na- 
tion 75  having  occurred,  he  was  ordered  to  assemble  all  the  Spaniards  and 
friendly  Indians  he  could  and  go  into  that  region  to  help  the  said  gov- 
ernor by  making  war  upon  the  rebel  Indians.  The  governor,  being  on  his 
campaign  awaiting  this  assistance,  which  would  have  been  of  great  value, 
after  hearing  from  Laso  that  he  was  about  to  set  out  with  it  in  a  few 
days,  received  a  letter  which  he  has  sent  to  me,  in  which  the  said  Don 
Pedro  Porter  Casanate  notified  him  that  Captain  Simon  Laso  had  been 
treacherously  killed  by  a  shot  from  a  harquebus.  This  event  was  not 
entirely  free  from  suspicion,  and  the  governor,  upon  receipt  of  the  news 
of  it,  at  once  dispatched  General  Juan  B.  de  Morales — a  thoroughly  re- 
liable person,  he  having  been  the  first  one  to  go  in  to  check  the  invasion 
of  the  Tarahumares  and  had  already  asked  for  reinforcements  from  the 
admiral — to  administer  justice  in  the  province  of  Sonora  and  reunite  the 
men  whom  his  predecessor  led  but  who  had  become  scattered  upon  the 
death  of  the  latter.  With  these  men  Morales  was  to  come  to  the  gover- 
nor's assistance,  investigate  the  death  of  Laso,  and  punish  the  perpetrators 


174  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

taraumares  estava  inpedido  al  passo  ordinario  para  aquella  Provincia  le 
hordeno  fuessen  por  la  de  sinaloa  aunque  es  rodeo  de  mas  de  ducientas 
leguas  para  que  comunicasse  algunas  cossas  de  mi  servicio  y  habiendo 
llegado  a  ella  el  dicho  almirante  Don  Pedro  porter  cassanate  capitan  del 
presidio  de  aquella  provincia  para  que  no  pasasse  a  la  de  sonora  puso  los 
ynpedimentos  que  constaran  por  el  testimonio  que  remitia  de  que  resulto 
no  aber  consseguido  el  socorro  que  estava  dispuesto  ni  podido  averiguar 
ni  castigar  el  delito  de  la  muerte  de  dicho  simon  lasso  baliendosse  el  dicho 
cappitan  de  sinaloa  de  la  ocassion  de  estar  levantados  los  Yndios  tarau- 
mares que  ocupan  el  passo  para  seme j  antes  resoluciones  queriendo  subsci- 
tar  conpetencias  o  introducirlas  entre  aquel  y  ese  govierno  de  Nueva 
Espafia  y  que  este  y  otros  ynconbenientes  se  siguen  de  que  mis  Virreyes 
de  ella  probean  algunos  presidios  del  govierno  de  Nueva  Vizcaya  pues 
pretenden  los  capitanes  dellos  evadirsse  por  esta  Ragon  de  la  obediencia 
que  deben  al  capitan  general  de  aquel  rreyno  con  que  en  la  ocassion  de 
estas  guerras  que  le  pusieron  en  continjencia  de  perdersse  no  se  pudo 
conseguir  socorro  alguno  del  pressidio  de  sinaloa  ni  del  de  san  Sebastian 
a  que  se  sigue  faltar  en  tierras  de  tan  continuas  guerras  con  que  premiar 
los  soldados  que  alii  me  sirven  que  no  los  desalienta  poco  en  las  ocassiones 
que  se  of recen :  y  me  a  suplicado  mande  reconocer  su  ynportancia  y  que 
se  ponga  el  remedio  que  conbiene  ordenando  que  todos  los  presidios  de 
aquel  reyno  que  son  vien  pocos  y  de  corto  numero  de  placas  que  se  provean 
mi  virrey  de  essa  Nueva  Espafia  o  separandolos  de  una  bez  por  el  excusar 
conpetencias  y  en  otra  carta  de  siete  de  octubre  del  afio  passado  de  seis- 
cientos  y  cinquenta  y  uno  representa  el  dicho  mi  governador  que  son  tan 
continuos  los  dafios  que  en  aquellas  provincias  se  padecen  con  ynvasiones 
de  los  yndios  dellas  que  no  ay  ora  de  seguridad  y  que  a  todas  es  preciso 
estar  dando  distintos  socorros  de  armas  municiones  y  Jente  a  diferentes 
partes  que  las  piden  y  que  aunque  a  muchos  meses  que  por  diferentes 
despachos  testimonios  y  cartas  os  hace  ynstancia  para  que  los  socorrais 
y  proveais  de  remedio  en  los  muchos  dafios  que  padecen  no  ha  tenido 
respuesta  de  las  que  os  a  escrito  estando  para  salir  de  aquel  Real  una 
cuadrilla  de  carros  que  llebaba  mas  de  veinte  mill  marcos  de  plata  con 
que  an  sido  aquel  afio  mas  de  ochenta  mill  los  que  han  salido  conduciendo 
conque  de  temor  de  aquellos  Barbaros  se  ba  despoblando  aquel  Reyno  y 
suplicandome  mande  poner  el  remedio  que  pareciere  mas  combeniente. 

Y  Haviendose  visto  en  mi  conssejo  Real  de  las  yndias  con  los  testi- 
monios que  sobre  esto  me  remitio  dicho  Don  Diego  guajardo  y  lo  que 
dixo  mi  fiscal  de  el  como  quiera  que  por  carta  de  este  dia  avisso  a  mi  gov- 
ernador de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  que  en  quanto  al  alcangamiento  de  los 
yndios  taraumares  y  pretenciones  que  se  an  hecho  para  conservar  la  Villa 
de  aguilar  y  castigar  los  delinquentes  en  la  muerte  del  padre  cornelio 
godinez  missionero  de  la  compaflia  de  Jesus  la  continue  asta  que  se  consiga 
segura  pacificacion  y  os  de  aviso  de  lo  que  obrare  y  de  lo  que  se  le  ofre- 
ciere  para  que  se  ordene  lo  necessario  a  las  assistencias  que  hubiere  menes- 
ter  de  las  partes  que  tocan  a  su  govierno  y  que  procure  que  la  pacificacion 
y  reducion  se  aga  con  las  menos  muertes  de  Yndios  que  se  pudiere  ussando 
primero  de  los  medios  suaves  de  amistad  y  buen  tratamiento  con  ellos  me 


Enlistment  of  Soldiers,  1652  175 

of  the  deed.  But,  because  the  ordinary  route  through  that  province  was 
closed  by  reason  of  the  uprising  of  the  Tarahumares,  the  governor  or- 
dered Morales  to  go  through  the  province  of  Sinaloa,  although  this  neces- 
sitated a  detour  of  more  than  two  hundred  leagues,  for  the  purpose  of 
communicating  certain  affairs  pertaining  to  my  service.  When  Morales 
arrived  at  Sinaloa,  the  admiral  Don  Pedro  Porter  Casanate,  captain  of 
the  presidio  of  that  province,  tried  to  prevent  this  advance  into  Sonora 
by  offering  obstructions  which  will  appear  in  the  transcript  which  the 
governor  sent  [to  the  king].  As  a  result  the  assistance  ordered  was  not 
received  nor  was  it  possible  to  investigate  or  punish  the  crime  of  the 
death  of  Simon  Laso,  because  the  captain  of  Sinaloa  availed  himself  of 
the  occasion  of  the  uprising  of  the  Tarahumares,  who  occupy  the  pass, 
to  take  such  action,  desiring  to  foment  rivalries  or  originate  them  be- 
tween the  governments  of  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Vizcaya.  This  and 
other  difficulties  arise  from  the  fact  that  my  viceroys  of  New  Spain 
appoint  the  officers  of  certain  presidios  in  the  government  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya, for  the  captains  of  these  presidios  attempt  on  account  of  this  to 
evade  obedience  to  the  captain-general  of  that  kingdom.  As  a  result, 
during  these  wars  which  place  the  province  in  danger  of  ruin,  it  was 
impossible  to  obtain  any  assistance  from  the  presidio  of  Sinaloa  nor 
from  that  of  San  Sebastian.  It  follows,  therefore,  in  lands  where  wars 
are  so  continuous,  that  means  are  lacking  with  which  to  reward  the  sol- 
diers who  serve  me  there,  a  condition  which  discourages  them  not  a  little 
when  these  situations  arise. 

The  governor  has  therefore  besought  me  to  order  that  this  serious 
situation  should  be  recognized  and  the  proper  remedy  applied,  and  by 
ordering  that  all  the  presidios  of  that  kingdom,  which  are  indeed  few  and 
scantily  garrisoned,  are  to  be  under  control  of  my  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
or  else  be  all  at  once  taken  from  his  jurisdiction,  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting rivalries. 

In  another  letter  of  October  7  of  last  year,  165 1,  the  said  governor 
reported  that  the  injury  from  Indian  invasions  was  so  continual  in  those 
provinces  that  there  was  not  an  hour  of  security;  that  it  was  necessary 
to  be  always  sending  assistance  in  the  form  of  arms,  munitions,  and  men 
to  the  various  places  which  asked  for  them.  And,  although  he  asked  you 
months  ago,  in  numerous  despatches,  transcripts,  and  letters,  to  assist  him 
by  providing  some  remedy  for  the  many  ills  from  which  they  suffer,  he 
has  as  yet  received  no  reply  to  what  he  has  written  you.  [He  says,  more- 
over,] that  he  was  about  to  take  out  of  that  camp  a  train  of  wagons  carry- 
ing more  than  20,000  marks  in  silver,  making  over  80,000  marks  which 
he  had  taken  out  during  the  year;  but  on  account  of  fear  of  the  bar- 
barians the  kingdom  was  becoming  depopulated.  He,  therefore,  suppli- 
cated me  to  provide  whatever  remedy  seemed  fit. 

Wherefore,  the  matter  having  been  reviewed  in  my  royal  Council  of 
the  Indies,  with  the  transcripts  sent  me  by  Don  Diego  Guajardo  and  the 
opinion  of  my  fiscal  of  the  Council,  it  was  decided  to  advise  my  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  by  letter  of  this  date,  to  continue  in  his  efforts  to 
punish  the  uprising  of  the  Tarahumares,  and  the  persons  guilty  of  the 
death  of  Father  Cornelio  Godinez,  missionary  of  the  Company  of  Jesus, 


176  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

a  parecido  avisaros  dello  para  que  lo  tengais  entendido  y  que  siendo  cierto 
lo  que  repressenta  el  dicho  governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  le  deis  las 
asistencias  necessarias  como  mas  convenga  para  conseguir  el  fin  que  se 
pretende  y  por  que  no  se  a  allado  el  assiento  que  se  hico  por  Don  Pedro 
perea  con  el  Virrey  Marques  de  cadereita  ssobre  la  poblacion  de  la  pro- 
vincia  de  sonora  en  que  el  governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  refiere  que 
le  toca  a  el  la  probission  del  oficio  de  governador  y  cappitan  a  guerra  de 
ella  os  mando  que  en  la  primera  ocassion  que  se  ofresca  me  ynformeis, 
en  ragon  de  lo  que  zerca  desto  dice  el  dicho  el  governador  de  la  Nueva 
Vizcaya  con  Vuestro  parecer  y  las  conveniencias  o  inconvenientes  que 
puede  tener  el  ejecutarse  lo  que  propone  a  quien  y  por  que  causa  para  que 
visto  por  los  del  dicho  mi  conssejo  de  las  yndias  se  provea  lo  que  mas  con- 
benga.  Fecha  en  Buen  retiro  a  veinte  y  tres  de  mayo  de  mil  y  sseiscientos 
y  cinquenta  y  dos  afios.  Yo  el  Rey.  Por  mandado  del  rrey  nuestro  senor. 
Gregorio  de  Leguia.  Y  sefialada  de  los  del  conssejo. 


Respuesta  al  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  ssobre  despoblar  la  pro- 
vincia  de  SonoraJ   [Bnen  Retiro,  23  de  Mayo  de  16^2.} 

El  Rey.  Don  Diego  Guajardo  fajardo  mi  governador  y  Capitan  gen- 
eral de  la  Ciudad  de  Durango  de  la  provincia  de  la  nueva  Vizcaia  en  carta 
que  me  escribisteis  en  26  de  febrero  del  ano  pasado  de  65 1 :  me  dais 
quenta  de  lo  que  a  pasado  cerca  de  despoblar  la  Provincia  de  Sonora 
ssobre  avia  poblacion  havia  hecho  asiento  el  capitan  don  Pedro  de  Perea 
el  ano  de  636  con  mi  Virey  Marques  de  Cadereita  y  referis  por  menor  las 
inquietudes  de  los  Yndios  y  falta  de  obediencia  que  os  tienen  los  capitanes 
de  los  Presidios  que  nombra  mi  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espafia  en  Vuestro 
distrito  y  ssobre  esto  remitis  ciertos  testimonios  de  autos  y  en  otra  carta 
de  7  de  octubre  del  mesmo  ano  de  651  representais  que  son  tan  continuos 
los  dafios  que  en  esas  provincias  se  padecen  con  invasiones  de  los  Yndios 
de  ellas  que  no  ay  ora  de  seguridad  que  a  todas  es  preciso  estar  dando  dis- 
tintos  socorros  de  armas  municiones  y  jente  a  diferentes  partes  que  los 
piden  y  que  aunque  a  muchos  meses  que  por  diferentes  despachos  testi- 
monios y  cartas  haceis  instancia  con  mi  Virey  de  la  Nueva  Espafia  para 
que  os  socorro  y  provea  de  remedio  en  los  muchos  dafios  que  padeceis  no 
haveis  tenido  respuesta  de  las  que  le  haveis  escrito  estando  para  salir  de 
ese  Real  una  cuadrilla  de  carros  que  llevava  mas  de  veinte  mil  marcos  de 

1  A.  G.  L,  144-1-15.    [The  copy  of  the  title  says:  duplicose  en  18  de  Julio  de  652. — 
C.  W.  H.] 


Depopulation  of  Sonora,  1652  177 

and  his  plans  for  the  conservation  of  the  town  of  Aguilar,  until  he  se- 
cured complete  pacification.  He  was  to  keep  you  advised  of  what  he  was 
doing  and  of  whatever  happened,  so  that  you  might  order  whatever  rein- 
forcements should  be  needed  in  the  parts  under  your  jurisdiction ;  he  was 
also  to  see  that  the  pacification  and  reduction  should  proceed  with  as 
little  loss  of  life  to  the  Indians  as  possible,  trying  first  the  gentle  methods 
of  friendship  and  good  treatment  toward  them.  It  has  therefore  seemed 
wise  to  me  to  advise  you  of  the  situation  in  order  that  you  may  under- 
stand it.  If  what  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  says  is  true,  you  will 
give  him  all  the  help  he  needs  to  accomplish  the  desired  end.  And,  as  the 
contract  made  by  Don  Pedro  de  Perea  with  the  viceroy,  Marquis  of 
Cadereita,  concerning  the  settlement  of  the  province  of  Sonora  has  not 
been  found,  in  which  contract  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  states  how 
the  provision  relating  to  the  office  of  governor  and  captain  of  war  of  the 
province  affects  him,  I  command  you  to  report  to  me  as  soon  as  possible 
what  the  said  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  says  concerning  this,  and  sub- 
mit your  opinion  as  to  what  advantage  or  disadvantage  may  ensue,  and 
to  whom  and  why,  from  doing  as  he  proposes.  You  will  do  this  in  order 
that  the  matter  may  be  considered  by  my  Council  of  the  Indies,  and 
whatever  is  fitting  may  be  ordered.  Dated  at  Buen  Retiro,  May  23,  1652. 
I  the  King.  By  command  of  the  king,  our  lord,  Gregorio  de  Leguia. 
Signed  by  the  members  of  the  Council. 


Reply  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  concerning  the  depopulation  of 
the  province  of  Sonora.    [Buen  Retiro,  May  23,  1652.'] 

The  King.  Don  Diego  Guajardo  Fajardo,76  my  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  the  city  of  Durango,  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya :  In  a 
letter  which  you  wrote  to  me  on  February  26  of  last  year,  165 1,  you  gave 
me  an  account  of  what  has  taken  place  with  respect  to  the  depopulation 
of  the  province  of  Sonora.  You  said  that  there  was  a  settlement  under 
a  contract  which  Captain  Don  Pedro  de  Perea 77  had  made  in  the  year 
1636  with  my  viceroy,  the  Marquis  of  Cadereita;78  and  you  report  in 
detail  the  disturbances  among  the  Indians,  and  the  lack  of  obedience 
toward  you  shown  by  the  captains  of  the  presidios  whom  my  viceroy  of 
New  Spain  appoints  in  your  district.  With  reference  to  this  you  remit 
certain  transcripts  of  autos,  and  in  another  letter  of  October  7,  of  the 
same  year,  165 1,  you  represent  that  the  dangers  are  so  continuous  in  that 
province  from  the  invasions  of  the  Indians  that  there  is  not  an  hour  of 
security,  for  it  is  necessary  at  all  times  to  be  giving  aid  in  arms,  munitions, 
and  men  to  different  places  which  demand  them.  You  also  state  that, 
months  ago,  by  various  despatches,  transcripts,  and  letters,  you  have  peti- 
tioned my  viceroy  of  New  Spain  to  aid  you  and  provide  a  remedy  for 
the  many  injuries  from  which  you  suffer,  but  that  you  have  received  no 
reply  to  the  letters  you  have  written.  There  is,  you  say,  a  train  of  wagons 
about  to  leave  that  camp,  carrying  more  than  20,000  marks  of  silver,  so 
that  the  total  amount  sent  out  for  that  year  amounts  to  more  than  80,000 


178  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

plata  con  que  han  sido  aquel  afio  mas  de  ochenta  mil  los  que  han  salido ; 
concluyendo  con  que  de  temor  de  aquellos  barbaros  se  ba  despoblando 
esse  Reino  y  me  suplicais  mande  poner  el  Remedio  que  pareciese  mas 
conveniente. 

Y  haviendose  visto  en  mi  conssejo  Real  de  las  yndias  con  lo  que  ssobre 
ella  dijo  mi  fiscal  de  el  como  quiera  que  por  punta  de  la  fecha  de  esta  envio 
a  mandar  a  mi  Virey  de  la  nueva  Espana  me  in  forme  ssobre  todo  lo 
referido  me  a  parecido  ordenaros  y  mandaros  como  lo  hago  remitais  al 
dicho  mi  conssejo  en  la  primera  ocasion  que  se  ofresca  a  manos  de  el  mi 
infrascripto  secretario  la  capitulacion  que  decis  higo  Don  Pedro  de  Perea 
el  ano  de  636  con  mi  Virey  marques  de  Cadereita  ssobre  la  dicha  Pobla- 
cion  de  la  Provincia  de  Sonora  respecto  de  no  haverla  enviado  con  los 
autos  que  remitisteis  con  la  dicha  carta  ni  allarse  en  las  que  me  escribio 
el  dicho  Marques  de  Cadereita  y  acerca  de  lo  que  contienen  los  autos  que 
remitis  en  ragon  del  abramiento  k  de  los  yndios  taraumares  y  de  las  pre- 
venciones  que  se  an  hecho  para  conservar  la  villa  de  Aguilar  y  castigar 
los  delinquentes  en  la  muerte  del  Padre  Cornelio  godines  misionero  de  la 
Compania  de  Jesus  mando  continueis  las  diligencias  que  referis  haceis 
hasta  que  se  consiga  segura  pacificacion  y  que  procureis  que  esta  pacifi- 
cacion  y  rreducion  se  haga  con  las  menos  muertes  de  Yndios  que  se  pu- 
diere  ussando  primero  de  los  medios  suaves  de  amistad  y  buen  tratamiento 
con  ellos  que  assi  conviene  al  servicio  de  Dios  y  mio  y  al  otro  mi  Virrey 
con  quien  os  abeis  de  corresponder  en  esto  escrivo  para  que  ordene  lo 
necessario  en  las  asistencias  que  ubieres  de  menester  de  las  partes  que 
tocan  a  su  govierno  disponiendolas  como  mas  conbengan  para  conseguir 
el  fin  que  se  pretende  y  de  lo  que  fueredes  obrando  me  dareis  quenta  para 
que  Visto  por  los  del  dicho  mi  conssejo  se  provea  lo  que  mas  convenga. 
De  Buen  Retiro  a  veinte  y  tres  de  Mayo  de  mil  y  sseiscientos  y  cinquenta 
y  dos  afios.  Yo  el  Rey.  Por  mandado  del  rrey  nuestro  Senor,  Gregorio 
de  Leguia.   Y  senalada  de  los  conssejo. 


Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espana  guarde  la  zedula  en  esta  incerta  ssobre  el 
aumento  y  alivio  de  los  Yndios  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  y  ynforme  ssobre 
ello  como  esta  mandado.1    [Madrid,  24  de  Julio  de  1652.'] 

El  Rey.  .  .  .  yo  (el  Rey)  mande  dar  la  zedula  del  thenor  siguiente: 
El  Rey :  Conde  de  Alva  de  Salbatierra  etc. :  en  una  carta  que  me  escrivio, 
el  lizenciado  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Vaesa,  Presidente  de  la  Audiencia 
de  Guadalaxara  en  veinteicinco  del  mes  de  febrero  del  ano  pasado  de  1645, 
en  que  me  da  quenta  de  la  universal  del  govierno  de  aquella  provincia, 
y  lo  que  havia  dispuesto  cerca  de  ello ;  dize  particularmente  en  dos  capi- 
tulos  de  dicha  carta,  que  los  tributos  que  de  su  contribucion  resultan  son 
tan  solamente  en  cantidad  de  cinco  mill  y  tantos  pessos,  cosa  poco  con- 

k  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  alsamiento  ". 
*A.  G.  I,  103-3-1. 


Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  1652  17.) 

marks.  You  conclude  by  saying  that  fear  of  those  barbarians  is  depopu- 
lating that  kingdom,  and  you  ask  me  to  command  that  the  remedy  which 
seems  most  fitting  be  applied. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  in  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies, 
together  with  that  which  my  fiscal  of  the  Council  cared  to  say  concerning 
it,  [it  has  seemed  wise]  although  under  this  same  date  I  am  commanding 
my  viceroy  of  New  Spain  to  inform  me  concerning  all  the  above  matters, 
to  order  and  command  you,  as  I  do,  to  send  to  my  Council  on  the  first 
opportunity,  in  care  of  my  secretary,  the  undersigned,  the  capitulation 
which  you  say  Don  Pedro  de  Perea  made  in  the  year  1636  with  my  vice- 
roy, the  Marquis  of  Cadereita,  concerning  the  settlement  in  the  province 
of  Sonora;  for  you  did  not  send  it  with  the  autos  which  you  remitted 
with  the  said  letter,  nor  is  it  to  be  found  among  those  written  to  me  by 
the  Marquis  of  Cadereita. 

As  to  the  contents  of  the  autos  which  you  sent  concerning  the  revolt  of 
the  Tarahumares,79  and  the  measures  which  have  been  taken  to  preserve 
the  town  of  Aguilar  and  to  punish  the  perpetrators  of  the  death  of  Father 
Cornelio  Godines,  missionary  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  I  command  that 
you  continue  the  efforts  which  you  say  you  are  making  until  a  secure 
peace  has  been  achieved,  and  that  you  endeavor  to  accomplish  this  pacifi- 
cation and  reduction  with  the  least  number  of  deaths  of  Indians  that  is 
possible,  first  using  the  mild  methods  of  friendship  and  kind  treatment 
toward  them,  this  being  acceptable  to  the  service  of  God  and  myself. 
I  am  also  writing  to  my  viceroy,  with  whom  you  are  to  co-operate  in  this 
work,  asking  him  to  order  everything  in  the  way  of  reinforcements 
which  you  may  need  in  the  regions  which  appertain  to  his  government, 
disposing  them  in  such  ways  as  may  best  aid  in  obtaining  the  desired  end. 
You  will  report  to  me  what  you  are  doing,  in  order  that  my  Council, 
having  knowledge  of  it,  may  order  what  is  most  fitting.  From  Buen 
Retiro,  May  23,  1652.  I  the  King.  By  command  of  the  king,  our  lord, 
Gregorio  de  Leguia.  Signed  by  the  members  of  the  Council. 


To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  observe  the  cedilla  inclosed 
herewith  concerning  the  improvement  and  relief  of  the  Indians  of 
Nueva  Galicia,  and  to  report  on  the  situation  as  he  has  been  com- 
manded.   [Madrid,  July  24,  16 52.] 

The  King.  ...  I,  the  King,  ordered  a  cedula  of  the  following  tenor 
to  be  issued:  The  King:  Count  of  Alva  de  Salvatierra : 80  In  a  letter 
written  to  me  by  the  licenciado  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Baeza,81  presi- 
dent of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  on  February  25,  of  the  past  year, 
1645,  m  which  he  gives  an  account  of  the  entire  governmental  situation 
of  that  province,  and  relates  what  he  has  done  concerning  that  situation, 
he  says  specifically  in  two  articles  of  the  letter,  that  the  tributes  collected 
within  his  territory  amount  only  to  the  sum  of  five  thousand  and  odd 
pesos,  which  is  an  insignificant  figure,  yet  in  its  collection  the  Indians 
suffer  many  extortions  and  such  damages  that  each  of  them  lives  in  such 
13 


180  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

siderable,  enpero  que  en  su  cobranza  padecen  los  Yndios  muchas  estor- 
ciones  y  darios  tales  que  para  la  paga  de  lo  que  le  toca  vive  cada  Uno  de 
ellos  en  tan  notable  angustia,  que  le  pareze  no  a  de  poder  cumplir  con  ello ; 
siendo  assi  que  con  las  molestias  de  la  cobranza,  y  otros  d?iios  que  jun- 
tamente  padezen,  y  an  sentido  assi  de  los  temporales,  como  en  la  labor  de 
las  minas  y  rrepartimientos,  se  hallan  en  estado  de  extinguirse,  totalmente, 
y  la  lastima  y  compassion  de  verlos  padezer  y  morir,  obliga  a  que  (si 
fuese  posible  sin  mas  inconveniente)  del  que  resultaria  en  la  perdida  de 
los  tributes,  6  parte  de  ellos,  se  procurase  el  aliviarles  de  esta  carga;  lo 
qual  seria  la  total  redempcion  de  aquellos  miserables ;  que  con  esto,  lo  que 
asta  aora  a  sido  deminuyccion,  en  lo  de  adelante  seria  crecimiento  y  en- 
tonces  se  sacaria  lo  que  en  esse  tiempo  se  menoscavase  de  mi  Real  Hazi- 
enda ;  Y  anade  aunque  reconoze  que  de  quitar  aquellos  repartimientos,  se 
pueden  seguir  algunas  descomodidades  a  el  y  a  los  demas  oydores  de  la 
Audiencia  tiene  por  facil  el  tolerarlas  por  grandes  que  sean,  por  escusarla 
menos  que  se  puede  seguir  a  los  Yndios,  mayormente  quando  son  tan 
conforme  a  los  disposiciones  i  ordenes  nuestras ;  Y  haviendo  Visto  en  mi 
consejo  Real  de  las  Yndias,  con  lo  que  acerca  de  ello,  dijo  el  lizenciado 
Don  Geronimo  Camargo  mi  fiscal  en  el,  i  consultadoseme  todo  lo  que 
en  la  materia  se  ofrecio  e  considerando  que  segun  consta  por  Vuestra  zer- 
tificacion  de  Hernando  de  Mujica,  contador  de  mi  Real  Hazienda  de 
aquella  caja,  que,  en  ciento  y  ochenta  y  quatro  pueblos,  los  treinta  y  tres 
de  ellos  de  encomienda,  ay  dos  mil  seiscientos  y  quarenta  Yndios  tribu- 
taries; cuyo  repartimiento,  entre  todos  monta  cinco  mil  trescientos  y 
noventa  y  dos  pesos,  siete  tomines,  y  seis  granos  en  cada  un  ano,  que  es 
de  la  suma  que  el  Pressidente  propone,  sseria  bien  aliviar  a  los  dichos 
Yndios,  Y  que  segun  lo  que  de  aqui  resulta  se  manifiesta  claro  la  miseria 
grande  que  padezen  aquellos  pobres  vasallos,  pues  aun  siendo  tan  limitado 
el  tributo  que  pagan  les  es  tan  gravoso  y  molesto,  como  lo  pondera  el  presi- 
dente,  tanto  que  se  puede  presumir  que  esta  carga  les  abra  ocasionado  la 
despoblacion ;  Y  considerando  tambien  que  en  otra  ocasion  que  se  tubo 
noticia  del  excesso  con  que  se  procedia  en  esa  Nueva  Espana  (asi  por  los 
ministros  como  por  los  naturales  de  las  provincias  della)  en  quanto  al 
servicio  personal  de  los  Yndios  en  sus  casas  y  en  los  obrajes  gravandolos 
con  penosas  tareas,  y  otras  Molestas  fatigas,  se  despacho  una  zedula  en 
treinta  de  Julio  del  ano  de  1627,  dirigida  al  Marques  de  Cerrajero  mi 
Virrey  que  entonces  era  en  que  expressamente  le  ordene  con  palabras  de 
mucha  ponderacion  que  puse  en  ella  de  mi  Real  mano  que  sin  excussa  ni 
omission  alguna  ordenasse  que  se  executasse  y  cobrasse  lo  dispuesto  Y 
mando  en  otra  zedula  general  que  con  mucho  acuerdo  se  despacho  el  ano 
de  seiscientos  y  nueve  en  la  qual  se  proibe  el  Servicio  personal  de  los 
Yndios  y  Considerando  tambien  las  necesidades  y  aprietos  presentes  Con 
que  me  hallo  con  tantos  exercitos  en  espana  y  fuera  della  He  resuelto  de 
ordenaros  y  mandaros  (como  lo  hago)  leais  atentamente  Los  dos  capi- 
tulos  Ynclussos  de  la  Carta  del  Pressidente  de  Guadalaxara;  y  asimismo 
la  cedula  de  treinta  de  Julio  de  627  y  con  muy  particular  especulacion  y 
cuydado  os  entereis  de  los  dafios  que  padezen  los  Yndios  de  la  Provincia 
de  Guadalaxara  por  caussa  de  los  tributos  que  pagan  inquiriendo  si  estos 
Les  son  tan  gravosos  i  intolerables  que  Excedan  a  su  impossibilidad,  o  si 


Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  1652  181 

constant  anxiety  concerning  what  he  has  to  pay  that  it  seems  to  him  to  be 
impossible  to  comply  with  it.  Indeed,  because  of  the  trouble  caused  them 
in  the  collection  of  the  tribute,  combined  with  other  injuries  from  which 
they  also  suffer  and  have  experienced  from  storms  and  hard  work  in  the 
mines  and  on  the  rcpariiiiiicntos,  they  are  about  to  be  entirely  annihilated ; 
and  the  pity  and  compassion  [which  he  feels]  at  seeing  them  suffer  and 
die  leads  him  to  suggest  that  (if  it  can  be  done  without  great  inconveni- 
ence) effort  should  be  made  to  relieve  them  from  all  or  a  part  of  the 
burden  of  the  tributes.  The  result  would  be  the  entire  rehabilitation  of 
those  miserable  people,  for,  instead  of  decreasing  as  they  have  until  now, 
they  would  in  the  future  increase,  and  then  it  would  be  possible  to  recover 
which  might  be  lost  to  my  real  hacienda  in  the  interval. 

He  adds  that  although  he  recognizes  that  the  abolition  of  those  repar- 
timientos  might  lead  to  some  inconvenience  to  himself  and  to  the  other 
oidores  of  the  audiencia,  yet  he  considers  that  it  could  easily  be  borne, 
however  great  it  might  be,  inasmuch  as  it  would  prevent  the  further 
impoverishment  of  the  Indians,  they  being,  as  they  are,  so  well  disposed 
toward  our  orders  and  commands. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies, 
together  with  what  my  fiscal  of  the  Council,  Don  Geronimo  Camargo, 
said  concerning  it;  and  consultation  having  been  held  with  me  on  all 
aspects  of  the  situation ;  and,  in  view  of  the  fact  that,  as  appears  by  your 
affidavit  from  Hernando  de  Mujica,  cashier  of  my  real  hacienda  at  that 
depository,  there  are  in  184  towns,  33  of  them  being  in  encomienda,  2640 
tributary  Indians,  the  repartimiento  of  whom  amounts  in  all  to  5392 
pesos,  7  tomines,  6  grains  per  year — approximately  the  sum  which  the 
president  suggests  should  be  remitted  for  the  alleviation  of  the  Indians ; 
and,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  great  misery  which  these  poor  vassals 
suffer  is  clearly  manifested  by  the  evidence,  for,  although  the  tribute  they 
pay  is  so  little,  yet  it  is  so  heavy  and  troublesome  to  them,  as  the  president 
emphatically  says,  that  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  this  tax  has  perhaps 
caused  the  depopulation  of  the  district;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  also  that 
on  another  occasion  when  word  was  received  of  the  harsh  measures  used 
in  New  Spain  (by  the  ministers  and  the  natives  of  the  province  alike) 
in  the  matter  of  personal  service  from  the  Indians  in  the  homes  [of 
Spaniards]  and  on  outside  work,  heavy  tasks  and  other  fatiguing  bur- 
dens being  laid  upon  them,  a  cedula  was  issued  on  July  30,  1627,  directed 
to  the  Marquis  of  Cerralvo,82  then  my  viceroy,  in  which  I  expressly 
ordered  him,  in  words  of  great  weight,  which  I  put  into  it  with  my  royal 
hand,  that,  without  excuse  or  omission  whatever,  he  should  order  to  be 
executed  and  collected  that  which  had  been  decreed;  and  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  I  ordered  in  another  general  cedula  which  was  despatched  in 
1609,  after  much  consultation,  wherein  personal  service  from  the  Indians 
is  prohibited ;  and  considering  also  the  present  necessity  and  stress  under 
which  I  find  myself  from  providing  for  such  large  armies  both  in  and  out 
of  Spain: 

I  have  resolved  to  command  and  order  you,  as  I  do,  to  read  attentively 
the  two  articles  herewith  inclosed  from  the  letter  of  the  president  of 
Guadalajara;  also  the  cedula  of  July  30,  1627;  and,  with  particular  care 


182  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

acaso  procede  del  dano  de  las  molestias  que  les  hazen  los  cobradores,  y  si 
abria  medio  para  hazer  la  cobranza  con  tal  suabidad  que  no  les  f  uese  tan 
sensible  el  tributo  pues  siendo  tan  corto  no  parece  que  es  ella  causa  total 
que  los  impossibilita  Sino  que  por  bentura  y  como  lo  quiere  apuntar  a 
dezir  el  Pressidente,  Los  cobradores  deben  de  hazer  grangeria  de  Im- 
possibilitarlos  por  tenerlos  mas  sugetos  para  sus  ussos  y  siendo  esto  assi 
constando  os  de  ello  procurareis  con  particular  Cuydado  y  comunicacion 
del  mismo  Presidente  hallar  medio  para  que  el  tributo  se  cobre  sin  molestia 
de  los  Vasallos;  porque  si  esto  bastare  para  que  el  tributo  pudiere  ser 
cobrable  sin  riesgo  de  la  despoblacion  de  aquellos  naturales  Se  deve  aten- 
der  a  no  minorar  el  Real  haver  por  las  necessidades  presentes ;  empero  si 
todavia  entendierades  Con  ebidencia  que  no  resulta  el  dano  de  la  exac- 
cion  Sino  de  la  carga  del  tributo  y  que  el  es  la  causa  principal  que  enfla- 
queze  y  extingue  a  los  Indios  (o  son  que  la  cobranza  se  aleve)  entonces 
enterrado  bien  destos  motibos  por  lo  mucho  que  se  inclina  mi  Real  clemen- 
cia  a  desear  el  Mayor  Consuelo  y  alivio  de  aquellos  Vassallos  que  tam- 
bien  son  hijos  tengo  por  vien  y  os  mando  que  los  alivieis  de  la  carga  del 
dicho  tributo  en  la  parte  que  Juzgaredes  ser  necesaria  para  su  conserva- 
cion  y  augmento ;  Para  lo  qual  os  concedo  f acultad  y  dexo  a  Vuestra  pru- 
dencia  y  consideracion  la  cantidad,  en  que  los  hubieredes  de  Aliviar  In- 
formandoos  primero  del  Pressidente  de  aquella  Audiencia  del  Obispo  y 
de  las  otras  personas  que  alii  ubiere  de  mas  satisfaccion,  para  que  (sin 
perder  de  vista  las  necessidades  de  mi  Real  Hazienda)  en  lo  que  se  pu- 
dieren  Conpadecer  con  el  alibio  de  aquellos  pobres  Yndios  Basallos  mios 
como  he  dicho  se  consiga  lo  que  en  primer  lugar  sea  de  procurar  por  qual- 
quier  via,  el  consuelo  y  alibio  de  aquellos  y  me  dareis  quenta  de  lo  que 
en  esto  executaredes  y  tambien  de  lo  que  se  obiere  obrado  en  execucion 
y  cumplimento  de  la  dicha  mi  Cedula  que  ba  citado  de  tres  de  Julio  de 
627  y  si  la  teneis  presente  para  executarla  de  que  particularmente  me 
avisareis — fecha  en  Madrid  a  20  de  Diziembre  1646 — Yo  el  Rey. 

Y  Porque  ultimamente  en  carta  que  me  escrivio  Don  Geronimo  de 
Alcate  fiscal  de  mi  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  en  veinte  y  ocho  de  Octubre 
de  seiscientos  y  quarenta  y  ocho  que  la  duplico  en  quatro  de  Abril  de  649 
y  es  duplicado  de  la  que  sobre  lo  mismo  que  contiene  la  cedula  que  en 
esta  ba  Ynserta  havia  escrito  en  17  de  Abril  del  mismo  afio  de  48  ynforma 
lo  que  se  le  ofrece  sobre  que  no  combiene  remitir  Los  tributos  que  pagan 
los  Indios  de  las  dichas  Provincias  de  Guadalaxara  y  que  se  mandasse 
quitar  Con  efecto  el  repartimiento  y  servicio  personal  por  las  razones  que 
refiere  en  la  dicha  carta  que  el  dicho  mi  fiscal  me  escrivio  Con  vista  de  una 
Copia  de  la  Cedula  aqui  ynserta  que  el  dicho  mi  virrey  Imbio  al  Pressi- 
dente de  mi  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara ;  Y  haviendose  visto  por  los  del  mi 
Consejo  Real  de  las  Yndias  Con  los  papeles  de  la  matheria  y  lo  que  pidio 
mi  fiscal  en  el  y  reconocidose  que  el  dicho  mi  Virrey  Conde  de  Salvatierra 
ni  el  presidente  y  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  no  a  respondido  asta  aora 
a  la  cedula  aqui  inserta  Lo  qual  se  a  extranado  en  el  dicho  mi  consejo  y 
para  remedio  de  la  omission  que  en  esto  a  avido,  os  mando  que  luego  que 
recivais  esta  trateis  de  la  execucion  de  lo  que  en  ella  va  inserta  y  me  remi- 
tais  los  ynformes  que  sobre  lo  que  contiene  estan  pedidos  con  Vuestro 


Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia,  1652  183 

and  attention,  inform  yourself  as  to  the  injuries  that  the  Indians  of  the 
province  of  Guadalajara  suffer  on  account  of  the  tributes  which  they  pay, 
inquiring  whether  these  be  so  heavy  and  intolerable  to  the  Indians  that 
they  cannot  possibly  be  paid,  or  whether  perhaps  the  difficulty  arises  from 
the  trouble  which  the  collectors  cause  them,  and  whether  there  is  any 
method  whereby  the  collection  can  be  effected  with  such  suavity  that  the 
tribute  would  not  be  so  burdensome  to  them,  for,  since  it  is  so  little,  it 
cannot  be  that  it  is  the  sole  reason  why  they  cannot  pay  it ;  rather,  perhaps, 
as  the  president  suggests,  the  collectors  must  be  making  a  business  of 
mulcting  the  Indians  so  as  to  have  them  more  completely  under  control. 

If  this  is  true  and  you  know  it  is  true,  you  will  endeavor,  carefully  and 
in  co-operation  with  the  president,  to  find  some  means  whereby  the  tribute 
may  be  collected  without  hardship  to  the  vassals;  for,  if  it  can  be  ar- 
ranged so  that  the  tribute  can  be  collected  without  risk  of  despoiling  those 
natives,  care  should  be  taken  for  the  sake  of  present  needs  not  to  dimin- 
ish the  royal  income.  If,  however,  you  secure  evidence  that  the  injury 
does  not  come  from  the  collection  but  from  the  imposition  of  the  tribute, 
and  that  it  in  itself  is  the  principal  cause  of  the  weakening  of  the  Indians 
(or  the  reason  why  the  imposition  should  be  lessened),  then,  if  you  are 
thoroughly  convinced  that  such  is  the  case,  I  think  it  wise  and  do  com- 
mand that,  on  account  of  the  intensity  with  which  my  royal  clemency 
desires  the  utmost  consolation  and  relief  of  those  vassals  whom  I  con- 
sider as  my  children,  you  relieve  them  of  such  part  of  the  tribute  as  you 
think  necessary  for  their  preservation  and  advancement.  To  this  end  I 
give  you  authority,  and  leave  to  your  prudence  and  judgment  the  amount 
by  which  the  tax  should  be  reduced,  you  first  to  take  counsel  with  the 
president  of  the  audiencia,  the  bishop,  and  other  well-informed  persons 
there,  in  order  "that  (without  losing  sight  of  the  necessities  of  my  real 
hacienda)  in  accord  with  their  solicitude  for  the  relief  of  those  poor  In- 
dian vassals  of  mine,  we  may,  as  I  have  said,  achieve  what  is,  above  all, 
to  be  attained  in  some  way,  namely,  their  consolation  and  relief.  You  will 
give  me  an  account  of  what  you  do  in  this  matter,  and  also  of  what  may 
have  been  done  in  compliance  with  my  cedula  of  July  3,  1627,  cited  above; 
if  you  are  actually  engaged  in  the  fulfillment  of  it,  you  will  give  me  an 
exact  account  of  just  what  you  are  doing.  Dated  at  Madrid,  December  20, 
1646.   I  the  King. 

Now  therefore,  inasmuch  as  Don  Geronimo  de  Alzate,  fiscal  of  my 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  on  October  28, 
1648 — duplicated  on  April  4,  1649,  which  again  is  a  duplicate  of  what 
he  had  written  concerning  the  contents  of  the  cedula  herewith  enclosed 
on  April  17  of  the  first-named  year,  1648 — reports  his  opinion  that  it  is 
not  desirable  to  remit  the  tributes  paid  by  the  Indians  of  the  provinces 
of  Guadalajara  but  to  abolish  in  effect  the  repartimiento  and  personal 
service,  for  the  reasons  which  the  fiscal  sets  forth  in  the  letter  which  he 
wrote  to  me,  having  before  him  a  copy  of  the  cedula  herewith  inclosed 
which  the  viceroy  sent  to  the  president  of  my  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara; 
and  the  members  of  my  royal  Council  of  the  Indies  having  considered  the 
papers  relative  to  the  matter,  together  with  the  request  of  my  fiscal  of  the 
Council,  and  it  having  been  noted  that  neither  my  viceroy,  the  Count  of 


184  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

parecer  para  que  visto  por  los  del  dicho  mi  consejo  se  provea  lo  que  com- 
benga. — fecha  en  Madrid  a  24  de  Julio  de  1652. — Yo  el  REY.m 


La  Ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  23  de  Agosto  de  1664.  A  su  Magestad. 
Recibida  jo  mayo  665* 

Sefior:  Esta  Ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  recibio  la  cedula  rreal  en  que 
Vuestra  Magestad  se  sirve  mandar  informe  la  audiencia  y  cavildo  eclesi- 
astico,  sobre  tener  la  alondiga  que  suplico  esta  giudad  a  Vuestra  Magestad 
para  sus  propios  y  por  el  brebe  despacho  de  las  Ureas  los  a  quien  toca  in- 
formar  le  embiaran  en  otra  Ocasion. 

Bolvemos  a  Rendir  las  gracias  a  Vuestra  Magestad  de  la  mersed  que 
nos  hiso  de  embiar  por  Governador  y  presidente  de  esta  rreal  audiencia 
a  el  Lizenciado  don  Antonio  albares  de  castro  de  cuia  entrada  y  prin- 
gipio  dio  esta  giudad  quenta  a  Vuestra  Magestad  y  despues  lo  a  continuado 
con  su  pasifico  govierno,  dando  los  ofisios,  a  los  mas  benemeritos  y  nobles, 
y  lo  mismo  los  Curatos  en  hijos  patrimoniales  de  esta  tierra,  amparando 
los  indios  mineros  y  los  que  lo  sirben  para  que  rrindad  °  a  Vuestra  Mages- 
tad muchos  quintos.  El  despacho  de  la  audiencia  y  governacion  es  el  mas 
pronto  que  se  a  visto  y  que  no  pase  de  los  derechos  hordinarios ;  a  hecho 
buscar  con  gran  cuidado,  los  salteadores,  y  traer  presos  de  otras  provin- 
cias  y  para  que  no,  aia  los,  hurtos  y  quemas  que  solia  haver  de  noche  en 
las  puertas,  de  tiendas ;  ha  mandado  roden  p  por  sus  dias  los  de  el  comer- 
sio  de  que  se  consigue  otro  fin  que  no  se  defraudan  las  alcavalas  ni  entran 
de  noche  las  mercadurias.  ha  hecho  Reedificar  el  hospital  rreal  de  san 
Miguel  y  siendo  asi  que  antes,  no  acudian  enfermos  por  el  mal  avio  que 
havia,  ahora,  les,  a  Reedificado  la  Casa  y  Capilla  y  los  difuntos  que  antes 
se  Solian  enterrar  en  un  Corral  a  hecho  se  entierren,  en  la  Yglesia  maior, 
hisoles  comprar  Ropa,  sirvientes  y  las  mas  menesteres  nesesarias,  Con 
que  oi  es  el  Reparo  publico  de  los  pobres  en  gran  bien  de  esta  giudad,  a 
Cuios  Veginos  y  mineros  a  asistido  en  quanto  fue  posible,  en  las  grandes, 
Vexaciones  y  estorsiones  que  les  hiso  aqui,  un  Jues  de  el  Visitador  don 
francisco  Valles,  que  si  el  dicho  don  francisco  y  el  Virrei  conde  de  banos, 
hubieran  seguido  el  dictamen,  de  el  presidente  se  hubiera  librado  la  pro- 
vingia  de  tantas  calamidades,  los  indios  y  sirbientes  no  se  hubieran  huido 
de  las  hagiendas  de  las  minas,  los  quintos  Reales  hubieran  Cresido  i  igua- 
na F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 
n  A.  G.  L,  66-6-19. 

0  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  rindan  ". 
9  Probably  "  ronden  "  is  meant. 


City  of  Guadalajara,  1664  185 

Salvatierra,83  nor  the  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  have  yet 
replied  to  the  cedula  herewith  inserted,  whereat  my  Council  has  expressed 
its  surprise ;  in  view  of  all  these  things,  I  command  you,  for  the  remedy 
of  the  omission  which  has  occurred  in  this  matter,  that  as  soon  as  you  re- 
ceive this  cedula  you  proceed  to  execute  the  orders  contained  in  it,  and 
send  me  the  reports  ordered  concerning  its  contents  together  with  your 
opinion,  in  order  that  the  matter  may  be  considered  by  the  members 
of  my  Council  and  suitable  orders  may  be  issued.  Dated  at  Madrid, 
July  24,  1652.  I  the  King. 


The  City  of  Guadalajara.   August  23,  1664.    To  his  Majesty.   Received 

May  30,  1665. 

Sir:  This  city  of  Guadalajara  received  the  cedula  in  which  your 
Majesty  was  pleased  to  order  the  audiencia  and  the  ecclesiastical  chapter 
to  make  a  report  concerning  a  public  granary  of  its  own  for  which  this 
city  petitioned  your  Majesty.  On  account  of  the  early  departure  of  the 
store-ships,  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  make  the  report  will  send  it  on 
another  occasion. 

We  again  render  thanks  to  your  Majesty  for  the  favor  which  you  did 
us  in  sending  as  governor  and  president  of  this  royal  audiencia  the 
licenciado  Don  Antonio  Alvares  de  Castro,  of  whose  arrival  and  inau- 
guration this  city  gave  account  to  your  Majesty.  He  has  since  continued 
his  beneficent  rule,  giving  the  offices  to  the  most  worthy  and  honorable, 
and  likewise  the  curacies  to  the  native  born  sons  of  this  country,  and  pro- 
tecting the  Indian  miners  and  those  who  serve,  so  that  they  may  render 
to  your  Majesty  many  fifths. 

The  administration  of  the  audiencia  and  government  is  the  most  expe- 
ditious that  has  been  experienced,  without  going  beyond  common  rights ; 
he  has  taken  great  care  to  look  for  highwaymen  and  to  bring  prisoners 
from  other  provinces;  and,  to  prevent  the  robberies  and  fires  that  often 
occurred  at  night  in  the  doors  of  the  shops,  he  has  ordered  that  those  of 
the  business  section  be  patrolled  daily.  By  so  doing  still  another  end  has 
been  gained,  namely,  the  prevention  of  fraudulent  evasion  of  the  excise 
tax,  and  the  introduction  of  merchandise  by  night.  He  has  caused  to  be 
rebuilt  the  royal  hospital  of  San  Miguel,  which  previously  was  in  such  a 
condition  that  the  sick  did  not  apply  for  help  there  because  of  the  poor 
accommodations.  He  has  now  re-erected  the  house  and  chapel  for  them, 
and  the  dead,  whom  it  was  customary  formerly  to  bury  in  a  corral,  are 
now  buried  in  the  main  church.  He  caused  clothing  to  be  bought  for  them 
and  attendants  and  other  principal  necessaries  to  be  provided,  and  it  is 
to-day  the  public  refuge  of  the  poor  and  a  great  benefit  to  this  city.  He 
has  also  aided  the  citizens  and  miners,  as  much  as  was  possible,  in  the 
great  oppressions  and  extortions  which  a  judge  of  the  inspector,  Don 
Francisco  Valles,  imposed  upon  them.  If  the  said  Don  Francisco  and  the 
viceroy,  the  Count  of  Banos,84  had  followed  the  advice  of  the  president, 
the  province  would  have  escaped  those  great  calamities,  the  Indians  and 


186  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

lado  este  ano  el  enbio  de  plata  a  el  pasado  que  con  su  cuidado  de  el  presi- 
dente  fue  por  solo  en  costas  de  salarios  de  un  ano  llebo  el  jues  mas  de  ocho 
mil  y  tantos  pesos  para  lo  qual,  cobro  mas  de  trese  mil  pesos  que  cada  peso, 
con  las  estorsiones  y  Vexagiones  se  triplicaba  a  la  parte ;  Y  al  fin  el  presi- 
dente  es  amigo  de  pobres  y  gente  noble,  mui  facil  en  las  audiencias,  Cuida 
mucho  de  el  buen  cobro  de  lo  que  se  deve,  a  esta  Ciudad,  y  su  augmento. 
Portase  con  gran  Lusimiento  en  su  Casa,  coches,  y  criados,  es  amado 
generalmente,  de  estos  Vecjnos  y  Reino  con  general  aplauso  por  su  gran, 
desinteres  y  apasibilidad,  de  que  damos  quenta  a  Vuestra  Magestad  que 
guarde  Dios  Como  la  christiandad,  a  menester :  Guadalaxara  y  agosto  2$ 
de  1664  afios. 

Sus  leales  Vasallos  de  Vuestra  magestad,  Don  Fernando  Calderon 
y  Solis;  Don  Juan  de  Ulloa  y  Lisana;  Diego  Perez  de  Rivera. 
[Todos  con  sus  rubricas.~\ 

[Al  mar  gen  se  lee:'] 

Que  a  dado  los  oficios  a  los  mas  benemeritos. 

Y  los  curatos  a  hijos  patrimoniales  de  la  tierra.  Ampara  los  indios  Y 
mineros  para  que  se  aumenten  los  quintos  Reales. 

Se  buscan  por  su  orden  los  salteadores. 

Hase  que  se  ronde  para  escusar  los  hurtos,  que  de  noche  se  hasian  en 
las  tiendas. 

A  hecho  reedificar  el  ospital  casa  Y  capilla.  Los  difuntos  que  se  enter- 
raban  en  un  corral  se  entierran  ya  en  la  Yglesia. 

Probeyo  de  Ropa  Y  todo  lo  nescesario  a  el  ospital.  A  asistido  a  los 
mineros  todo  lo  posible  contra  las  vexaciones  que  hiso  el  visitador  que 
envio  Don  francisco  balles  que  ocasiono  ser  el  envio  mas  corto  que  el 
conste  porque  de  solos  sus  salarios  llebo  8  mil  pesos. 

Es  amigo  de  los  Pobres  y  Gente  noble  facil  en  las  audiencias  portase 
con  gran  lucimiento  ampara  a  la  Ciudad  Con  jeneral  aplauso  por  su 
afabilidad  Y  agrado. 

[Al  dorso  se  lee:'] 

Que  se  de  priesa  para  que  lo  embie,  Sefioria :  esta  carta  escrivio  la  audi- 
encia  en  17  de  nobiembre  de  664. 

Que  lo  Vea  el  sefior  fiscal  con  lo  demas  que  huviere  en  la  materia. 
[Una  riibrica.] 

Esta  Carta  se  a  de  juntar  Con  las  que  se  llevaron  en  6  de  Junio  al  sefior 
fiscal  de  la  audiencia  en  que  se  que j  an  del  mal  govierno  de  Don  Antonio 
alvarez  y  dan  quenta  de  los  exgesos  que  Comete  y  con  otra  de  Don  fran- 
cisco balles  de  18  de  febrero  de  665  en  que  trata  de  la  Visita  de  guada- 
lajara  y  sus  cajas.  Y  esta  asi  mismo  en  poder  del  sefior  fiscal  desde  7  de 
Junio  de  665. 


City  of  Guadalajara,  1664  187 

servants  would  not  have  fled  from  the  mining  establishments,  the  royal 
tithes  would  have  increased,  and  the  shipment  of  silver  this  year  would 
have  equalled  what  it  was  last  year  under  the  management  of  the  presi- 
dent. Solely  for  the  expense  of  salaries  the  judge  took  in  one  year 
8000-odd  pesos,  for  which  he  collected  more  than  13,000  pesos,  every 
one  of  which,  on  account  of  the  vexations  and  annoyances  on  its  part, 
[seemed]  to  be  tripled. 

Finally,  the  president  is  a  friend  of  both  poor  and  noble  people,  is  easy 
of  access  in  his  audiences,  and  is  solicitous  in  the  collection  of  all  that  is 
owing  to  this  city;  and  in  its  advancement.  He  keeps  his  house,  carriages, 
and  servants  in  great  splendor,  is  generally  loved,  and  from  these  citizens 
and  [this]  kingdom  [he  inspires]  general  applause  on  account  of  his  great 
disinterestedness  and  affability.  Of  this  we  give  account  to  your  Majesty, 
whom  may  God  guard,  as  Christianity  has  need  for.  Guadalajara, 
August  23,  1664. 

The  loyal  subjects  of  your  Majesty,  Don  Fernando  Calderon  y 
Solis;  Don  Juan  de  Ulloa  y  Lisana;  Diego  Perez  de  Rivera.  [All 
signed  with  rubrics.'] 

[In  the  margin  it  reads:"] 

He  has  given  the  offices  to  the  most  deserving  and  the  curacies  to  the 
native  born  sons  of  the  country.  He  protects  the  Indians  and  miners  so 
that  the  royal  tithes  may  be  increased. 

By  his  order  highwaymen  are  sought  out. 

He  causes  patrols  to  be  made  to  prevent  the  robberies  that  by  night  were 
wont  to  occur  in  the  stores. 

He  has  caused  the  hospital,  house,  and  chapel  to  be  rebuilt.  The  dead, 
who  were  [formerly]  interred  in  a  corral,  are  now  buried  in  the  church. 

He  provided  the  hospital  with  clothing  and  all  necessaries.  He  has 
aided  the  miners  as  far  as  possible  against  the  extortions  practised  by  the 
inspector  sent  by  Don  Francisco  Valles,  who  caused  the  shipment  to  be 
less  than  usual.  This  is  evident,  because  he  carried  off,  for  their  salaries 
alone,  8000  pesos. 

He  is  a  friend  of  the  poor  and  of  noble  people,  is  easy  of  access  in  the 
audiences,  maintains  himself  in  great  splendor,  and  protects  the  city,  with 
general  applause  for  his  affability  and  agreeableness. 

[On  the  back  it  reads:] 

Let  haste  be  made  so  that  it  may  be  sent  to  his  lordship.  The  audiencia 
wrote  this  letter  on  November  17,  1664. 

Let  the  fiscal  see  it  with  the  rest  that  there  may  be  on  the  matter. 
[A  rubric] 

This  letter  is  to  be  added  to  those  that  were  taken  on  the  sixth  of  June 
to  the  senor  fiscal  of  the  audiencia,  in  which  complaints  are  made  of  the 
bad  government  of  Don  Antonio  Alvares  and  account  is  given  of  the 
excesses  committed  by  him,  and  with  another  of  Don  Francisco  Valles  of 
February  18,  1665,  in  which  he  treats  of  the  inspection  of  Guadalajara 
and  its  funds.  It  is  likewise  in  the  possession  of  the  senor  fiscal  since 
June  7,  1665. 


Seiior  fiscal 


188  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

[Inform*  del  Gobemador  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  al  Seiior  Virrey. 
El  Parral,  12  de  Mar 20  de  i66y.~\q 

Luego  que  llegue  a  este  govierno  Di  quenta,  a  Vuestra  Senoria  del 
estado  en  que  se  allava  este  Reino  y  sus  provinzias,  y  de  la  Ressidenzia 
de  mi  antesesor  que  se  me  encargo,  y  por  si  con  la  perdida  del  havisso, 
y  la  inquietud  que  los  yndios  ocasionan  no  an  llegado  los  Pliegos  a  tiempo 
de  flota,  y  que  les  ayan  cogido  los  compreendidos  en  la  comission  pues 
llevando  estos  mismos  despachos,  le  mataron  o  ellos  o  los  enemigos,  sin 
poderse  averiguar  asta  oy  quien  aya  sido,  Doi  segunda  vez  quenta  de  todo 
al  Consejo,  asi  en  lo  que  toca,  a  lo  militar  como  a  lo  Politico,  y  espero 
en  todo  resivir  las  honrras  de  Vuestra  Senoria  en  continuacion  de  las  que 
siempre  se  a  servido  hacerme,  a  que  estare  con  el  Rendido  Reconocimiento 
que  devo  de  servidor  suio : 

Sehor:  llegue  a  este  govierno  a  los  primeros  de  enero  de  66  allandole 
enzendido  en  guerras  que  los  yndios  salineros,  y  cavezas  y  sus  aliados  le 
davan,  haviendo  echo  liga  con  las  naciones  tonoza  yaco- 
clames  y  las  de  su  sequito,  que  son  muchas,  y  antes  de 
haver  llegado  a  este  Real,  quinze  dias  despues  de  haver 
tornado  Posesion  en  Durango  que  esta,  a  la  entrada  de 
este  Reino,  acometieron  estas  naciones  en  el  medio  del  a  los  carros  del 
capitan  Pedro  de  Andrade  que  yba  a  traer  el  agogue  a  este  Real,  dero- 
taronseles,  y  mataron  quanta  gente  y  soldados  llevavan  en  su  defenssa; 
Junte  la  gente  de  guerra  que  pude,  y  Yndios  amigos  (y  aunque  me  allava 
sesenta  leguas  de  donde  havia  sucedido)  le  di  alcanze  en  su  tierra  adonde 
por  la  aspereqa  della  y  por  haverse  puesto  en  huida  se  les  hico  poco  dafio ; 
continue  despues  reconozer  sus  tierras  y  por  donde  haze,  las  entradas  a 
las  de  los  espanoles  y  Yndios  amigos,  Passandome  a  este  Real  adonde  es 
la  continua  avitacion  de  los  governadores,  y  desde  aqui  procure  atajar, 
los  dafios  que  haze  con  sus  entradas,  saliendo  Personalmente  a  todo. 
Y  saviendo  que  la  provincia  de  Conchos  se  alzava  a  ymitacion  de  estotros 
enemigos  y  coligada  con  ellos,  entre  a  su  pacification,  y  la  consegui,  (a 
Dios  grazias)  en  muy  corto  tiempo.  Castigando  las  cavezas  de  su  alza- 
miento;  Siendo  esta  provincia  de  las  mas  ynportantes  a  este  Reino,  por 
lo  que  servia  sus  haciendas  del  campo  y  Plata,  y  totalmente  embarazava, 
el  Comercio  del  a  de  sinaloa  y  del  Reino  del  nuevo  mexico,  Por  ser  Passo 
preziso  a  entrambas  partes;  y  asta  oi  se  ha  echo  esto  sin  anadir  mucho 
gasto  a  su  Magestad  quando,  otras  Provincias  en  seme j antes  ocasiones 
an  costado  un  sinfin  de  hazienda  con  estas  ocasiones  e  logrado  la  de  re- 
conozer todo  este  Reino  y  sus  Provincias  Amigas,  y  enemigas  que  hazen 
yreparables  dafios,  y  mas  sensibles  quando  su  Magestad  gasta  con  la  gente 
de  guerra  lo  que  pudiera  vastar  para  su  remedio  siendo  solo  la  mala  dis- 
pusicion  la  que  ocasiona  estos  dafios;  pues  repartiendose  la  gente  que 
tiene  asta  cien  soldados,  con  quarenta  yndios  amigos,  a  los  parajes  por 
donde  entra,  a  nuestras  tierras  en  diez  atalaias,  en  cada  una  Diez  soldados, 
con  quatro  yndios  amigos,  que  de  una  a  otra  se  den  la  mano,  quedando 
los  enemigos  sujetos  al  cordon  que  forman,  y  seguro  el  comercio  y  todo 

q  A.  G.  I.,  66-6-18. 


Senor  fiscal. 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  1667  189 

[Report  of  Governor  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  85  to  the  senor  viceroy. 
El  Parral,  March  12,  166/.] 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  in  this  government  I  gave  to  your  lordship  an 
account  of  the  state  of  this  kingdom  and  its  provinces,  and  of  the  residen- 
cia  of  my  predecessor,86  which  was  intrusted  to  me.  But.  since  the  des- 
patch may  have  been  lost,  and  since,  on  account  of  Indian  unrest,  the 
papers  [may]  not  have  arrived  in  time  for  the  fleet,  and  since  it  is  not 
known  whether  those  designated  for  this  mission  recovered  the  despatches, 
for  either  one  or  all  were  killed,  as  they  were  carrying  them,  or  else  the 
Indians  were  killed,  and  since  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  which 
[is  the  case],  I  again  make  a  complete  report  to  the  Council  concerning 
military  and  political  matters.  I  hope  to  continue  to  receive  in  all  these 
matters  the  honors  which  your  lordship  has  always  shown  me,  in  the 
expectation  of  which  I  shall  continue  to  display  the  humble  submission 
which  I  owe  as  your  servant. 

Sir:   I  arrived  in  this  government  at  the  beginning  of  January,  1666; 
I  found  it  raging  with  the  wars  which  the  Salineros,  their  chiefs,  and 
their  allies  were  conducting;  they  had  leagued  themselves 
with  the  Tonoza  and  Yacoclames  nations,  and  those  un- 
der their  influence,  who  are  many. 

Before  I  had  reached  this  camp,  two  weeks  after  I  had 
taken  charge  of  the  government  in  Durango,  which  is  near  the  entrance 
of  this  kingdom,  these  nations  made  an  attack,  in  about  the  middle  of  it, 
upon  the  wagons  of  Captain  Pedro  de  Andrade,  who  was  going  to  fetch 
the  quicksilver  for  this  camp.  They  defeated  Andrade  and  killed  all  the 
men  and  the  soldiers  whom  he  had  with  him  for  defense.  I  therefore 
gathered  together  all  the  soldiers  and  Indian  allies  I  could,  and  (although 
I  was  seventy  leagues  away  from  the  scene),  I  overtook  the  Indians  in 
their  own  country,  where,  on  account  of  its  roughness  and  because  the 
Indians  took  to  flight,  I  did  them  little  damage.  I  then  went  on  recon- 
noitring their  country  and  the  place  where  they  make  their  entry  into  the 
lands  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  friendly  Indians.  Thence  I  came  to  this 
camp,  which  is  the  permanent  residence  of  the  governors,  and  from  this 
place  I  attempted  to  restrict  the  damages  which  they  commit  upon  their 
raids,  going  out  personally  in  all  cases. 

Learning  that  the  province  of  Conchos,  in  imitation  of  these  other 
enemies  and  in  league  with  them,  was  in  rebellion,  I  went  into  their  terri- 
tory to  pacify  them.  I  met  with  success  (thanks  to  God),  in  a  short  time, 
punishing  the  leaders  of  their  most  important  uprising.  This  province 
is  one  of  the  most  important  of  this  kingdom,  on  account  of  the  produc- 
tions of  its  farms  and  silver  mines,  and  the  rebellion  was  completely 
checking  its  commerce  with  Sinaloa  and  the  kingdom  of  New  Mexico, 
lying,  as  it  does,  directly  on  the  route  to  each  [province].  Up  to  the 
present  this  has  been  effected  without  much  expense  to  his  Majesty, 
whereas  other  provinces  in  similar  circumstances  have  cost  endless 
treasure. 

In  the  performance  of  these  measures  I  have  had  occasion  to  recon- 
noitre this  entire  kingdom  and  its  pacific  provinces  as  well  as  its  rebellious 


190  Nueva  Viscaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

el  Reino,  allandose  en  la  vereda  Real  las  diez  atalaias,  dividiendo  los 
amigos  de  los  enemigos,  segun  se  muestra  en  un  mapa,  que  Remito  a  ese 
Real  consejo,  que  forme  para  mas  vien  dar  a  entender  el  yntento  y  se- 
guridad  de  uno  y  otro;  y  se  guarnezen  estas  atalaias  sin  anadir  gasto  a 
su  Magestad  mas  que  de  ocho  soldados,  y  seis  mill  pesos  por  una  vez 
Para  la  fabrica  de  las  atalaias  (Como  Vuestra  Senoria  conozera  por  mi 
consulta  que  por  no  cansar  a  Vuestra  Senoria  pues  la  a  dever  no  la  Repito 
en  esta)  con  que  queda  preservado  este  Reino  y  sus  Provincias  a  tan  corta 
dispusicion  y  Gasto,  y  sin  ello  se  espera  cada  dia  su  total  asolazion,  por 
allarse  los  soldados  en  parajes  y  presidios  que  no  sirven;  la  tierra  mui 
dilatada;  el  enemigo  con  gran  cuerpo  y  sin  oposicion  en  sus  fronteras; 
y  asi  espero  y  este  Reino  de  la  Christianidad  de  Vuestra  Senoria  singular 
Celo  al  servicio  de  su  Magestad  y  de  su  grandeza,  su  remedio,  pues  es  el 
mas  opulento  de  la  nueba  Espana. 

En  lo  politico,  Sefior,  haviendome  su  Magestad  encargado  la  residen- 
cia  de  mi  antesesor,  y  que  segun  un  capitulo  de  carta  del  obispo  de 
Durango  averiguase  los  fraudes  que  se  hubiesen  echo  a  la  Real  hazienda, 
y  darios  de  muertes  en  los  naturales,  lo  ejecute  asi,  y  en  lo  que  toco,  a  Don 
francisco  de  gorraiz  mi  antesesor,  esta  sentenciado  menos  en  la  parte  de 
un  donativo  que  pidio  con  ocassion  de  Una  Zedula  de  su  Magestad  sin 
que  judizialmente  constase,  el  haverlo  pedido,  y  haviendole  tornado  su 
declaration  Pareze  no  conbiene  con  las  cantidades  que  declara  haver  per- 
cibido  *ni  con  las  provincias  a  donde  se  pidio,  siendo  mas  las  cantidades 
pedidas  y  las  partes  a  donde  se  pidieron  que  las  que  declara,  a  cuia  ocas- 
sion despache  a  todas  las  provincias  para  la  averiguacion  y  por  estar  tan 
ynfestadas  de  guerras,  no  an  acavado  de  llegar  las  diligenzias,  que  ajus- 
tadas  y  dado  satisfacion  a  la  Real  hazienda  desto,  Remitire  toda  la 
Residencia. 

De  ella  resulto  culpado  el  sargento  Maior  Valerio  Cortes,  que  lo  fue  de 
Don  francisco  gorraiz  por  descargos  suios,  de  haverle  sido  ynovediente,  a 
sus  ordenes,  de  que  Resultaron  graves  danos  y  muertes  de  naturales, 
constando  ser  de  muy  natural,  opuesto  al  govierno  y  servicio  de  su  Mages- 
tad y  tan  sospechosso  en  el  que  llego  a  decir  era  Have  de  este  Reino ;  con- 
tinued la  causa  sobre  todo  y  otros  malos  tratamientos  que  a  los  naturales 
a  echo  el  y  sus  Criados  haviendo  de  ella  Resultado  en  sus  haziendas  los 
alcamientos  de  yndios  que  son  los  que  oi  dan  la  maior  guerra  a  este  Reino ; 
y  ademas  de  su  inquietud,  le  alle  acompafiado  de  dos  hombres  que  tenia 
en  su  cassa,  uno  ecclesiastico  llamado  Don  francisco  de  los  Rios  yntrepi- 
disimo  asi  en  el  pulpito  como  en  el  pueblo,  expulsso  de  la  Compafiia  de 
Jesus,  conzitando,  los  vezinos  de  el  contra  mi  antesesor  de  suerte  que 
temiendome  los  alborotasse  pedi  al  cvispo  en  conssideracion  de  las  zedulas 
y  hordenes  de  su  Magestad  le  mandase  salir  como  lo  hico,  dando  Auto 
para  que  saliese  deste  Reino  y  su  obispado  el  otro  secular  Don  francisco  de 
Somoza,  que  haviendo  traido  ynquieta  la  nueba  Espana  con  sus  atrozi- 
dades,  se  retiro  a  este  Reino  para  continuarlas  o  eximirse  del  castigo  dellas, 
con  qui  en  conserto  A  cassar  una  hija  suia  el  sargento  maior,  y  teniendole 
Preso  y  Provado  todo  haviendo  salido  a  campafia  se  huio  de  la  Carcel, 
y  haviendo  ocurrido  todos  tres  a  la  Audiencia  de  guadalaxara,  sin  mandar 
diese  Razon  porque  prozedia  contra  todos  tres  a  Valerio  Cortes  le  dieron 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  166/  191 

ones,  in  which  irreparable  damages  are  done.  These  are  the  more  serious 
because  his  Majesty  is  spending  on  soldiers  what  should  be  sufficient 
to  effect  the  desired  remedy,  their  unwise  disposal  being  the  only  occasion 
for  these  damages. 

These  forces,  consisting  of  at  least  one  hundred  soldiers  and  forty 
friendly  Indians,  should  be  located  at  the  places  where  the  enemy  enter 
our  lands,  and  in  ten  watch-towers,  each  containing  ten  men  and  four 
friendly  Indians,  in  such  a  manner  that  they  would  support  each  other 
and  keep  the  enemy  subject  to  the  cordon  of  watch-towers  thus  formed  ; 
this  would  make  commerce  safe,  as  well  as  the  entire  kingdom,  for  the 
ten  watch-towers,  placed  upon  the  royal  road,  would  divide  the  enemy 
from  the  friendly  Indians,  as  is  shown  upon  a  map,  which  I  am  sending 
to  that  royal  Council,  which  I  drew  for  the  purpose  of  better  explaining 
the  plan  and  the  security  which  they  offer  each  other.  These  watch- 
towers  can  be  garrisoned  without  added  expense  to  his  Majesty  save  for 
eight  more  soldiers,  and  6000  pesos  at  the  outset  for  the  construction  of 
the  towers  (as  your  lordship  will  understand  from  my  report  which  I 
omit  here  lest  I  tire  your  lordship  unnecessarily). 

With  this  arrangement  the  kingdom  and  its  provinces  will  be  preserved 
at  very  slight  expense  and  with  little  change  in  disposition  of  the  troops. 
If  the  plan  is  not  adopted  our  total  desolation  is  daily  anticipated  because 
the  soldiers  are  placed  in  locations  and  presidios  which  are  of  no  service; 
the  country  is  of  great  extent,  and  the  enemy  has  large  forces  which 
encounter  no  opposition  on  the  frontier.  I  therefore  hope,  as  does  this 
kingdom,  that  the  Christian  spirit  of  your  lordship,  singularly  zealous  for 
the  service  of  his  Majesty  and  his  greatness,  will  provide  its  remedy,  for 
it  is  the  richest  province  of  New  Spain. 

As  to  political  affairs,  Sir,  his  Majesty  intrusted  me  with  the  residencia 
of  my  predecessor,  and,  in  conformity  with  an  article  in  a  letter  from 
the  Bishop  of  Durango,  [ordered  me]  to  investigate  frauds  which  had 
been  committed  in  the  real  hacienda,  and  the  murders  committed  upon 
the  natives.  These  orders,  therefore,  I  executed.  With  regard  to  my 
predecessor,  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez,87  he  has  been  sentenced  except  in 
the  matter  of  a  loan  which  [he  claims]  he  demanded  on  receipt  of  a 
cedula  from  his  Majesty;  without  this  cedula  it  does  not  appear  that  he 
demanded  it  legally.  The  declaration  of  Gorraez  having  been  taken,  it 
appears  that  it  does  not  conform  with  the  amounts  which  he  declares  he 
has  collected  nor  with  the  provinces  in  which  he  asked  for  the  collections, 
the  amounts  being  greater  and  the  provinces  more  numerous  than  he 
acknowledges  in  the  declaration.  As  a  result  I  sent  to  all  the  provinces 
to  have  investigations  made,  but,  as  they  are  so  infested  with  wars,  the 
reports  have  not  come  in.  When  they  have  been  received  and  the  proper 
amounts  credited  to  the  real  hacienda,  I  will  remit  a  report  of  the  entire 
residencia. 

As  a  result  of  this  residencia  the  former  sargento  mayor  of  Don  Fran- 
cisco Gorraez,  Valerio  Cortes,  has  been  found  guilty,  upon  his  own 
answers  to  the  charges  brought  against  him,  of  having  been  disobedient 
to  the  governor's  orders.  As  a  result,  serious  injuries,  even  deaths,  were 
suffered  by  the  natives.  It  has  been  made  evident  that  the  sargento  mayor 


192  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

provission  para  que  no  le  hiciese  causas  ni  prozediese  contra  el  y  que  no  le 
prendiese  y  si  le  tenia  preso  le  soltase  y  que  me  yniviese  de  las  causas  que 
le  tuviese  echas  y  al  clerigo  le  dieron  provision  de  amparo;  Remiti  a 
aquella  Audiencia  las  causas  en  testimonios  para  instruirla  de  los  naturales 
y  delitos  de  todos  y  de  como  contra  Valerio  Cortes  obrava  en  virtud  de 
Comission  de  ese  Real  consejo,  a  quien  tocaban  las  apelaciones  y  conozi- 
mientos  de  ella,  y  que  en  esa  consideration,  no  podia  ynivirme ;  haziendo 
al  acuerdo  consulta,  aparte,  sobre  todo  y  quan  en  perjuicio  de  la  Juriss- 
diccion  Real  y  de  la  autoridad  deste  puesto  y  de  la  que  debe  tener  en 
provincias  tan  remotas  y  ynfestadas  de  guerras,  era  que  se  despachasen 
tan  facilmente  tales  provissiones,  y  a  pedimiento  de  personas  tan  sos- 
pechosas,  y  que  tenian  este  Reino  ynquieto,  siendo  caussa  de  quantos 
danos  padecia,  Pues  havian  salido  de  sus  haziendas  tantos  alcamientos 
de  yndios,  que  oi  son  los  maiores  enemigos :  Doi  quenta  a  Vuestra  Sefioria 
dello,  para  con  bista  de  las  causas  y  consultas  que  embio  al  Real  Consejo 
sea  servido  de  mandar  que  la  Audiencia  no  se  embaraze  en  inpedir  la 
comission  y  averiguacion  de  fraudes  y  delitos  que  es  tan  del  servicio  de 
su  Magestad  y  alivio  de  estos  naturales,  pues  mi  justificacion  y  prozeder 
en  ella,  sea  de  ver  en  ese  Real  Consejo ;  y  que,  en  quanto  a  la  Jurisdizion 
hordinaria,  esten  solo  en  admitir  las  apelaciones  y  no  mas,  sin  contravenir, 
a  las  Reales  Zedulas  de  su  Magestad  dadas  en  favor  de  este  Govierno, 
y  Capitania  General;  Guarde  Dios  a  Vuestra  Sefioria  los  muchos  anos 
que  deseo  con  los  aumentos  que  Mereze,  Parral  y  Marco  12  de  1667  Besa 
las  manos  de  vuestra  sefioria  su  mayor  Servidor  Antonio  de  Oca 
Sarmiento. 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  1667  193 

is,  as  is  to  be  expected,  opposed  to  the  government  and  service  of  his 
Majesty,  and  is  regarded  with  suspicion  because  he  went  so  far  as  to  say 
that  he  himself  was  the  key  to  this  kingdom.  I  continued  his  trial  con- 
cerning all  this  and  other  mistreatment  of  the  natives  by  him  and  his  ser- 
vants, as  a  result  of  which  rebellions  of  Indians  occurred  on  his  farms 
which  to-day  are  causing  the  most  serious  wars  in  the  kingdom.  In  addi- 
tion to  this  disturbance,  I  found  that  he  had  two  men  in  his  house  as  com- 
panions, one  of  them  an  ecclesiastic  named  Don  Francisco  de  los  Rios, 
a  man  bold  in  the  pulpit  and  in  the  town,  who  was  expelled  from  the 
Company  of  Jesus,  and  who  was  exciting  the  settlers  of  the  place  against 
my  predecessor  in  such  a  manner  that,  fearful  lest  he  should  cause  them 
to  rebel,  I  asked  the  bishop,  in  view  of  the  cedulas  and  orders  of  his 
Majesty,  to  order  him  to  go  away.  The  bishop  did  so,  issuing  an  auto 
commanding  him  to  depart  from  this  kingdom  and  from  his  bishopric. 
The  other  companion  [of  Cortes]  was  a  secular,  Don  Francisco  de 
Somoza,  who  had  stirred  up  all  New  Spain  by  his  atrocious  acts  and  had 
retired  to  this  kingdom  to  continue  them  or  to  escape  punishment  for 
them,  and  to  whom  the  sargento  mayor  agreed  to  give  his  daughter  in 
marriage.  I  was  holding  him  [Somoza]  a  prisoner,  all  charges  against 
him  having  been  proven,  but  while  I  was  out  on  a  campaign  he  escaped 
from  prison.  All  three  of  these  men  then  appealed  to  the  Audiencia  of 
Guadalajara.  That  court,  without  ordering  an  investigation  as  to  why 
I  was  bringing  actions  against  all  three,  gave  to  Valerio  Cortes  a  writ 
specifying  that  no  causes  nor  processes  should  be  brought  against  him, 
nor  should  he  be  taken  prisoner,  and  if  he  were  so  taken  he  should  be  set 
free;  moreover,  I  was  forbidden  to  prosecute  the  charges  which  I  had 
brought  against  him.  To  the  cleric,  the  audiencia  issued  a  writ  of  protec- 
tion. I  sent  to  the  audiencia  transcripts  of  the  cases  in  order  to  inform  them 
of  the  nature  of  the  crimes  of  each  of  the  men,  and  I  explained  that  I 
was  proceeding  against  Valerio  Cortes  by  virtue  of  a  commission  from 
the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies,  to  which  body  lay  any  appeal,  or  cogni- 
zance, of  the  case,  and  that,  as  a  consequence,  the  audiencia  had  no  power 
to  inhibit  my  action.  I  also  made  representation  to  that  court  in  a  separate 
document  concerning  the  entire  situation,  showing  how  prejudicial  it 
was  to  the  royal  jurisdiction  and  to  the  authority  of  my  position,  as  it 
should  exist  in  provinces,  so  remote  and  so  afflicted  by  wars,  for  them 
to  issue  such  orders  so  readily  at  the  request  of  persons  of  such  suspicious 
character,  who  were  keeping  the  kingdom  perturbed,  and  were  the  cause 
of  all  the  ills  from  which  it  suffered,  for  all  the  uprisings  of  the  Indians 
who  are  now  our  worst  enemies  had  their  beginnings  on  the  farms  of 
these  men. 

I  am  making  a  report  to  your  lordship  concerning  this  matter,  so  that 
you  may,  with  knowledge  of  the  cases  and  the  reports  which  I  am  sending 
to  the  royal  Council,  be  pleased  to  command  that  the  audiencia  shall  not 
undertake  to  obstruct  me  in  the  discharge  of  my  commission  and  the 
investigation  of  frauds  and  crimes — a  commission  which  is  of  such  great 
service  to  his  Majesty  and  of  so  much  benefit  to  these  natives.  As  to  my 
justification  and  procedure  in  the  matter,  let  that  be  considered  in  that 
royal  Council.    I  also  hope  that  you  will  order  the  audiencia  that  in  the 


194  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 


[Carta  del  Governador  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  a  la  Reyna.  San  Joseph 
del  Parral,  ip  de  Marzo  de  1667.Y 

Senora:  Aviendome  Su  Magestad  hecho  merced  de  este  Govierno,  fue 
servido  darme  su  Real  Zedula  para  tomase  la  Ressidencia  a  don  fran- 
cisco  de  Gorraiz,  mi  antecessor,  sin  limitacion  de  tiempo  respecto  de  lo 
dilatado  de  sus  Provinzias  y  quanto  las  ynfestan  los  yndios  enemigos 
alcados,  con  las  guerras  que  las  hacen,  mandandome  en  virtud  de  un 
capitulo  de  Carta  del  Obispo  de  Durango,  averiguase  los  frandes  que  a 
la  Real  hacienda  se  abian  hecho  en  este  tiempo,  Muertes  y  danos  de  los 
naturales,  caussadas  por  omission  de  Don  francisco  de  Gorraiz,  y  sus 
ministros,  y  aviendo  entendido  en  ella  le  hice  los  cargos  que  de  sus  ex- 
cessos  pude  averiguar,  y  admitiendole  los  descargos  que  dio,  di  sentencia 
en  todos,  (con  parezer  del  Lizenciado  Don  Juan  Zessati,  Oidor  de  la  Real 
Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara,  y  en  ella  se  manda  diese  satisfacion  a  la  Real 
hacienda  de  algunas  cantidades,  que  entendi  fuesen  mas,  de  que  apelo  para 
ante  Vuestra  Magestad)  menos  en  la  parte  de  un  donativo  que  se  le  en- 
cargo  por  una  Real  Zedula,  que  aviendo  hallado  le  avia  pedido  sin  la 
justificacion,  ni  autuar  E  ni  dalle  el  cobro,  ni  la  buena  cuenta  y  racon  que 
deviera,  hize  Jurasse  y  declarasse  en  que  Provincias  y  lugares  lo  havia 
pedido,  que  cantidades  se  avian  dado,  y  que  paradero  avian  tenido,  y 
aviendo  jurado  y  declarado  que  en  la  ciudad  de  Durango  le  avia  pedido, 
en  el  Real  de  Cuencame  y  en  el  de  Guanacivi,  no  mas,  aviendo  despachado 
a  todas  las  Provincias  y  Reales  de  este  Reino  mandamientos  para  la  averi- 
guacion  de  si  se  avia  Pedido,  o,  no,  hallo  averse  perdido  en  muchas  mas 
partes  de  las  que  Juro  y  declaro,  con  que  quedo  entendiendo  en  la  averi- 
guacion  y  satisfacion  de  la  Real  hacienda  en  este  punto,  esperando  fene- 
cerle  para  remitirlo  con  toda  la  mas  Ressidencia  a  Vuestra  Magestad  Y 
por  ajustarlo  mexor,  y  ser  las  Provincias  de  este  Reino  tan  dilatadas  hice 
legajo  y  cargo  a  parte  debaxo  de  su  declaracion  y  Juramiento,  y  porque 
se  avia  de  gastar  mucho  tiempo  en  esto,  y  hallarse  Don  francisco  de  Go- 
rraiz mui  quebrantada  la  salud  en  este  Real,  pidiendome  Licencia  para  yrse 
a  curar  a  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico,  se  la  di  haciendo  dejarse  poder  bastante 
para  lo  dependiente  de  mi  comission.  En  este  estado  se  halla  lo  que  a 
Don  francisco  Gorraiz  toca. 

De  los  descargos  que  a  los  cargos  que  le  hice  dio  en  lo  demas  de  su 
Residencia,  resulto  culpado  el  Sargento  mayor  Valerio  Cortes  que  lo  fue 

'A.  G.  I.,  66-6-18. 

8  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  actuar  ". 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  166 J  195 

affairs  of  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  they  shall  admit  appeals  only,  and 
shall  not  obstruct  the  royal  cedulas  of  his  Majesty  issued  in  favor  of  this 
government  and  captaincy-general.  May  God  guard  your  lordship  the 
many  years  which  I  desire,  and  give  you  the  success  which  you  merit. 
Parral,  March  12,  1667.  Your  chief  servant  kisses  your  lordship's  hand. 
Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento. 


[Letter  of  Governor  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  88  to  the  Queen.*0 
San  Joseph  del  Parral,  March  19,  1667.'] 

Madam:  Your  Majesty  having  given  me  the  appointment  to  this  gov- 
ernment, you  were  pleased  to  give  me  your  royal  cedula  ordering  me  to 
take  the  residencia  of  my  predecessor,  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez,90  with- 
out limitation  of  time,  because  the  province  is  so  large  and  so  infested 
by  the  revolted  Indians  who  make  war  in  it.  You  commanded  me,  in  con- 
formity with  an  article  in  a  letter  from  the  Bishop  of  Durango,  to  inves- 
tigate the  frauds  which  had  been  committed  against  the  real  hacienda 
during  that  time,  and  the  deaths  and  other  injuries  to  the  natives  caused 
by  the  negligence  of  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez  and  his  ministers.  Having 
instituted  the  residencia,  I  charged  him  with  the  abuses  which  I  was  able 
to  ascertain,  heard  his  defense,  and,  taking  cognizance  of  the  pleas  which 
he  made,  I  passed  sentence  upon  him  with  the  advice  of  the  licenciado 
Don  Juan  Zessati,  oidor  of  the  royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  whereby 
he  is  ordered  to  make  restitution  to  the  real  hacienda  of  certain  amounts, 
which  I  understood  might  be  larger,  and  concerning  which  I  appeal  to 
your  Majesty  except  in  the  matter  of  a  forced  loan  which  was  placed  in 
his  charge  by  a  royal  cedula.  Finding  that  he  had  called  for  the  loan 
without  showing  his  authority  for  so  doing,  and  that  he  had  not  pro- 
ceeded judicially  either  in  safeguarding  the  fund  or  in  keeping  an  account 
of  it  in  proper  manner,  I  made  him  take  an  oath  and  declare  in  what 
provinces  and  places  he  had  demanded  the  loan,  what  sums  had  been 
given,  and  where  they  had  been  kept.  He  swore  and  declared  that  he  had 
demanded  the  loan  in  the  city  of  Durango,  the  Real  de  Cuencame,  the 
Real  de  Guanacebi,  and  no  others.  But  I  found,  upon  sending  orders  to 
all  the  provinces  and  camps  of  this  kingdom  to  ascertain  whether  the  loan 
had  been  requested  or  not,  that  it  had  been  called  for  in  many  more  places 
than  those  mentioned  in  his  oath  and  declaration.  I  am  therefore  engaged 
in  the  investigation  and  the  satisfaction  of  the  real  hacienda  in  this  mat- 
ter, hoping  to  finish  in  order  to  send  to  your  Majesty  a  report  concerning 
all  the  rest  of  the  residencia.  In  order  to  arrange  things  best,  and  because 
of  the  vastness  of  the  provinces  of  this  kingdom,  I  made  a  separate  bundle 
and  package  of  the  papers  containing  his  declaration  and  oath.  And  be- 
cause the  investigation  would  have  taken  much  time,  and  because  Don 
Francisco  de  Gorraez,  greatly  broken  in  health,  was  in  this  camp  implor- 
ing me  for  license  to  go  to  Mexico  City  for  treatment,  I  granted  him  per- 
mission to  go,  first  causing  him  to  arrange  power  of  attorney  with  some- 
14 


196  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

todo  el  tiempo  de  su  Govierno,  de  muchas  ynobediencias  que  a  Ordenes 
suyas  tubo  de  que  resultaron  graves  dafios  a  este  Reino  y  sus  naturales, 
y  ser  de  muy  ynquieto  natural,  y  poco  afecto  al  servicio  de  Vuestra 
Magestad  opuesto  al  Govierno  y  a  todo  jenero  de  ministros,  siendo  su 
altivez  de  calidad  que  llego  a  dezir  era  la  Have  de  este  Reino,  y  para 
asegurarme  mas  de  su  proceder,  aviendo  sabido  que  el  enemigo  estaba 
en  la  sierra  que  llaman  de  Xicorica,  de  donde  acostumbra  hacer  graves 
dafios  a  los  naturales  con  muertes  y  Robos  Le  di  Orden,  soldados  y  yndios 
amigos  para  que  lo  fuese  a  hechar  de  la  Sierra,  y  aviendo  topado  con  el 
rastro  del  enemigo  despidio  los  yndios  amigos,  sin  seguir  al  enemigo,  en 
contravencion  de  la  horden  que  llevaba  Volviendose  a  este  Real,  y  Repre- 
hendiendole  yo  su  ynobediencia,  tubo  conmigo  los  desaogos  que  acostum- 
bra con  sus  superiores.  Hice  caveza  de  processo  contra  el  Juntandole  las 
culpas  y  delitos  que  resultavan  de  los  descargos  de  Don  francisco  de 
Gorriz  y  lo  Reforme  de  su  puesto  prosiguiendo  a  la  averiguacion  de  sus 
maldades  y  mal  tratamiento  que  a  los  naturales  a  hecho  siempre  de  que  an 
resultado  muchas  muertes  en  sus  haciendas  y  de  ellas  alcamientos  de  Yn- 
dios enemigos,  que  oi  son  los  que  maior  Guerra  dan  a  este  Reino  y  otras 
atrocidades  que  con  esclavos  y  sirvientes  suios  hacia,  de  que,  asimismo, 
se  ocassionaron  muertes  haciendose  soberano  en  todo,  sin  respeto  a  la 
Justicia,  ni  a  mis  antecesores,  amenacandoles  (para  conseguirlo  todo) 
ynquietarlos  con  ynivissiones  y  provissiones  de  la  Real  Audiencia  de 
Guadalaxara,  como  todo  consta  de  la  caussa  que  remito  a  Vuestra  Mages- 
tad por  mano  del  fiscal  del  Real  Consejo  de  Yndias.  Y  aviendo  Valerio 
Cortes  savido  que  yo  procedia  contra  el  Ocurrio  a  Guadalaxara  y  saco 
provision  para  que  yo  Remitiese  La  Caussa  y  me  yniviesse  del  Conoci- 
miento  de  ella  a  que  respondi,  y  hice  consulta,  obraba  en  Virtud  de  Comis- 
sion  de  Vuestra  Magestad,  a  quien  tocavan  las  apelaciones  y  ynivissiones, 
y  que  por  ese  respecto  no  podia  ynivirme  y  continuaba  en  el  conocimiento 
y  averiguacion  de  los  delitos  de  Valerio  Cortes  remitiendo  a  aquella  Audi- 
encia un  traslado  de  la  causa,  solo  para  instruirla  del  mal  natural  y  pro- 
cedimiento  de  Valerio  Cortes,  para  que  no  se  moviessen  con  la  facilidad 
que  por  aca  se  acostumbra,  a  la  solicitud  de  hombres  tan  peligrosos,  y  con 
quien  se  necessita  mucho  cuidado,  respecto  de  sus  tiranias  y  crueldades,  y 
averse  querido  introducir  a  soberano  con  ellas  a  cuia  caussa,  Supplico  a 
Vuestra  Magestad  sea  servido  mandar  que  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara, 
deje  obrar  en  cossa  que  tanto  importa  al  servicio  de  Vuestra  Magestad 
Paz  y  quietud  de  este  Reino  y  sus  Provincias,  satisfacion  de  la  Real 
hacienda,  y  alivio  de  los  naturales  (que  tanto  encarga  Vuestra  Magestad 
sus  buenos  tratamientos)  y  este  los  tiene  perseguidos  con  sus  rigores. 
Ademas  de  su  ynquietud  le  halle  en  su  cassa  acompaiiado  de  Un  clerigo 
expulsso  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jhessus  llamado  Don  francisco  de  los  Rios 
que  predicaba  con  grandisima  desemboltura,  y  yndecencia,  contra  Don 
francisco  Gorraiz  mi  antecessor,  (estandole  tomando  y  su  Ressidencia) 
de  calidad  que  se  hubiera  amotinado  este  lugar,  a  no  aver  ocurrido  al 
Obispo  de  Guadiana  para  que  lo  hiciera  salir  de  este  Reino  y  su  obispado, 
como  lo  hico  en  consideracion  de  las  Racones  que  le  propuse  para  ello, 
y  de  quanto  ynquietaba  con  su  modo  de  proceder,  este  Reino ;  Asimismo 
tenia  en  su  compafiia  el  Sarxento  mayor  Valerio  Cortes,  y  concertado  a 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  1667  197 

one  competent  to  act  for  him  in  the  affairs  of  my  commission.  This  is 
the  condition  of  affairs  so  far  as  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez  is  concerned. 

It  developed  from  the  answers  he  made  to  the  charges  which  I  pre- 
ferred in  the  remainder  of  the  residencia,  that  the  sargento  mayor,  Valerio 
Cortes,  who  held  the  office  throughout  the  entire  term  of  Gorraez,  was 
guilty  of  frequent  disobedience  to  the  governor's  orders  which  resulted 
in  grave  injuries  to  this  kingdom  and  to  the  natives.  It  further  developed 
that  the  sargento  mayor  was  of  a  very  restless  disposition,  little  inclined 
to  the  service  of  your  Majesty,  and  opposed  to  the  government  and  all  its 
ministers.  His  haughtiness  was  so  great  that  he  even  went  so  far  as  to 
say  that  he  was  the  key  to  this  kingdom.  Desiring  to  be  more  certain 
concerning  his  attitude,  and  having  learned  that  the  enemy  was  in  the 
mountains  called  Xixorica,  whence  they  are  accustomed  to  do  great  dam- 
age to  the  natives  by  killing  and  robbing  them,  I  gave  him  orders  [to 
take]  soldiers  and  friendly  Indians  and  drive  the  enemy  out  of  the  moun- 
tains. But  when  he  came  upon  their  tracks  he  dismissed  the  friendly 
Indians  and  did  not  follow  the  enemy,  contrary  to  the  orders  which  he 
carried. 

When  Valerio  Cortes  returned  to  this  camp  and  I  reprimanded  him 
for  disobedience,  he  displayed  toward  me  his  usual  impudence  toward 
his  superiors.  I  brought  a  process  against  him,  charging  him  with  all  the 
faults  and  crimes  which  were  shown  in  the  answers  given  by  Don  Fran- 
cisco de  Gorraez  [in  his  residencia'].  I  also  removed  him  from  his  posi- 
tion, and  continued  to  investigate  his  evil  acts  and  his  habitual  mis- 
treatment of  the  natives.  From  these  there  have  resulted  many  murders 
on  his  farms,  and  on  them  there  have  been  begun  uprisings  of  unfriendly 
Indians  who  are  now  waging  the  worst  wars  in  this  kingdom.  I  also 
investigated  other  atrocities  which  he  committed  against  his  slaves  and 
servants,  from  which  deaths  also  resulted.  He  has  acted  as  a  sovereign 
in  everything,  without  respect  for  justice  nor  for  my  predecessors,  threat- 
ening them  (in  order  to  accomplish  his  purposes)  to  harass  them  with 
inhibitions  and  orders  from  the  royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  cause  which  I  remitted  to  your  Majesty  through  the  hand 
of  the  fiscal  of  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies. 

Valerio  Cortes  having  learned  that  I  was  proceeding  against  him,  went 
to  Guadalajara  and  obtained  an  order  that  I  should  remit  the  cause  against 
him  and  take  no  more  cognizance  of  it.  To  this  I  responded  and  made  a 
report  [saying]  that  I  was  operating  by  virtue  of  a  commission  from 
your  Majesty,  with  whom  lay  all  appeals  and  inhibitions,  and  that  for 
this  reason  the  audiencia  could  not  inhibit  me.  I  therefore  continued  to 
ascertain  and  investigate  the  crimes  of  Valerio  Cortes  and  sent  to  that 
audiencia  a  transcript  of  the  process,  merely  to  inform  that  body  con- 
cerning his  bad  character  and  actions,  in  order  that  they  should  not  be 
moved  as  easily  as  they  are  wont  by  men  of  such  dangerous  character, 
who  need  careful  handling  on  account  of  their  tyranny  and  cruelty, 
whereby  they  have  tried  to  possess  themselves  of  sovereignty.  I  therefore 
beseech  your  Majesty  to  be  pleased  to  command  the  Audiencia  of  Guada- 
lajara to  stop  interfering  in  a  matter  of  so  great  importance  to  the  service 
of  your  Majesty,  the  peace  and  quiet  of  this  kingdom  and  its  provinces, 


198  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

cassar  con  una  hixa  suia,  a  Don  francisco  Somoza  a  quien  ofrecio  en  dote 
ochenta  mill  pessos,  sin  que  tubiesse  mas  que  la  capa  al  hombro,  solo 
por  confrontar  con  su  inquietud  natural,  y  aver  traido  rebuelta  la  nueba 
espana  haciendo  en  ella  diferentes  delitos  y  atrocidades,  y  una  muerte 
en  la  Ciudad  de  Tepeaca,  y  teniendole,  con  noticias,  provado  esto  le  prendi, 
y  despache  cartas  de  Justicia  a  la  nueba  espana  y  ciudad  de  Tepeaca,  Y  a 
este  medio  tiempo  se  me  ofrecio  salir  a  campana,  a  la  pacificacion  de  la 
provincia  de  Conchos  y  castigo  de  los  Tobosos,  con  cuia  occassion  se  huio 
de  la  carcel,  y  todos  tres  Ocurrieron  a  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara, 
adonde  no  dudo  abran  prorrumpido  con  aviesso  de  sus  naturales,  en  odio 
y  Venganza  mia  para  con  eso  turbar  el  conocimiento  y  castigo  de  sus 
maldades,  por  averles  Dividido,  con  conocimiento  de  que  juntos  pudieran 
causar  qualquier  ynquietud  en  este  Reino.  Y  por  si  la  Audiencia  de  Guada- 
laxara. a  solicitud  suya  lo  embarazare  y  despachare  Juez  de  Residencia 
contra  mi,  en  contravencion  de  una  zedula  que  Su  Magestad  fue  servido 
despachar  a  favor  mio  en  esa  Corte,  a  ocho  de  Junio  de  mill  Seiscientos  y 
sesenta  y  cinco  afios,  en  que  Vuestra  Magestad  manda,  en  el  tiempo  que 
yo  governare  en  este  Reino,  no  despache  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara 
tales  juezes  de  Ressidencia,  con  ningun  Pretexto  Supplico  a  Vuestra 
Magestad  sea  servido,  mandarse  este  por  dicha  zedula,  sin  que  este  casso 
de  Valerio  Cortes  sea  bastante  para  ello,  antes  bien  combiene  al  servicio 
de  Vuestra  Magestad  Paz  y  quietud  de  estos  Reinos,  sea  castigado  por 
sus  delitos,  y  aver  de  remitir  yo  dicha  caussa  al  Real  Consejo  de  Vuestra 
Magestad  de  Yndias,  adonde  en  vista  de  lo  autuado  hasta  oy,  que  remito, 
espero  conocera  Vuestra  Magestad  mi  celo  y  justificacion  en  su  Real  Ser- 
vicio, Solicitando  la  defenssa,  Paz  y  quietud  de  este  Reino  y  sus  Provin- 
cias;  Guarde  Dios  a  Vuestra  Magestad  los  muchos  afios  que  la  Chris- 
tianidad  a  menester  San  Joseph  del  Parral  y  Marzo  diez  y  nueve  de  mill 
seiscientos  y  sesenta  y  siete  afios.   Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento. 


Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento,  1667  199 

the  satisfaction  of  the  real  hacienda,  and  the  relief  of  the  natives  (whose 
good  treatment  your  Majesty  so  often  commands),  and  whom  this  man 
has  so  often  persecuted  with  harshness. 

In  addition  to  his  disturbances,  I  found  that  he  had  as  companions  in 
his  house  an  expelled  cleric  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  named  Don  Fran- 
cisco de  los  Rios,  who  was  preaching  with  great  boldness  and  lack  of 
decency  against  my  predecessor,  Don  Francisco  de  Gorraez  (while  I  was 
taking  his  residencia) .  His  opposition  was  of  such  character  that  this 
place  might  have  been  moved  to  revolt  if  I  had  not  appealed  to  the  Bishop 
of  Guadiana  to  command  the  cleric  to  depart  from  the  kingdom  and 
bishopric.  The  bishop  complied  out  of  consideration  for  the  reasons 
which  I  submitted  and  because  of  the  unrest  which  he  was  occasioning 
this  kingdom  by  his  actions.  The  sargento  mayor  Valerio  Cortes  also 
had  in  his  company  Don  Francisco  Somoza,  to  whom  he  had  agreed  to 
give  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  to  whom  he  offered  a  dowry  of  80,000 
pesos.  Somoza  did  not  possess  anything  but  the  cape  on  his  shoulder, 
merely  because  he  was  of  his  own  restless  disposition.  He  has  stirred  up 
all  New  Spain  by  the  perpetration  of  various  crimes  and  atrocities,  includ- 
ing a  murder  in  the  city  of  Tepeaca.  Being  in  possession  of  proofs  of 
this,  I  arrested  him  and  sent  judicial  advice  of  the  fact  to  New  Spain  and 
to  the  city  of  Tepeaca. 

At  this  time  I  found  it  necessary  to  go  on  a  campaign  for  the  pacifica- 
tion of  the  province  of  Conchos  and  the  punishment  of  the  Tobosos, 
whereupon  Somoza  escaped  from  jail,  and  all  three  companions  went  to 
the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  where  I  have  no  doubt  they  have  broken 
out  with  all  the  perversity  of  their  natures  in  hatred  and  vengeance  upon 
me  for  the  purpose  of  retarding  the  investigation  and  punishment  of 
their  evil  deeds,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  I  had  separated  them 
because  I  knew  that  if  they  were  allowed  to  remain  together  they  would 
cause  all  manner  of  disturbance  to  this  kingdom. 

Lest  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  should  at  their  instance  attempt  to 
embarass  me  and  send  a  residencia  judge  against  me,  in  contravention  of 
a  cedula  which  your  Majesty  was  pleased  to  issue  in  my  favor  at  that 
court  on  June  8,  1665,  in  which  your  Majesty  commands  that  during  the 
time  in  which  I  shall  serve  as  governor  of  this  kingdom  the  Audiencia 
of  Guadalajara  shall  under  no  pretext  send  out  such  residencia  judges, 
I  beseech  your  Majesty  to  be  pleased  to  command  that  this  cedula  shall 
be  obeyed,  and  that  the  case  of  Valerio  Cortes  shall  not  be  considered  to 
warrant  the  sending  of  a  residencia  judge;  but  that  it  is  on  the  contrary 
fitting  to  the  service  of  your  Majesty  and  the  peace  and  quiet  of  this 
kingdom  that  he  should  be  punished  for  his  crimes ;  and  that  I  shall  remit 
his  case  to  your  Majesty's  royal  Council  of  the  Indies,  where,  full  knowl- 
edge being  had  of  all  the  process  to  this  date,  which  I  am  remitting, 
I  trust  that  your  Majesty  will  take  cognizance  of  my  zeal  and  uprightness 
in  your  royal  service,  and  my  solicitude  for  the  defense,  peace,  and  quiet 
of  this  kingdom  and  its  provinces.  May  God  guard  your  Majesty  the 
many  years  for  which  Christendom  has  need  of  you.  San  Joseph  del 
Parral,  March  19,  1667.  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento. 


200  Naeva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Al  Virrey  de  Nueva  Espana  Sobre  que  se  quite  una  ymposicion  que  los 
Governadores  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  han  hecho  a  los  Yndios  de  aquella 
Provincia  y  avisse  los  motivos  que  Huvo  para  ello  con  lo  demas  que 
se  le  ordena.1   [Madrid,  22  de  Junio  de  i6jo.~\ 

La  Reyna  Governadbra.  Marques  de  Marfjera,  etc.,  Virrey,  etc. : 
...  en  capitulo  de  carta  que  me  escrivio  en  el  mes  de  Abril  del  ano  pasado 
de  1669  El  obispo  de  la  Yglesia  Cathedral  de  la  ciudad  de  Durango  en  la 
Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  refiere  quan  molestados  se  hallan  los  Yn- 
dios de  ella,  obligandoles  a  retirarse  a  los  Montes,  donde  Carezen  de  la 
administracion  de  los  Santos  Sacramentos,  estando  Bautizados  muchos 
de  ellos,  el  Veer  tan  oprimidos  por  los  Governadores  a  otros  que  estan 
congregados  en  Pueblos  con  los  Repartimientos  que  hazen  a  titulo  de 
Encomienda  a  los  mineros  y  Lavadores  estandoles  prohivido  por  Cedulas 
Reales  con  graves  penas  y  que  la  ocasion,  es  porque  los  tienen  ocupados 
la  mayor  parte  del  ano  en  las  Labrangas  de  sus  Haciendas,  dejando  a  sus 
familias,  sin  Recurso  para  sustentarse  y  les  pagan  su  Servicio  en  Ropa 
a  precios  muy  subidos  todo  lo  qual  havia  significado  al  obispo.  Don  Juan 
Constantino  Yndio  Governador  de  los  de  la  Nacion  Concha,  quejandosse 
de  que  el  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  le  compelia  a  que  fuesse  a 
traer  de  los  Montes  a  los  Yndios  encomendados,  y  que  lo  hacia  con  gran 
riesgo  de  su  Vida,  porque  se  resisten  en  forma  de  alsamientto  por  las 
caussas  referidas,  supplicome  mande  aplicar  el  Remedio  convenientte 
para  evittar  Semejantes  excessos  y  que  aquellas  Provincias  se  mantengan 
en  Paz  y  los  Yndios  no  carezcan  de  la  administracion  de  los  Santtos  Sacra- 
mentos y  educacion  en  la  doctrina  Christiana;  Y  haviendose  Visto  en  el 
Conssejo  Real  de  las  Yndias  con  los  testimonios  que  Remitio  tocantes  a 
lo  Referido  y  lo  que  Sovre  ello  dijo  el  fiscal  de  el;  Ha  parecido  Ordenaros 
y  mandaros  (como  lo  Hago)  que  luego  que  recivais  este  Despacho  deis 
las  Ordenes  convenientes  para  que  luego  al  punto  se  quite  y  revoque  el 
dicho  tributo,  o  ymposicion  que  refiere  el  Obispo  haverse  cargado  a  los 
Yndios,  y  que  assimismo  hagays  averiguacion  sobre  quienes  han  sido  los 
Auttores  de  el  y  en  la  primera  occasion  que  haviere  me  ynformareis  de 
las  razones  y  mottivos  que  ha  havido  para  su  ymposicion  y  que  tiempo 
havra  que  se  Cargo,  y  lo  que  ha  montado,  y  en  que  se  ha  convertido. — 
Fecha  en  Madrid,  22  de  Junio  de  1670 — Yo  la  Reyna.u 

[Sigue  otro  escrito  igual  a  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara,  de  la  misma 
fecha. 

Otra  identica  al  Governador  de  Nueva  Vizcaya  Don  Antonio  de  Oca, 
de  la  misma  fecha.v — F.  R.  B.] 

'A.  G.  I.,  103-3-1. 

"  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 

▼Either  the  original,  or  a  copy,  of  each  of  these  two  letters  is  in  A.  G.  I.,  144-1-15. 
They  are  concluded  as  follows :  "  Por  mandado  de  su  Magestad.  Francisco  Ynez  de 
Madrigal.   Y  senalada  del  Consejo."— C.  W.  H. 


Impost  on  Indians,  i6jo  201 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  the  removal  of  an  impost  which 
the  governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  have  laid  upon  the  Indians  of  that 
province,  and  asking  him  to  report  the  reason  for  levying  it,  and  to 
comply  with  other  orders.    [Madrid,  June  22,  1670.] 

The  Queen  Regent.91  Marquis  of  Mancera,92  etc.,  viceroy,  etc.:  .  .  . 
In  an  article  of  a  letter  which  the  bishop  of  the  cathedral  church  of  the 
city  of  Durango,  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  wrote  to  me  in  April 
of  last  year,  1669,  he  relates  how  afflicted  are  the  Indians  of  that  province. 
They  are  obliged  to  retire  to  the  mountains,  where  they  lack  administra- 
tion of  the  holy  sacraments,  although  many  of  them  have  been  baptized. 
Others,  who  are  gathered  in  towns  in  repartimiento  which  the  governors 
give  under  title  of  encomienda  to  the  miners  and  farmers — this,  notwith- 
standing, being  prohibited  by  royal  cedulas  under  heavy  penalties — are 
grievously  oppressed  by  the  governors.  The  occasion  for  this  is  that  they 
are  kept  busy  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year  in  the  work  of  the  farms, 
their  families  being  left  without  resources  for  their  sustentation,  and  they 
themselves  being  paid  for  their  labor  in  clothing  at  exorbitant  prices. 
All  this  had  been  reported  to  the  bishop  by  the  Indian  governor  of  the 
Concha  nation,  Don  Juan  Constantino,  who  complained  that  the  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  had  compelled  him  to  go  and  fetch  from  the  moun- 
tains the  Indians  who  had  been  in  encomienda,  and  that  he  had  done  so 
at  great  risk  to  his  life,  as  they  had  revolted  on  account  of  the  reasons 
given  above. 

The  bishop  besought  me  to  apply  a  suitable  remedy  so  that  such  abuses 
might  not  recur,  that  the  peace  of  the  provinces  might  be  preserved,  and 
that  the  Indians  might  not  lack  the  administration  of  the  holy  sacraments 
and  instruction  in  the  Christian  doctrine.  The  matter  having  been  con- 
sidered in  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies  together  with  the  transcripts 
which  the  bishop  sent  concerning  it,  and  the  opinion  of  the  fiscal  of  the 
Council,  it  has  seemed  wise  to  order  and  command  you  (as  I  do),  that 
as  soon  as  you  receive  this  despatch  you  shall  give  suitable  orders  to  have 
the  tribute  or  impost  which  the  bishop  says  has  been  laid  on  the  Indians 
removed  and  revoked  at  once ;  you  shall  also  make  an  investigation  as  to 
who  authorized  the  tax,  and  at  your  earliest  opportunity  you  will  report 
to  me  the  cause  or  reason  for  its  imposition,  how  long  it  has  been  collected, 
to  what  sum  it  has  amounted,  and  in  what  this  has  been  invested.  Dated 
at  Madrid,  June  22,  1670.   I  the  Queen. 

[There  follows  a  similar  letter  to  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara  bearing 
the  same  date. 

There  is  an  identical  letter  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Don 
Antonio  de  Oca,  bearing  the  same  date — F.  R.  B.] 


202  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Al  Obispo  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  sobre  que  se  observe  lo  dispuesto  en  las 
cedulas  ariva  ynsertas  en  que  se  manda  que  los  Curas  doctrineros 
sean  examinados  por  los  Prclados  en  la  lengua  de  los  Yndios.w 
[Madrid,  6  de  Septiembre  de  1670.] 

La  Reyna  Governadora.  Reverendo  en  Cristo:  Padre  obispo  de  la 
Yglesia  Cathedral  de  la  Ciudad  de  Durango  en  la  Provincia  de  la  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  del  Consejo  del  Rey  mi  hi  jo,  El  Rey  mi  Seiior  que  este  en  gloria, 
mando  despachar  La  Cedula  del  tenor  Siguiente : 

[Aqui  La  Cedula  de  10  de  Junio  de  1631,  que  entra  Por  quanto  y  esta 
assentada  en  H*8,*  para  de  oficio  de  633  hasta  636.] 

Y  en  carta,  que  me  escrivisteis  en  treinta  de  Abril  del  afio  pasado  de 
1667,  Referis  los  dafios  espirituales  que  se  ocasionan  en  esas  Provincias 
de  la  Administracion  de  las  doctrinas  que  tienen  a  su  cargo  los  Religiosos 
de  la  Compania  de  Jhesus  por  no  querer  guardar  la  forma  del  Real 
Patronato  ni  lo  dispuesto  por  el  Santo  Conzilio  de  Trento  examinandose 
y  aprovandose  en  la  suficiencia  y  lenguas  para  ser  Curas  por  el  Prelado 
de  su  diosesi,  y  que  los  mas  de  ellos  no  saben  las  lenguas  de  los  Yndios 
ni  aun  la  Mexicana  conque  no  pueden  ynstruyrlos  en  la  doctrina  cristiana, 
y  los  confiesan  por  medio  de  Un  Ynterprete  de  que  pueden  resultar  graves 
ynconvenientes  y  poco  util  en  su  Reduzion  de  que  me  dais  quenta  para 
que  mande  proveer  del  Remedio  Conveniente  de  suerte  que  se  evite  este 
desorden,  y  haviendose  Visto  en  el  Conssejo  Real  de  las  Yndias,  Ha  pare- 
cido  deciros  que  supuesto  que  por  las  Cedulas  arriva  yncertas  esta  dis- 
puesto lo  que  se  deve  executar  en  quanto  a  que  los  sugetos  que  fueren 
presentados,  para  las  doctrinas  Sean  examinados  y  aprovados  por  los 
Arcobispos,  y  obispos  de  su  diosesi  en  la  lengua  de  los  Yndios  que  han  de 
doctrinar,  y  conforme  a  esto,  os  toca  la  observancia,  y  Cumplimiento 
dello,  Os  ruego  y  encargo,  que  pues  teneis  entendido  quanto  ymporta  que 
los  doctrineros  Sean  muy  bersados  en  el  Ydioma  de  los  naturales  a  quien 
han  de  administrar  los  Santos  Sacramentos  pongays  en  ello  el  cuydado 
y  atencion  que  conviene,  para  excusar  el  dano  que  de  lo  contrario  Resulta, 
y  el  grave  escrupulo  que  deve  causar  qualquier  omision  6  tolerancizia  que 
en  ello  aya  a  que  deveis  ocurrir  como  Prelado  y  Pastor  espiritual  obrando 
con  el  celo  y  Vigilancia  que  corresponde  a  Vuestra  obligacion — fecha  en 
Madrid  a  6  de  septiembre  de  1670. — Yo  la  Reyna/ 

WA.  G.  L,  1 03-3- 1. 

x  It  is  not  known  for  what  this  abbreviation  stands. 

y  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 


Knowledge  of  Indian  Language,  1670  203 

To  the  bishop  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  commanding  observance  of  the  provi- 
sions of  the  cedulas  inserted  above,  in  which  it  is  ordered  that  parish 
priests  be  examined  in  the  language  of  the  Indians  by  the  prelates. 
[Madrid,  September  6,  1670.I 

The  Queen  Regent.03  Reverend  Father  in  Christ,  bishop  of  the  cathe- 
dral church  of  the  city  of  Durango,94  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
[member]  of  the  Council  of  the  king,  my  son : 95  The  king,  my  lord,  who 
is  now  deceased,96  ordered  issued  the  cedula  whose  tenor  is  as  follows : 

[Here  appears  the  cedula  of  June  10,  1631,  just  as  it  is  set  down  in 
the  record  of  official  papers  for  the  years  1633-1636.] 

And  in  a  letter  which  you  wrote  to  me  on  April  30  of  the  past  year, 
1667,  you  recount  the  spiritual  injury  occasioned  in  those  provinces  from 
the  administration  of  the  doctrinas  which  the  religious  of  the  Company 
of  Jesus  have  in  charge,  because  they  do  not  care  to  observe  the  provi- 
sions of  the  real  patronato  9T  nor  the  regulations  of  the  holy  Council  of 
Trent,98  namely,  that  in  order  to  become  parish  priests  they  shall  be  ex- 
amined and  approved  as  to  ability  and  proficiency  in  languages  by  the 
prelate  of  their  diocese.  You  say  that  most  of  them  do  not  know  the  lan- 
guages of  the  Indians,  nor  even  the  Mexican  language,  so  that  they  can- 
not instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Christian  doctrine,  and  they  hear  their  con- 
fessions by  means  of  an  interpreter.  From  this  may  follow  serious 
difficulties  and  little  success  with  respect  to  their  reduction,  concerning 
which  you  give  me  an  account  in  order  that  I  may  provide  the  suitable 
remedy,  so  that  [in  turn]  this  disorder  may  be  avoided. 

This  matter  having  been  considered  in  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies, 
it  has  seemed  wise  to  say  to  you  that,  inasmuch  as  it  is  stipulated  in 
the  cedulas  inserted  above  what  ought  to  be  done  with  respect  to  those 
persons  who  may  be  presented  for  the  doctrinas,  let  them  be  examined 
and  approved  by  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of  their  dioceses  in  the  In- 
dian languages  in  which  they  are  to  give  religious  instruction.  Accord- 
ingly, its  observance  and  fulfillment  rests  with  you.  I  command  and 
charge  you,  [therefore,]  since  you  understand  how  important  it  is  that 
religious  instructors  should  be  well  versed  in  the  language  of  the  Indians, 
to  whom  they  are  to  administer  the  holy  sacraments,  to  give  this  matter 
proper  care  and  attention  in  order  to  prevent  the  harm,  which,  on  the 
contrary,  results,  and  to  prevent  the  serious  consequences  which  any  re- 
missness or  laxity  must  necessarily  cause.  As  a  prelate  and  spiritual 
pastor,  you  ought  to  take  action  to  remedy  such  a  defect,  laboring  with 
zeal  and  watchfulness  as  your  obligation  demands.  Dated  at  Madrid, 
September  6,  1670.  I  the  Queen. 


204  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Al  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  espana  que  ynforme  ssobre  si  conbendra  agregar 
al  Governador  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya  el  Govierno  de  los  Presidios  de 
sinaloa  el  cerro  gordo  y  san  sevastian  de  aquella  provincia. 
Corregida.  Con  duplicado.  Duplicose.z  [Madrid,  6  de  Septiembre 
de  i6jo.~\ 

La  Reina  Governadora.  Marques  de  Mancera  Pariente  del  consejo  de 
Guerra  Virrey  Governador  y  Cappitan  General  de  las  provincias  de 
Nueva  espana  y  Presidente  de  la  Audiencia  Real  que  Reside  en  la  ciudad 
de  Mexico  o  a  la  persona  o  personas  a  cuyo  cargo  fue  su  Govierno  en  el 
Consejo  Real  de  las  Yndias  se  a  tenido  noticia  de  los  inconvenientes  que 
Resultan  para  la  defensa  y  seguridad  de  las  provincias  de  la  nueva  Viz- 
caya de  que  el  Govierno  militar  de  ellas  este  dividido  corriendo  a  Vuestro 
Cargo  la  provision  de  las  Placas  del  Presidio  de  Sinaloa  que  tiene  qua- 
renta  y  cinco  soldados  y  un  cappitan  Y  el  del  Zerro  Gordo  que  tiene  otro 
capitan  con  veinte  y  quatro  soldados  y  otra  plaqa  mas  para  un  Yndio  que 
sirve  de  espia,  Y  el  de  San  Sebastian  con  otro  capitan  y  seis  soldados  con 
trezientos  y  cinquenta  pesos  de  sueldo  al  ano  cada  uno.  Y  a  cargo  del 
Governador  de  dichas  provincias  estan  los  presidios  de  santa  Catalina  y 
san  Ypolito,  cada  uno  con  su  cappitan  y  nueve  soldados  y  treinta  hombres 
de  campaiia  con  quatrocientos  y  cinquenta  pesos  cada  una  al  afio.  Y  havi- 
endo  esta  Guarnicion  no  se  castiga  a  los  Yndios  Reveldes  escusandose 
los  governadores  con  que  no  tienen  jente  suficiente  por  que  la  de  los  dichos 
presidios  que  estan  a  vuestra  orden  no  le  obedecen  y  que  seria  muy  com- 
beniente  para  la  defensa  y  seguridad  de  aquellas  provincias  que  toda  la 
jente  militar  dellas  estubiesse  a  orden  y  del  Governador  y  Cappitan  Gen- 
eral de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Y  Haviendose  Visto  en  el  consejo  Real  de  las 
Yndias  a  parecido  ordenaros  y  mandaros  (como  lo  hago)  me  ynformeis 
del  estado  y  forma  en  que  estan  aquellas  presidios  y  como  se  goviernan, 
y  si  convendra  agregarlos  todos  a  la  Jurisdicion  y  Dominio  del  Governa- 
dor de  la  nueva  vizcaya  o  si  de  ello  podra  seguirse  algun  ynconveniente  o 
que  disposicion  se  podra  dar  que  sea  mas  eficaz  para  la  seguridad  de  aquel- 
los  Basallos  y  correccion  de  los  yndios  Reveldes  y  que  se  eviten  los  delitos 
que  cometen  dando  ssobre  ello  Vuestro  parezer  para  que  con  entera  noticia 
de  todo  se  tome  la  Resolucion  que  convenga  fecha  en  Madrid  a  seis  de 
settiembre  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  setenta  anos.  Yo  la  Reyna.  Por  man- 
dado  de  su  magestad  Don  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Madrigal  :  sena- 
lada  del  Consejo. 


Al  fiscal  de  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  dando  reprezentacion  por  haver 
pedido  se  ponga  en  Livertad  a  los  Yndios  del  distrito  de  ella,  que 
tenian  por  esclavos.0,    [Madrid,  jj  de  Diciembre  de  1672.] 

La  Reyna  Governadora.    Lizenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Mon- 
terroso  oydor  de  la  Audiencia  de  la  ciudad  de  Guadalaxara  .  .  .  que 

'A.  G.  I.,  144-1-15.  aA.  G.  I.    103-3-2. 


Emancipation  of  Indians,  1672  205 

To  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ordering  him  to  report  as  to  whether  it 
would  be  fitting  to  assign  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  the  con- 
trol of  the  presidios  of  Sinaloa,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  San  Sebastian,  of 
that  province.  Corrected;  with  a  duplicate.  Let  it  be  duplicated. 
[Madrid,  September  6,  1670.] 

The  Queen  Regent.09  Marquis  of  Mancera,100  relative,  member  of  the 
Council  of  War,  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  provinces  of  New 
Spain,  and  president  of  the  royal  audiencia  which  sits  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  or  to  the  person,  or  persons,  in  whose  charge  its  government  may 
be :  The  royal  Council  of  the  Indies  learned  of  the  difficulties  that  arise 
with  reference  to  the  defense  and  security  of  the  provinces  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  due  to  the  fact  that  the  military  government  of  these  provinces 
is  divided — there  being  under  your  charge  the  control  of  the  presidio  of 
Sinaloa,  which  has  forty-five  soldiers  and  a  captain;  that  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
which  has  another  captain,  twenty-four  soldiers,  and  a  place  for  an  In- 
dian who  serves  as  a  spy;  and  that  of  San  Sebastian,  with  another  cap- 
tain, and  six  soldiers,  the  salary  of  each  being  350  pesos  per  year.  Also 
under  the  control  of  the  governor  of  the  said  provinces  are  the  presidios 
of  Santa  Catalina  and  San  Hipolito,  each  with  its  captain,  nine  soldiers, 
and  thirty  field  soldiers,  the  salary  of  each  being  450  pesos  per  year.  But, 
with  all  these  garrisons,  the  rebellious  Indians  are  not  punished,  for  the 
governors  excuse  themselves  from  assisting  by  saying  that  they  do  not 
have  a  sufficient  force,  because  the  forces  in  the  said  presidios,  which  are 
under  your  charge,  do  not  obey ;  therefore  it  would  be  very  suitable  for 
the  defense  and  security  of  those  provinces  that  the  entire  military  force  in 
them  should  be  under  the  command  of  the  governor  and  captain-general 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

The  matter  having  been  taken  up  in  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies, 
it  has  seemed  wise  to  order  and  command  you  (as  I  do)  to  report  to  me 
concerning  the  state  and  condition  of  those  presidios,  how  they  are  gov- 
erned, if  it  would  be  wise  to  assign  them  all  to  the  jurisdiction  and  con- 
trol of  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  or  whether  any  detriment  would 
arise  from  this,  or  what  arrangement  may  be  made  that  may  be  more 
efficacious  for  the  security  of  those  vassals,  the  correction  of  the  rebel- 
lious Indians,  and  the  prevention  of  the  crimes  which  they  commit.  You 
will  also  give  me  your  opinion  concerning  the  situation  so  that,  with  com- 
plete knowledge  of  everything,  the  proper  course  may  be  taken.  Dated 
at  Madrid,  September  6,  1670.  I  the  Queen.  By  command  of  her 
Majesty.  Don  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Madrigal.  Signed  by  the 
Council. 


To  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  offering  acknowledgments 
for  his  having  asked  that  the  Indians  of  that  district  whom  they  hold 
as  slaves  be  set  at  liberty.    [Madrid,  December  13,  i6f2.~\ 

The  Queen  Regent.101  Licenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monter- 
roso,  oidor  of  the  Audiencia  of  the  City  of  Guadalajara  .  .  .  serving 
temporarily  as  fiscal  of  the  same :   In  a  letter  which  you  wrote  to  me  on 


206  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

servis  en  ynterin  la  fiscalia  della  en  carta  que  me  escrivisteis  en  20  de 
Marzo  de  este  ano  decis  que  desde  el  principio  de  la  Conquista  de  las 
Yndias  esta  prohivida  la  esclavitud  de  los  Yndios,  y  que  haviendo  enten- 
dido  que  muchos  estavan  en  ella,  pedisteis  en  essa  Audiencia  se  pusiesen 
en  livertad  y  se  despacharon  Provisiones  y  en  su  ejecucion  se  livertaron  a 
los  Yndios  chinos,  chichimecos,  Sinaloes,  Los  del  nuevo  Mexico  y  nuevo 
Reyno  de  Leon  y  respecto  de  que  en  los  districtos  de  las  Audiencias  de 
Mexico  y  Guatemala  ay  muchos  esclavos  de  esta  calidad  proponeis  que 
sera  mui  del  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor  que  se  haga  lo  mismo  con 
ellos  inponiendo  la  pena  que  pareciere  contra  los  que  los  bendieren  y  com- 
praren  Y  haviendose  Visto  en  el  Consejo  de  las  Yndias  con  lo  que  me 
escrivio  acerca  de  esso  esta  Audiencia  en  7  de  Abril  de  este  ano,  y  lo  que 
sobre  ello  dijo  y  pidio  el  fiscal  del,  ha  parecido  daros  gracias  (como  lo 
hago)  por  lo  que  en  esto  haveis  obrado  que  es  mui  con  forme  a  vuestro 
zelo,  y  atencion,  y  os  encargo  que  por  lo  que  os  toca  esteis  siempre  con 
todo  cuidado  de  que  se  observe  en  lo  de  adelante,  pues  estan  Justo  y  con- 
veniente  dejar  a  los  Yndios  en  livertad,  como  esta  mandado  por  tan  repe- 
tidas  cedulas,  por  el  escrupulo  que  causa  su  esclavitud,  y  a  las  Audiencias 
de  Mexico  y  Guatemala,  he  mandado  por  despacho  de  la  fecha  de  este 
ejecuten  lo  mismo  en  sus  distritos,  de  que  me  a  parecido  avissaros  para 
que  lo  tengais  entendido.   Madrid  13  de  Diciembre  1672.  Yo  la  Reyna.1* 


A  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalajara  dandolas  Gracias  por  haver  pnesto  en 
livertad  a  los  Yndios  del  distrito  de  ella,  como  esta  mandado  por 
diferentcs  cedulas.0   [Madrid,  23  de  Diciembre  de  1672.'] 

La  Reyna  Governadora.  Presidente  y  Oydores  de  la  Real  Audiencia 
...  en  carta  de  7  de  Abril  de  este  ano  me  dais  cuenta  de  que  con  ocasion 
de  haver  pedido  el  fiscal  de  ella  se  diese  cumplimiento  a  las  cedulas  que 
prohiven  la  esclavitud  de  los  Yndios  chinos  y  chichimecos  del  distrito  de 
essa  audiencia,  despachasteis  provision  al  Governador  de  la  Provincia  de 
la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  y  al  Corregidor  de  Zacatecas  para  que  pusiessen  en 
livertad,  a  los  Yndios  de  las  fronteras  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Nuevo  Reyno 
de  Leon,  Nuevo  Mexico,  y  Provincia  de  Sinaloa,  y  lo  ejecutaron,  de  que 
a  resultado  gran  servicio  a  Dios  nuestro  Senor,  y  alivio,  y  conguelo  de  los 
demas  Yndios,  y  Juntamente  disteis  orden  para  que  los  poseedores  Justi- 
ficaren  el  titulo  con  que  los  tenian,  y  declarasteis  que  las  mugeres  y  ninos 
de  14  anos,  aunque  fuesen  apresados  en  Guerra  Justa  fuesen  libres  Por 
estar  Resuelto  asi  por  diferentes  cedulas  y  en  particular  por  las  de  los 
anos  1553  y  1563  y  que  en  el  distrito  de  la  Audiencia  de  Mexico  ay  gran 
numero  de  chinos  tenidos  y  rreputados  por  esclavos,  y  que  sera  muy  con- 

b  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 
CA.  G.  I.,  103-3-2. 


Emancipation  of  Indians,  1672  207 

March  20  of  this  year,  you  say  that  since  the  beginning  of  the  conquest 
of  the  Indies  slavery  of  the  Indians  has  been  prohibited,  and  that  having 
learned  that  many  of  them  are  in  slavery,  you  made  a  request  in  that 
audiencia  that  they  should  be  set  at  liberty.  Orders  were  issued  and  in 
obedience  thereto  the  Chinos,  Chichimecos,  Sinaloas  Indians,  and  those 
of  New  Mexico  and  of  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon  were  set  at  liberty.  As 
there  are  still  many  slaves  in  the  districts  of  the  Audiencias  of  Mexico 
and  Guatemala,  you  suggest  that  it  will  be  very  pleasing  to  the  service  of 
God  our  Lord  to  do  the  same  with  respect  to  them,  and  to  impose  suitable 
punishment  upon  those  who  buy  and  sell  them. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  to- 
gether with  what  that  audiencia  wrote  to  me  concerning  this  matter,  on 
April  7  of  this  year,  and  the  opinion  which  the  fiscal  of  the  Council  gave 
and  requested  concerning  it,  it  has  seemed  wise  to  thank  you  (as  I  do) 
for  what  you  have  done,  which  is  very  much  in  conformity  with  your  zeal 
and  attentiveness.  And  I  command  you  that,  as  regards  what  relates  to 
you,  you  continue  with  all  diligence  as  to  the  observance  of  the  laws  in 
the  future,  for  it  is  just  and  proper  to  leave  the  Indians  in  freedom,  as  is 
commanded  by  oft-repeated  cedulas,  on  account  of  the  scruples  of  con- 
science which  their  enslavement  causes.  I  have  ordered  the  Audiencias 
of  Mexico  and  Guatemala,  in  a  despatch  under  even  date  herewith,  to  do 
the  same  within  their  districts,  of  which  action  it  has  seemed  wise  to  ad- 
vise you  for  your  information.  Madrid,  December  13,  1672.  I  the 
Queen. 


To  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  thanking  its  members  for  having  set  at 
liberty  the  Indians  of  its  district,  as  is  commanded  in  various  cedulas. 
[Madrid,  December  23,  1672J] 

The  Queen  Regent102  To  the  president  and  oidores  of  the  royal  audi- 
encia .  .  . :  In  a  letter  of  April  7  of  this  year  you  advise  me  that  pur- 
suant to  a  request  by  the  fiscal  of  the  audiencia  for  compliance  with  the 
cedulas  which  prohibit  the  enslavement  of  the  Chinos  and  Chichimecos 
Indians  of  the  district  of  that  audiencia,  you  issued  an  order  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  province  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  to  the  corregidor  of  Zaca- 
tecas,  requesting  them  to  set  at  liberty  the  Indians  of  the  frontier  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon,  New  Mexico,  and  the  province 
of  Sinaloa.  They  complied,  rendering  a  great  service  to  God,  our  Lord, 
and  contributing  relief  and  consolation  to  the  other  Indians.  At  the  same 
time  you  ordered  that  their  owners  should  prove  the  titles  whereby  they 
held  slaves,  and  you  declared  that  women  and  children  of  fourteen  years, 
even  if  taken  in  just  war,  should  be  free,  since  it  has  been  so  ordered  by 
various  cedulas,  particularly  those  of  the  years  1553  and  1563.  [You  also 
report]  that  in  the  district  of  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico  there  are  large 
numbers  of  Chinos  held  and  reputed  to  be  slaves,  and  that  it  would  be 
very  proper  for  the  same  thing  to  be  done  there. 


208  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

veniente  se  execute  lo  mismo.  Y  haviendose  visto  en  el  consejo  de  las 
Yndias,  con  el  testimonio  de  Autos  que  remitisteis,  y  lo  que  me  escrivio 
el  Lizenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monterroso  Siendo  fiscal  de  essa 
Audiencia  en  20  de  Marzo  de  este  afio  con  lo  que  acerca  de  ello  dijo  y 
pidio  el  fiscal  del  consejo,  Ha  parecido  daros  gracias  por  lo  que  haveis 
ejecutado  en  esta  materia,  y  encargaros  y  mandaros,  (como  lo  hago) 
esteis  siempre  con  todo  cuidado  de  que  se  observe  lo  rresuelto  por  las 
cedulas  referidas  que  tratan  de  la  libertad  de  los  Yndios  chichimecos,  y 
chinos,  por  ser  tan  justo  y  conveniente  dejarlos  en  ella,  como  esta  or- 
denado  pues  con  esto  cessara  el  escrupulo  que  causa  su  esclavitud,  y  por 
despachos  de  la  fecha  de  este,  he  mandado  a  las  Audiencias  de  Mexico  y 
Guatemala,  pongan  en  livertad  a  los  esclavos  que  huviere  de  esta  calidad 
en  el  distrito  de  ellas.   Madrid  23  de  Diziembre  1672.   Yo  la  Reyna/ 


A  la  Audiencia  de  Guadalaxara,  estranandole  que  no  aya  embiado  al 
Consejo  los  Autos  de  un  Pleyto  que  siguio  Don  Fernando  de  Haro 
sobre  el  servicio  Personal  de  los  Yndios  de  las  Provincias  de  Sonora 
y  Sinaloa  y  mandando  los  rernite  sin  dilacion.6  [Madrid,  2  de  Abril 
de  1676.1 

El  Rey  ...  el  Licenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monterroso, 
oydor  de  essa  Audiencia  en  carta  de  Junio  primero  de  1675,  da  quenta 
entre  otras  cosas  de  que  haviendo  seguido  pleyto  en  essa  Audiencia  Con 
diferentes  personas  poderosas  sobre  el  servicio  personal  de  los  Yndios 
de  las  Provincias  de  Sonora  y  Sinaloa  y  sobre  la  division  de  tierras  y 
Aguas  de  dichas  Provincias  Obtubo  Sentencia  de  Vista  y  Revista  en 
favor  de  los  Yndios  de  que  se  despacho  executoria  y  la  execucion  Se 
Cometio  a  Don  Joseph  Garcia  de  Salzedo  Governador  de  la  Nueva  Viz- 
caya mandandole  que  cuando  hiziese  la  Visita  diese  Orden  para  que  se 
cumpliese  la  executoria,  y  con  ocasion  de  Una  carta  que  escrivio  a  la 
audiencia  Provisteis  Auto  en  que  mandastes  se  suspendiese  la  execucion 
hasta  darme  quenta  de  ello.  Y  haviendose  Visto  en  mi  Consejo  de  las 
Yndias  con  lo  que  pidio  mi  fiscal  he  mandado  se  os  advierta  se  a  estra- 
nado  mucho  la  omision  que  haveis  tenido  en  remitir  este  pleyto  y  poner 
en  execucion  el  auto  que  provisteis,  y  os  ordeno  y  mando  que  sin  dilacion 
ninguna  imbieis  a  mi  Consejo  de  las  Yndias  los  papeles  autos  y  testimonios 
que  huviere  sobre  el  punto  que  estuviere  pendiente  Sin  dilacion  alguna 
para  que  se  provea  lo  que  f  uere  Justicia  y  del  Recivo  de  este  despacho  y  de 
su  execucion  me  dareis  quenta  en  la  primera  ocasion  .  .  .  Madrid,  2  de 
Abril  1676.   Yo  el  Rey/ 

d  F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla. 
e  A.  G.  I.,  103-3-2. 
'  F.  R.  B,  Sevilla. 


Suit  Concerning  Indians,  1676  209 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  to- 
gether with  the  transcript  of  the  autos  which  you  sent,  that  which  the 
licenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monterroso,  fiscal  of  that  audiencia, 
wrote  to  me  on  March  20  of  the  present  year,  and  the  opinion  of  the  fiscal 
of  the  Council,  it  has  seemed  wise  to  thank  you  for  what  you  have  done 
in  this  matter,  and  to  charge  and  command  you  (as  I  do)  to  be  always 
very  careful  that  that  which  has  been  resolved  by  the  cedulas  mentioned, 
which  prescribe  the  liberty  of  the  Chichimecos  and  Chinos  Indians,  is 
observed,  because  it  is  so  just  and  proper  to  leave  them  at  liberty,  as  is 
ordered,  for  thereby  the  scruples  which  their  slavery  causes  will  cease. 
In  despatches  of  even  date  I  have  commanded  the  Audiencias  of  Mexico 
and  Guatemala  to  set  at  liberty  those  who  may  be  of  the  status  of  slaves 
in  their  districts.   Madrid,  December  23,  1672.  I  the  Queen. 


To  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  expressing  surprise  that  it  has  not  sent 
to  the  Council  the  autos  in  a  sirit  which  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  prose- 
cuted concerning  the  personal  service  of  the  Indians  of  the  provinces 
of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  and  commanding  that  it  forward  them  at 
once.    [Madrid,  April  2,  i6j6.~\ 

The  King.  .  .  .  The  licenciado  Don  Fernando  de  Haro  y  Monterroso, 
oidor  of  that  audiencia,  in  a  letter  of  June  1,  1675,  reports,  among  other 
things,  that,  having  prosecuted  a  suit  in  that  audiencia  against  various 
powerful  personages  concerning  the  personal  service  of  the  Indians  of 
the  provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  and  the  division  of  land  and  water 
in  those  provinces,  he  obtained  a  sentence  for  examination  and  review  in 
favor  of  the  Indians,  by  virtue  of  which  a  writ  of  execution  was  ob- 
tained, and  its  enforcement  was  entrusted  to  Don  Joseph  Garcia  de 
Salcedo,102  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  He  was  commanded  that  when 
he  performed  the  visitation  he  should  give  orders  that  the  writ  be  com- 
plied with,  but,  because  of  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the  audiencia,  you 
issued  an  auto  in  which  you  ordered  suspended  the  execution  of  the  writ 
until  a  report  on  it  could  be  made  to  me. 

The  matter  having  been  considered  by  my  Council  of  the  Indies,  to- 
gether with  the  request  of  my  fiscal,  I  have  commanded  that  you  be  ap- 
prised that  I  am  greatly  astonished  at  your  failure  to  report  the  suit  and 
put  into  execution  the  writ  which  you  issued.  And  I  order  and  command 
you  to  send  to  my  Council  of  the  Indies  without  any  delay  the  papers, 
autos,  and  transcripts  which  may  exist  concerning  the  point  now  pending, 
so  that  whatever  may  be  just  may  be  commanded.  You  will  report  re- 
ceipt of  this  despatch  and  of  its  execution  at  your  earliest  opportunity. 
Madrid,  April  2,  1676.   I  the  King. 


210  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

El  Lizenciado  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Ossorio  Oidor  de  la  Real  Audiencia 
de  Mexico,  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  que  fue  del  Reino  de  la 
Nueva  Vizcaia,  in  forma  a  Vuestra  Magestad  el  estado  de  las  cossas 
de  aquel  Reino. q   [Mexico,  26  de  Septiembre  de  1678. ~] 

Sehor:  Por  muerte  de  Don  Martin  de  Revollar  Gobernador  y  Capitan 
General  del  Reino  y  provincias  de  la  Nueva  Viscaia,  fueron  tantas  las 
muertes  rovos  y  latrocinios,  que  onze  naziones  de  Indios  enemigos  execu- 
taron  en  los  pobres  miserables  vezinos  de  aquel  Reino  que  haviendole 
dado  las  quexas,  y  noticia  del  riesgo  en  que  estava  de  perderse  en  el  todo, 
a  Vuestro  Arzobispo  de  Mexico  Virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espafia,  resolvio  im- 
biarme  a  mi  por  Capitan  General  y  Governador  de  aquel  Reino  y  provin- 
cias, persuadido  a  que  em  medio  de  mi  ynutilidad,  el  zelo  y  veras  con 
que  siempre  he  deseado  emplearme  en  el  servicio  de  Vuestra  Magestad, 
desempefiaria  su  election  y  aseguraria  a  Vuestra  Magestad  aquel  Reino 
cuia  total  ruina  y  despueble  amenazava,  la  avilantez,  con  que  los  Yndios 
enemigos  andaban  executando  en  todos  sus  poblaciones,  muertes  y  rovos 
no  rreservando  su  barvara  crueldad,  mugeres  nifios  viejos,  Religiossos  y 
sagerdotes. 

Sali  de  esta  ciudad  de  Mexico  para  el  Real  de  san  Joseph  del  Parral, 
distante  de  ella  como  trescientas  leguas,  por  ser  la  parte  mas  principal 
de  aquel  Reino  y  que  Vuestra  Magestad  tributa  mas  crecidos  intereses  y 
estava  mas  a  riesgo  de  perderse  porque  en  todos  sus  contornos,  andaban 
los  yndios  enemigos,  executando  muertes  y  rovos,  sin  resistencia,  y  en 
los  primeros  dias  que  llegue,  dieron  en  una  hazienda  de  labor  y  mataron 
veinte  yndios  que  estaban  segando  trigo,  y  Uevaron  la  cavallada,  y  mulada, 
luego  que  tube  esta  noticia  ymbie  en  su  seguimiento  algunos  soldados, 
yndios  amigos,  y  fue  nuestro  Sefior  servido  de  favorezerles  con  tan  espe- 
zial  misericordia,  que  haviendoles  alcanzado  al  segundo  dia,  al  amanezer 
el  siguente,  les  dieron  albazo  los  nuestros  y  siendo  mui  pocos  en  numero 
mataron  de  los  enemigos  treinta  y  tres  y  en  espacio  de  los  primeros  quatro 
meses  me  favorecio  Nuestro  Sefior  con  otrros  suzessos  mui  felizes  en  que 
les  matamos  y  quitamos,  pasadas  de  trescientas  a  quatrozientas  personas, 
sin  que  en  alguno  nos  hubiesen  muerto  a  herido  persona  alguna  de  los 
nuestros,  y  si  yo  hubiera  tenido  medios  para  hazerles  la  guerra,  me  podia 
prometer  concluirla  y  dejar  en  paz  el  Reino  mejor  que  tiene  Vuestra 
Magestad  en  toda  su  corona,  por  que  teniendo  cassi  quatrozientas  leguas 
en  quadro  y  partiendo  terminos  por  la  parte  del  poniente  con  el  Reino  de 
la  Galizia  y  por  la  de  medio  dia  con  la  California  y  por  de  norte  con  el 
Nuevo  Mexico,  las  tierras  lianas  de  que  se  compone,  son  muy  abundantes 
para  todos  genero  de  siembras,  y  crianzas  de  ganados  mayores  y  menores, 
por  ser  muchos  los  rios,  arroyos  y  ojos  de  agua  que  las  riegan;  Por  el 
medio  de  este  Reino  atraviessa  la  Sierra  madre  que  tiene  su  principio 
cerca  de  el  puerto  de  Acapulco  y  se  entra  por  el  Nuevo  Mexico  sin  que 
se  sepa  su  fin,  son  infinitas  las  sierras,  y  montanas  en  que  se  divide  y  todas 
ellas  estan  llenas  de  ricos  minerales  de  plata  y  oro,  como  se  ha  experimen- 
tado  en  los  Reales  de  minas  que  en  ellas  se  empezaron  a  poblar,  y  han 

•  A.  G.  L,  66-6-2. 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  i6j8  211 

The  licenciado  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  Ossorio,104  oidor  of  the  royal  Audien- 
cia  of  Mexico,  former  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  kingdom 
of  Nneva  Vizcaya,  informs  your  Majesty  of  the  state  of  affairs  of 
that  kingdom.    [Mexico,  September  26,  16/8.] 

Sir:  On  account  of  the  death  of  Don  Martin  de  Revollar,105  governor 
and  captain-general  of  the  kingdom  and  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
there  were  so  many  murders,  robberies,  and  outrages  committed  by  eleven 
nations  of  hostile  Indians  upon  the  poor  miserable  inhabitants  of  that 
kingdom  that,  after  complaints  and  information  with  reference  to  the 
danger  of  the  entire  kingdom  being  lost  had  been  filed  with  your  Arch- 
bishop of  Mexico  and  viceroy  of  New  Spain,106  he  resolved  to  send  me 
as  captain-general  and  governor  of  that  kingdom  and  [its]  provinces, 
being  convinced,  notwithstanding  my  poor  abilities,  that  the  zeal  and 
fidelity  with  which  I  have  always  desired  to  employ  myself  in  the  service 
of  your  Majesty  would  justify  his  choice  and  would  secure  to  your 
Majesty  that  kingdom,  whose  total  ruin  and  depopulation  were  threatened 
by  the  boldness  with  which  the  hostile  Indians  were  committing  murders 
and  robberies  in  all  of  the  settlements,  not  sparing  from  their  barbarous 
cruelty  the  women,  children,  old  men,  religious,  and  priests. 

I  left  this  city  of  Mexico  for  the  camp  of  San  Joseph  del  Parral,  which 
is  distant  from  Mexico  City  about  three  hundred  leagues ;  it  is  the  princi- 
pal place  in  that  kingdom  and  the  one  that  pays  your  Majesty  the  highest 
tribute.  The  kingdom,  moreover,  was  in  danger  of  being  lost,  because 
throughout  its  length  and  breadth  hostile  Indians  were  wandering  about, 
committing  murders  and  robberies,  without  resistance.  In  the  first  days 
after  my  arrival  they  fell  upon  a  farm,  killed  twenty  Indians  who  were 
sowing  wheat,  and  carried  off  the  horses  and  mules.  As  soon  as  I  re- 
ceived this  information  I  sent  in  pursuit  of  them  some  soldiers  and 
friendly  Indians,  and  our  Lord  was  pleased  to  favor  them  with  such 
especial  kindness  that  our  forces,  having  caught  up  with  them  on  the 
second  day,  made  a  surprise  attack  upon  them  at  daybreak  of  the  follow- 
ing day,  and,  although  but  few  in  number,  they  killed  thirty-three  of  the 
hostiles. 

In  the  period  of  the  first  four  months  our  Lord  favored  me  with  other 
very  happy  successes  in  that  we  killed  and  took  from  them  more  than 
three  or  four  hundred  persons,  while  they  did  not  kill  or  wound  any  one 
of  our  force  in  any  [of  the  engagements].  If  I  had  had  the  means  to 
make  war  upon  them  I  was  in  a  position  to  promise  to  end  the  war  and 
have  peace  in  the  best  kingdom  that  your  Majesty  has  in  his  entire  crown. 
For  it  is  almost  four  hundred  leagues  square  and  is  bounded  on  the  west 
by  the  kingdom  of  [Nueva]  Galicia,  on  its  south  [sic]  by  California,  and 
on  the  north  by  New  Mexico.  The  level  lands  of  which  it  is  composed  are 
very  productive  for  all  kinds  of  crops  and  the  raising  of  cattle  and  sheep, 
for  there  are  many  rivers,  arroyos,  and  springs  which  water  them.  The 
Sierra  Madre,  which  has  its  beginning  near  the  port  of  Acapulco  and 
extends  through  New  Mexico,  without  its  end  being  known,  traverses  the 
centre  of  this  kingdom.  The  mountains  and  ranges  into  which  it  is  divided 
are  infinite,  and  all  are  full  of  rich  ores  of  silver  and  gold,  as  has  been 

15 


212  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

destruido  y  aniquilado  en  el  todo  los  yndios  enemigos,  sin  que  se  les 
pudiese  hazer  resistencia,  y  mientras  no  se  les  hiziere  la  guerra  mui  de 
proposito,  y  se  permitiere  se  hagan  esclavos,  siempre  estara  con  conozido 
riesgo  de  perderse  aquel  Reino  y  para  que  Vuestra  Magestad  reconozca 
la  justificazion  con  que  uno  y  otro  se  podra  hazer  referire  lo  que  tengo 
visto  y  entendido  en  esta  materia. 

De  la  ciudad  de  Guadiana  Caveza  de  la  Viscaia  hasta  el  Real  de  San 
Joseph  del  Parral,  habra  de  distancia  cien  leguas,  y  todas  despobladas,  al 
lado  derecho  del  camino  Real  estan  las  serranias  y  montafias  a  donde 
asisten  estas  onze  naciones  de  yndios  enemigos,  y  por  ser  entre  ellas  la  de 
mas  valor  la  de  los  Tovossos  comunmente  todas  se  llaman  con  este  nom- 
bre,  si  bien  despues  que  yo  llegue  a  aquel  Reino  todos  los  de  esta  nazion 
se  han  reducido  de  paz,  y  los  poble  en  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  y  ha 
permitido  Nuestro  Sefior  que  estos  se  enemistasen  de  manera  con  las  na- 
ziones  alzados  que  hoi  son  la  principal  defensa  de  la  Vizcaia,  y  a  quien 
mas  temen  los  yndios  enemigos,  en  toda  su  tierra  no  hai  rio,  arroio  o  fu- 
ente,  que  sea  peregue,h  ni  ellos  tienen  poblaciones  o  siembras  algunas, 
y  por  lo  que  yo  he  visto  en  dos  vezes  que  he  pasado  por  parte  de  ella,  ni 
paxaros  ni  animales  hai ;  si  los  espanoles  hubiesesses  pretendido  en  algun 
tiempo  quitarles  su  tierra,  o  entrar  en  ella  o  hazerles  guerra,  no  hubiera 
razon  alguna  que  les  disculpara  ni  justificara  el  hazerles  esclavos,  pero 
siendo  los  yndios  enemigos,  los  que  vienen  a  las  tierras  que  estan  poseiendo 
los  espanoles,  y  los  Yndios  cristianos,  y  que  estan  de  paz  y  con  barvara 
crueldad  les  rovan  sus  haziendas,  quitan  la  vida  sin  distincion  de  xesso, 
sin  que  para  su  fin  principal  que  es  rovar,  conduzga,  en  mi  sentir  con  mas 
justificazion  se  les  puede  hazer  la  guerra,  y  hazerles  esclavos,  que  a  los 
Turcos,  que  siendo  los  enemigos  declarados  de  toda  la  cristianidad  dan 
quartel  a  todos  los  que  se  rinden  sin  llegar  a  ensangrentarse  en  las  vidas 
de  los  que  por  su  sexo,  edad  o  profession  estan  indefensos  y  estas  tierras 
nunca  fueron  de  la  domination  del  emperador  Montezuma  o  de  otro 
cazique  de  estos  reinos ;  y  con  estos  indios  se  ha  procurado  en  todos  tiem- 
pos  por  los  medios  de  la  suavidad  y  blandura,  se  combiertan  a  nuestro 
Santa  Fee  o  por  lo  menos,  se  esten  en  sus  tierras,  sin  salir  a  hazer  darlos 
en  las  nuestras;  y  con  la  fingida  paz  que  en  diferentes  ocasiones  han  dado, 
han  conseguido  el  reconocer  todas  las  poblaciones  y  haziendas  de  los 
espanoles  y  yndios  amigos,  que  ya  del  todo  tienen  aniquiladas  y  despobla- 
das, y  con  el  pretexto  de  la  paz,  se  baptizaron  los  mas,  y  hoi  todos  son 
apostatas,  y  por  las  mas  ynnumerables  muertes  que  han  hecho  de  espa- 
noles y  yndios  amigos,  no  hai  indio  de  arco  y  flecha,  entre  ellos,  que  no 
merezca  pena  de  muerte,  porque  ademas  de  ser  sin  caussa  todas  las  que 
exejutan,  son  con  alenosia  l  por  que  jamas  han  salido  a  pelear  a  campana 
rasa  mientras  no  se  les  hisiere  la  guerra  mui  de  proposito,  y  de  veras,  esta 
a  riesgo  conozido  de  perderse  todo  el  Reino  de  la  Vizcaia  el  de  el  Nuevo 
Mexico  y  la  Galicia  porque  a  sus  espaldas  tienen  convecinas  innumerables 
naciones  de  otros  indios  a  quien  han  solicitado  traer  en  su  ayuda,  y  si  lo 
que  Dios  no  permita,  lograsen  el  rovar  los  carros  que  pasan  al  Parral  y 

h  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  perenne  ". 
1 "  Alevosia  ". 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1678  213 

demonstrated  in  the  mining  camps  which,  in  them,  were  beginning  to  be 
settled,  but  which  the  hostile  Indians  have  destroyed  and  entirely  anni- 
hilated without  its  being  possible  to  offer  any  resistance  to  them  until  de- 
termined war  may  be  made  upon  them.  Until  it  is  permitted  for  them 
to  be  enslaved,  that  kingdom  will  always  remain  in  acknowledged  danger 
of  being  lost.  In  order  that  your  Majesty  may  perceive  the  justification 
with  which  the  one  and  the  other  may  be  done,  I  shall  relate  what  I  have 
seen  and  learned  concerning  this  matter. 

From  the  city  of  Guadiana,  capital  of  [Nueva]  Vizcaya,  to  the  camp  of 
San  Joseph  del  Parral,  the  distance  must  be  one  hundred  leagues,  all  de- 
populated. On  the  right  side  of  the  camino  real  are  the  ranges  and  moun- 
tains where  these  eleven  nations  of  hostile  Indians  live.  Because  the  brav- 
est among  them  are  the  Tobosos,  all  are  commonly  called  by  this  name, 
although  after  I  arrived  in  that  kingdom  all  those  of  this  nation  were 
reduced  to  peace  and  I  settled  them  at  San  Francisco  de  Conchos.  Our 
Lord  has  permitted  that  they  should  become  such  enemies  to  the  rebel- 
lious nations  that  to-day  they  are  the  principal  defense  of  [Nueva]  Viz- 
caya, and  are  those  whom  the  hostile  Indians  fear  most. 

In  all  their  land  there  is  no  river,  arroyo,  or  spring  that  is  perennial ; 
neither  do  they  have  towns  nor  do  they  plant  crops,  and,  as  far  as  I  ob- 
served on  two  occasions  when  I  have  passed  through  part  of  the  region, 
there  are  neither  birds  nor  animals.  If  the  Spaniards  had  attempted  at 
any  time  to  take  their  land  away  from  them  or  to  enter  there  and  make 
war  upon  them,  there  would  be  no  reason  that  would  excuse  or  justify 
making  slaves  of  them,  but  since  it  is  the  hostile  Indians  who  come  to  the 
lands  that  are  in  possession  of  the  Spaniards  and  Christian  Indians  who 
are  at  peace,  and  rob  them  of  their  farms  with  barbarous  cruelty,  taking 
their  lives  without  distinction  of  sex,  and  without  any  halt  to  their  princi- 
pal purpose,  which  is  to  rob,  there  is  more  justification,  in  my  opinion, 
in  making  war  upon  them  and  making  slaves  of  them  than  on  the  Turks, 
for  the  latter,  although  they  are  the  declared  enemies  of  all  Christendom, 
give  quarter  to  all  those  who  surrender  without  reaching  the  point  of  im- 
bruing themselves  in  the  blood  of  those  who  by  their  sex,  age,  or  profes- 
sion are  defenseless. 

These  lands  were  never  under  the  dominion  of  the  emperor  Montezuma 
or  of  any  other  cacique  of  these  kingdoms.  With  these  Indians  attempts 
have  been  made  at  all  times  by  gentle  and  kind  means  to  convert  them 
to  our  holy  faith,  or  at  least,  to  persuade  them  to  remain  in  their  country, 
without  coming  out  to  do  damage  in  ours;  but,  under  a  feigned  peace 
which  on  various  occasions  they  have  made,  they  have  succeeded  in  secur- 
ing a  knowledge  of  all  the  towns  and  farms  of  the  Spaniards  and  friendly 
Indians,  which  they  have  now  utterly  annihilated  and  depopulated.  Also, 
under  the  pretext  of  peace,  most  of  them  were  baptized,  yet  to-day  they 
are  apostates.  And  on  account  of  the  innumerable  murders  of  Spaniards 
and  friendly  Indians  which  they  have  committed  there  is  among  them  no 
Indian  with  bow  and  arrow  who  does  not  merit  pain  of  death,  for,  in 
addition  to  the  fact  that  all  of  the  murders  which  they  commit  are  without 
motive,  they  are  treacherous,  since  they  have  never  gone  out  to  fight  in 
the  open.  Unless  very  determined  and  real  war  is  made  upon  them  there 


214  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Nuevo  Mexico  con  ropa  como  en  todos  tiempos  y  en  el  poco  que  yo 
governe  la  Vizcaia,  lo  han  irrtentado,  aunque  no  conseguido,  estava  a  riesgo 
de  perderse  toda  la  Nueva  Espana,  por  que  con  el  zeno  J  de  la  ropa,  que 
tanto  apetesen  por  andar  todos  desnudos  fueran  innumerables  las  na- 
ziones  del  norte  que  salieran  a  innundar  estos  Reinos  y  provincias ;  y  en 
medio  de  no  tener  todo  este  Reino  mas  que  trecientos  vecinos  se  sacan  de 
el  pasados  de  ciento  y  cinquenta  mil  marcos  de  plata,  en  cada  un  ano  de 
que  percive  k  Vuestra  Magestad  de  quintos  y  diezmos  cerca  de  doscientos 
mill  pesos  y  solo  en  el  Real  del  Parral,  en  ano  y  dos  meses  se  ensaiaron, 
ciento  y  veinte  mill  marcos,  como  constara  del  testimonio  incluso. 

Dentro  de  la  jurisdision  del  Reino  de  la  Nueva  Viscaia,  hai  muchas 
diversas  naziones  y  algunas  de  ellas  mui  numerossas,  y  solo  las  de  los 
Tepeguanes,  Taraumares  y  Conchos,  en  lo  descubierto  llegaran  a  trecien- 
tos mill  familias,  y  todo  estos  estan  de  paz,  y  algun  numero  aunque  mui 
corto  estan  ya  baptizados,  y  redusidos  a  doctrina  y  aunque  Vuestra 
Magestad  tiene  en  sus  tierras  algun  numero  de  doctrineros  para  que  los 
conbiertan  y  doctrinen,  es  mui  corto,  respecto  de  la  multitud  de  estas 
naciones,  y  ocupar  cada  una  ciento  y  cinquenta  leguas  de  Cordillera,  y  pre- 
guntados  los  yndios  ultimos  a  donde  han  llegado  los  padres,  si  en  lo  de 
adelante  y  a  los  lados  hai  mas  indios,  responden,  que  es  innumerable  la 
multitud,  hazia  todas  partes  y  solo  en  el  rio  del  norte,  que  es  la  divission 
del  Nuevo  Mexico  y  el  reino  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya  son  tantos  las  naciones 
que  hai,  que  toda  la  diligencia  de  los  padres  que  hai  por  aquellos  con- 
tornos,  no  ha  podido  comprehender  y  saver  sus  nombres,  todas  estas 
tierras,  estan  contiguas  a  las  que  Vuestra  Magestad  posee  en  este  Reino 
de  la  Nueva  Viscaia,  y  por  esta  misma  razon  juzgo  que  es  mui  propio  del 
contrario '  zelo  de  Vuestra  Magestad  el  proveherlas  de  los  ministros 
nezesarios  para  la  combersion  de  sus  avitadores,  y  siendo  tanto  lo  que  hai 
en  estas  partes  contiguo  a  lo  que  Vuestra  Magestad  posehe  me  persuado 
que  las  gastos  grandes  que  se  han  hecho  en  la  Comberssion  de  las  Yslas 
marianas  Xapon  y  Filipinas  las  ha  ocasionado  la  falta  de  noticias  y  zelo 
indiscreto  de  las  personas  que  han  informado  a  Vuestra  Magestad  y  que 
esta  misma  falta  de  noticias  es  la  que  tiene  tan  atrasado  el  servicio  de  Dios 
Nuestro  Senor  y  de  Vuestra  Magestad  en  estos  reinos. 

Todas  las  naziones  que  hai  en  el  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya  y  Nuevo  Mexico 
se  podran  reducir  a  nuestro  Santa  fee  com  maior  facilidad  que  otras  y  a 
mucha  menos  costa  porque  sobre  ser  las  mas  mansas  y  dosiles  por  especial 
misericordia  de  Dios,  en  todas  ellas  no  hai  ydolatria  alguna,  ni  sus  avita- 
dores dan  adoracion  a  cossa  viviente  o  no  viviente  de  que  podra  Vuestra 
Magestad  inferir  la  facilidad  con  que  se  podran  reducir  a  nuestra  Santa 
fee  catholica,  no  haviendo  ydolatrias  que  fue  la  maior  dificultad  y  resis- 
tencia  que  todos  los  santos  apostoles  y  demas  Predicadores  del  avangelio 
encontraron  en  todas  las  partes  del  mundo,  donde  le  predicaron. 

Estando  en  el  Real  de  San  Joseph  de  Parral,  tube  noticia  de  la  horden 
que  Vuestra  Magestad  dio  para  el  quintal  de  azogue  se  vendiese  de  con- 

I  This  is  clearly  a  miscopy  for  "  zelo  ". 

k  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  recive  ". 

1  This  is  probably  a  miscopy  for  "  conocido  ". 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1678  215 

is  evident  risk  of  losing  the  whole  kingdom  of  [Nueva]  Vizcaya,  that  of 
New  Mexico,  and  that  of  [Nueva]  Galicia,  for  they  [the  hostile  Indians] 
have  to  their  rear  innumerable  neighboring  nations  of  other  Indians  whom 
they  have  invited  to  come  to  their  aid.  Unless  God  refuses  to  permit  it, 
they  will  succeed  in  robbing  the  wagon  trains  that  go  regularly  to  Parral 
and  New  Mexico  10T  with  clothing.  In  the  short  time  that  I  governed 
[Nueva]  Vizcaya  they  attempted  it,  and,  while  they  did  not  succeed,  there 
was  danger  of  all  New  Spain  being  lost,  for,  because  of  their  desire  for 
clothing,  which  they  crave  so  much  since  they  all  go  naked,  there  would 
be  innumerable  nations  from  the  north  which  would  go  out  to  inundate 
these  kingdoms  and  provinces. 

Notwithstanding  that  this  entire  kingdom  does  not  contain  more  than 
three  hundred  citizens,  there  are  drawn  from  it  over  150,000  marks  of 
silver  annually,  from  which  your  Majesty  receives  in  fifths  and  tithes 
nearly  200,000  pesos.  At  the  Real  del  Parral  alone  there  were  extracted 
in  a  year  and  two  months  120,000  marks,  as  will  appear  from  the  certified 
copy  enclosed. 

Within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  there  are 
many  distinct  nations,  some  of  which  are  very  large.  Those  of  the  Tepe- 
guanes,  Taraumares,  and  Conchos  alone,  in  what  has  been  explored,  will 
total  300,000  families,  all  of  whom  are  peaceful,  and  a  certain  number  of 
them,  though  very  small,  is  already  baptized  and  reduced  to  the  faith. 
Although  your  Majesty  has  in  their  country  a  certain  number  of  instruc- 
tors to  convert  and  teach  them,  it  is  very  small  in  comparison  with  the 
multitude  of  these  nations,  each  one  occupying  150  leagues  of  mountain 
range.  When  the  Indians  at  the  last  point  to  which  the  padres  have  gone 
are  questioned  as  to  whether  there  are  more  Indians  further  on  and  on 
either  side,  they  reply  that  the  multitude  is  innumerable  in  every  direction. 
Solely  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  which  is  the  boundary  between  New  Mexico 
and  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  there  are  so  many  nations  that  with 
all  their  efforts  the  padres  who  are  in  that  vicinity  have  not  been  able  to 
understand  and  learn  their  names.  All  these  lands  are  contiguous  to  those 
which  your  Majesty  possesses  in  this  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  for 
this  same  reason  I  consider  that  it  is  very  much  in  accord  with  the  recog- 
nized zeal  of  your  Majesty  to  provide  them  with  the  necessary  ministers 
for  the  conversion  of  their  inhabitants.  Since  there  is  so  much  in  these 
regions  which  is  contiguous  to  that  which  your  Majesty  [already]  pos- 
sesses, I  am  convinced  that  the  great  expenses  which  have  been  incurred 
in  the  conversion  of  the  Marianas  Islands,108  Japan,  and  the  Philippines 
have  been  occasioned  by  the  lack  of  information  and  indiscreet  zeal  of  the 
persons  who  have  advised  your  Majesty  and  that  this  same  lack  of  infor- 
mation is  what  is  holding  back  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  and  of  your 
Majesty  in  these  kingdoms. 

All  the  nations  in  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  in  New  Mexico 
can  be  reduced  to  our  holy  faith  in  greater  facility  than  others,  and  at 
much  less  cost,  for,  besides  being  the  most  gentle  and  docile,  by  special 
kindness  of  God,  there  is  no  idolatry  among  any  of  them,  nor  do  the 
inhabitants  worship  anything  living  or  dead.  From  this — since  they  do 
not  practise  idolatry,  which  constituted  the  greatest  difficulty  and  ob- 


216  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

tado  a  los  mineros  a  ciento  y  veinte  pesos  y  que  precissamente  bajaren 
por  ellos  a  la  Vera  Cruz  y  esta  resolucion  me  persuado,  la  ha  ocasionado 
algun  in  forme  que  a  Vuestra  Magestad  se  hizo  por  alguna  persona  falta 
de  noticias,  que  quisso  exponer  este  Reino,  al  rriesgo  de  perderse  con  esta 
rresolucion;  su  conserbacion  y  poblacion  depende  de  la  mucha  plata  que 
se  saca  de  los  Reales  de  minas  que  hai  en  el,  y  faltando  estos  se  concluira 
con  todo,  yo  he  estado  en  diferentes  Reales  de  minas,  y  en  las  bocas  de 
ellas,  hay  montones  de  metales  crezidisimos  que  se  benefician  por  azogue 
y  por  ser  este  ingrediente  el  mas  costosso,  no  se  puede  costear  su  benefi- 
cio;  y  si  los  azogues  mandara  Vuestra  Magestad  que  se  dieran  a  los 
mineros  por  el  costo  y  costas  que  tienen  puestos  en  los  Reales  de  minas, 
se  pudieran  beneficiar  todos  los  metales  aunque  fueran  de  mui  cortas 
leies,  y  importara  a  Vuestra  Magestad  el  quinto  y  diezmo,  que  se  sacara 
de  ellos,  tres  tanto  mas  que  el  precio  de  los  azogues  que  se  remiten  a  las 
yndias,  y  por  su  mucha  pobreza  de  los  mineros  y  los  excesivos  costos  de 
los  azogues  y  mas  ingredientes,  no  pueden  profundar  las  minas,  porque 
en  los  primeros  treinta,  o  quarenta  estados,  no  se  hallan  metales,  que  sean 
de  considerable  lei,  y  los  que  no  son  de  esta  calidad  se  arrojan,  y  los 
pobres  miserables  sin  medios  no  puedan  profundar  las  minas,  que  hasta 
los  cinquenta  o  setenta  regularmente  no  se  encuentra  la  riqueza,  y  todos 
los  mineros  de  esta  Nueva  Espana  estan  tan  pobres,  que  aunque  el  azogue 
se  les  diera  de  balde,  no  solo  no  pudieran  personalmente  bajar  por  el  a  la 
Vera  Cruz,  pero  no  hallaran  persona  que  les  prestare  para  los  fletes  y 
muchos  de  los  Reales  de  minas,  a  trecientas,  quatrocientas  y  quinientas 
leguas  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  y  en  atencion  a  esta  imposibilidad,  Vuestra  Mages- 
tad tiene  prebenido  y  mandado  que  los  azogues  se  pongan  en  las  Caxas 
Reales  de  donde  se  les  reparta  dando  fianza  de  que  dentro  de  quatro  meses 
pagaran  el  precio  del  azogue  y  la  cantidad  correspondiente  de  quintos  de 
cada  quintal,  y  esto  precissamente  a  de  ser  de  la  Plata  que  sacan  con  aquel- 
los  azogues,  que  se  les  reparten  entonzes. 

He  juzgado  mui  propio  de  mi  obligasion  hallandome  ministro  de  Vues- 
tra Magestad  y  con  la  ocasion  de  haber  pasado  a  governar  el  reino  y  pro- 
vincias  de  la  Nueva  Viscaia,  participarle  estas  noticias  para  descargo  de 
mi  consiencia  y  para  que  con  ellas  mande  Vuestra  Magestad  lo  que  fuere 
servido  y  juzgare  mas  combeniente  cuia  Catholica  y  Real  Persona  guarde 
Nuestro  Senor,  muchos  anos,  como  la  Christianidad  ha  menester,  para 
su  maior  exaltacion.  Mexico  y  septiembre  26  de  1678  anos.  Licenciado 
Don  Lope  de  Sierra  de  Ozorio.    [Rubric  a  do.] 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1678  217 

stacle  which  all  the  holy  apostles  and  other  preachers  of  the  gospel  en- 
countered in  all  parts  of  the  world  where  they  have  preached  it — your 
Majesty  will  be  able  to  infer  with  what  facility  they  may  be  reduced  to 
our  holy  Catholic  faith. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp  of  San  Joseph  de  Parral,  I  received  news  of 
the  order  which  your  Majesty  gave  that  quicksilver  should  be  sold  to  the 
miners  for  cash  at  125  pesos  per  quintal,  and  that  it  would  be  necessary 
for  them  to  go  down  for  it  to  Vera  Cruz.  I  am  convinced  that  this  deci- 
sion has  been  occasioned  by  some  report  which  was  made  to  your  Majesty 
by  some  person,  lacking  in  knowledge,  who  wished  to  expose  this  kingdom 
to  the  risk  of  being  ruined  by  this  decision.  Its  preservation  and  settle- 
ment depend  upon  the  amount  of  silver  that  is  taken  from  its  mining 
camps,  and  if  these  are  gone  all  will  be  at  an  end.  I  have  been  at  the 
different  mining  camps,  and  at  their  entrances  there  are  the  most  enor- 
mous heaps  of  ore  which  are  worked  with  quicksilver,  and  since  this  in- 
gredient is  the  most  expensive,  it  does  not  pay  for  the  working.  If  your 
Majesty  would  order  that  quicksilver  should  be  given  to  the  miners  at 
the  cost  as  fixed  in  the  mining  camps,  all  the  ores  could  be  worked,  even 
though  they  should  be  of  very  low  quality,  and  the  fifth  and  tithe  which 
would  be  taken  from  them  would  amount  to  three  times  as  much  for  your 
Majesty  as  the  price  of  the  quicksilver  sent  to  the  Indies. 

Because  of  the  great  poverty  of  the  miners  and  the  excessive  cost  of 
the  quicksilver  and  other  ingredients,  they  are  not  able  to  deepen  the 
mines,  because  in  the  first  thirty  or  forty  estados 109  ores  of  appreciable 
quality  are  not  found.  Those  that  are  not  of  appreciable  quality  are 
thrown  out,  and  the  poor  unfortunates,  being  without  means,  cannot 
deepen  the  mines,  in  which  rich  ore  usually  is  not  found  until  the  fiftieth 
or  seventieth  [estado  is  reached].  And  moreover,  all  the  miners  of  this 
New  Spain  are  so  poor  that  even  though  the  quicksilver  should  be  given 
to  them  free,  not  only  would  they  not  be  able  to  go  down  for  it  in  person 
to  Vera  Cruz,  but  they  will  not  find  anyone  to  lend  them  the  money  for 
the  freight  charges — many  of  the  mining  camps  being  three  hundred, 
four  hundred,  and  five  hundred  leagues  from  Vera  Cruz.  In  view  of  this 
impossibility,  your  Majesty  has  provided  and  ordered  that  the  quicksilver 
shall  be  placed  in  the  royal  depositories,  from  which  it  is  to  be  appor- 
tioned to  them,  credit  being  given  for  the  payment  within  four  months 
of  the  price  of  the  quicksilver  and  the  corresponding  fifth  of  each  quintal. 
This  necessarily  must  be  in  the  silver  taken  out  with  that  quicksilver 
which  at  the  time  may  be  divided  among  them. 

I  have  been  very  sensible  of  my  obligation — being  a  minister  of  your 
Majesty,  and  because  of  having  gone  to  govern  the  kingdom  and  prov- 
inces of  Nueva  Vizcaya — to  inform  you  of  these  matters  for  the  unbur- 
dening of  my  conscience  and  in  order  that  with  this  information  your 
Majesty  may  order  that  which  may  suit  you  and  that  which  you  judge 
to  be  most  desirable.  May  our  Lord  guard  the  Catholic  and  royal  person 
of  your  Majesty  for  many  years,  as  Christianity,  for  its  greater  exalta- 
tion, has  need  of.  Mexico,  September  26,  1678.  Licenciado  Don  Lope 
de  Sierra  de  Ozorio.    [Signed  with  a  rubric.'] 


218  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Extracto  de  Papel  que  formo  el  Senor  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  sobre  las 
cossas  tocantes  al  Reyno  de  la  Nueba  Vizcaya.™  [Sin  fecha.  Subse- 
cuente  al  ano  de  1683.] 

Por  los  Auttos  Cartas  y  informes  que  ha  leido  se  an  Visto  n  en  el  Con- 
sejo  halla,  que  la  Nueba  Vizcaya  que  es  Uno  de  los  Reynos  mas  fertil  y 
abundante  de  todo  genero  de  frutos  y  minerales  de  Plata  y  oro,  que  ay  en 
las  Indias  y  si  estubiera  igualmente  poblado  que  otros ;  contribuyera  a  su 
Magestad  mas  tesoros  que  el  resto  de  ellos,  se  alia  oy  6  perdido,  en  el  todo 
6  en  el  inmediato  riesgo  de  perderse  por  haver  sublevados  100  naciones 
que  contienen  innumerable  numero  °  de  Yndios  muy  belicosos  y  guerreros, 
las  doce  de  ellas  que  se  comprehenden  debajo  del  nombre  Tobosos,  son  tan 
desesperados  y  valientes  que  ni  admiten  [quartel  p]  ni  le  dan,  y  a  los 
Niiios  y  mugeres  que  cojen  los  hacen  esclavos,  las  tierras  donde  estas  na- 
ciones avitan  cojen  desde  la  entrada  de  la  Vizcaya  y  confines  de  la  Galicia 
siguiendo  al  Norte  y  camino  de  la  Nueva  Mexico  170  q  leguas  con  poca 
diferencia  todos  por  los  terminos  de  la  Vizcaya  donde  an  desppblado  y 
destruydo  en  el  todo  muchos  pueblos  haciendas  Ranchos  y  Reales  de 
Minas  con  muerte  de  muchos  Yndios  Catholicos,  y  Espanoles  pasando  a 
executar  estas  ostilidades  hasta  los  Reales  de  Sombrerete  y  Zacatecas  den- 
tro  del  Reyno  de  la  Nueba  Galicia,  y  el  ano  de  83  estando  Sentados  de  Paz 
y  Recividos  algunos  a  doctrina  que  les  administrava  Un  Religioso  de  la 
Compania  de  Jesus  Movidos  del  exemplo  de  lo  que  poco  antes  hicieron 
las  naciones  de  la  Nueba  Mexico,  que  por  falta  de  defensa  triumfaron  de 
sus  avitadores  o  logradolos  r  a  despoblar  en  el  todo,  o  en  la  mayor  parte 
atropellando  la  obediencia,  y  abandonando  la  religion  con  lastimosa  per- 
turbacion  de  los  ya  reducidos,  a  costa  de  tanto  trabajo  Sudor  y  desbelo  de 
los  Ministros  Apostolicos  se  bolbieron  a  sublebar  y  hacer  al  Monte  execu- 
tando  las  hostilidades  y  atrozidades  que  se  refieren  en  los  autos  que  pasan 
en  el  consejo  cerrando  totalmente  la  comunicacion  de  las  provincias  y 
Reyno  de  la  Nueva  Espafia  y  Galicia  con  el  de  la  Vizcaya  los  parajes  prin- 
cipals por  donde  salen  ha  hacer  estos  danos,  y  se  rretiran  con  los  robos 
que  logran  en  estas  partes  son  los  que  llaman  del  Gallo  y  Quencame  donde 
es  preciso  se  pongan  dos  presidios  de  50  Soldados  cada  Uno  con  su  capitan 
6  cabo  que  los  govierne  para  zerrarles  estas  puertas,  y  asegurar  el  comer- 
cio  y  transito  de  aquellas  provincias  dandose  la  Mano  estos  dos  Presidios 
y  el  que  ya  ay  que  llaman  del  Cerro  gordo  en  la  lignia  que  forman 
desde  sombrerete  6  paraje  del  mal  passo  y  Rio  de  Medina  hasta  el 
Real  de  San  Joseph  del  Parral  donde  residen  los  governadores  que  incluye 
100  leguas  mas  6  menos,  y  bienen  a  quedar  en  proporcionada  distancia 
para  la  comunicacion  de  Un  Presidio  a  otro,  y  para  correr  y  rejistrar  sus 

mA.  G.  I.,  67-4-1 1. 

n  The  University  of  Texas  copy  of  this  document,  hereinafter  referred  to  as  Copy  B, 
reads :   "  que  ha  tenido  y  se  an  Visto." 

0  Copy  B  has  "  multitud  ". 

p  Words,  phrases,  or  sentences  omitted  from  the  Bandelier  copy  of  this  expediente 
have  been  added,  in  brackets,  from  the  University  of  Texas  copy  of  this  document. 

<i  Copy  B  has  "  120  Leguas  ". 

r  Copy  B  has  "  obligandolos  ". 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1683  219 

Extract  of  a  paper  which  Don  Lope  de  Sierra  wrote  in  regard  to  matters 
touching  upon  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  [Undated;  subse- 
quent to  the  year  1683.] 

By  the  autos,  letters,  and  reports  which  he  has  read  and  which  have 
been  examined  in  the  Council,  he  [Don  Lope  de  Sierra]  finds  that  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  which  is  one  of  the  most  fertile  kingdoms  in  the  Indies,  one  most 
abounding  in  all  kinds  of  fruits  and  in  silver  and  gold  mines,  and  one 
which,  if  it  were  populated  proportionately  with  the  others,  would  con- 
tribute more  treasure  to  his  Majesty  than  all  the  others,  is  to-day  either 
entirely  lost,  or  is  in  immediate  danger  of  being  lost,  by  reason  of  the 
uprising  of  one  hundred  nations,  which  contain  uncounted  numbers  of 
very  bellicose  and  warlike  Indians.  Twelve  of  these  nations,  comprised 
under  the  name  of  Tobosos,  are  so  desperate  and  valiant  that  they  take  or 
give  no  quarter,  and  they  make  slaves  of  all  the  women  and  children 
whom  they  capture. 

The  country  which  these  nations  occupy  extends  from  the  entrance  into 
Vizcaya  and  the  confines  of  Galicia  to  the  north,  toward  New  Mexico, 
for  170  leagues,  more  or  less,  all  along  the  boundaries  of  Vizcaya,  where 
they  have  depopulated  and  completely  destroyed  many  towns,  haciendas, 
ranches,  and  mining  camps,  and  have  killed  many  Catholic  Indians  and 
Spaniards.  They  even  proceeded  to  commit  such  hostilities  as  far  as  the 
settlements  of  Sombrerete  and  Zacatecas,  within  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Galicia.  In  the  year  '83,  although  they  were  in  a  state  of  peace,  and  some 
had  accepted  the  instruction  which  a  religious  of  the  Company  of  Jesus 
was  offering  to  them,  influenced  by  the  example  of  what  had  been  done 
a  little  while  before  by  the  nations  of  New  Mexico,110  who  triumphed 
over  its  inhabitants  through  their  lack  of  defense,  and  succeeded  in  de- 
populating it  either  entirely  or  in  great  part — trampling  obedience  under 
foot  and  forsaking  religion,  to  the  grievous  perturbation  of  those  already 
reduced  at  the  cost  of  so  much  labor,  sweat,  and  vigilance  of  the  apos- 
tolic ministers — these  [Indians  of  Nueva  Vizcaya]  rose  in  rebellion,  took 
to  the  mountains  where  they  committed  the  hostilities  and  atrocities  which 
are  related  in  the  autos  that  were  sent  to  the  Council,  and  totally  shut  off 
communication  between  the  provinces  and  kingdom  of  New  Spain  and 
Galicia  and  that  of  Vizcaya. 

The  principal  places  from  which  they  sally  forth  to  do  this  damage, 
and  to  which  they  retire  with  the  spoils  which  they  secure  in  these  parts, 
are  those  which  they  call  El  Gallo  and  Cuencame,  where  it  is  necessary 
that  there  be  established  two  presidios  of  fifty  men  each,  with  a  captain 
or  corporal  to  command  them,  in  order  to  close  the  doors  to  these  Indians 
and  to  make  safe  commerce  and  travel  in  those  provinces — these  two 
presidios  and  the  one  that  is  already  there,  called  Cerro  Gordo,  to  join 
hands  in  the  line  formed  from  Sombrerete,  or  Paraje  del  Mai  Paso,  and 
Rio  de  Medina,  to  the  Real  de  San  Joseph  del  Parral,  where  the  gover- 
nors reside.  This  line  measures  one  hundred  leagues,  more  or  less,  divided 
off  in  convenient  distances  to  allow  communication  from  one  presidio  to 
another,  and  to  reconnoitre  and  watch  the  intervening  spaces.  Another 
place  from  which  they  sally  forth  to  commit  similar  hostilities,  following 


220  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

intermedios,  otro  parage  por  donde  salen  a  executar  las  mismas  ostilidades 
Siguiendo  la  propia  lignia  se  llama  San  Francisco  de  conchos  22  leguas 
a  la  parte  del  norte  del  Parral  poco  desbiado  del  camino  de  la  Nueva 
Mexico  que  es  Raya  de  las  referidas  naciones,  y  la  de  conchos  donde  se  ha 
de  poner  Presidio  como  los  antezedentes  que  servira  de  contener  en  re- 
specto  a  Unas  y  otras  naciones  privarles  de  la  comunicacion,  y  obrar  la 
execucion  de  las  dafios  y  Robos  que  por  aquella  parte  logran  y  se  dan  la 
Mano  este  presidio  con  30  soldados  y  Un  cabo  que  llaman  de  campafia,  y 
tiene  el  Governador  en  aquellos  contornos  para  acudir  Con  prontitud  a 
qualquiera  imbassion  que  hagan,  y  se  aseguraran  las  Poblaciones  y  Reales 
de  Minas  de  San  Joseph  del  Parral  san  diego  de  Minas  nuebas,  san  Fran- 
cisco del  oro  santa  Barvara  y  otros  muchos  desamparados  pueblos  inde- 
fensos  que  indubitablemente  Volberan  a  tener  Veneficio  hallandose  por  el 
medio  Referido  Resguardados  asi  los  mineros  como  las  haciendas  de 
Minas,  labor,  estancias  de  Ganado  y  carboneras  de  sus  contornos  precisas 
para  su  conservacion  y  beneficio  de  la  mineria. 

Con  esta  disposicion  Se  zierra  el  passo  por  toda  la  lignia  Referida  que 
es  la  que  corta  lo  poblado,  y  Reducido  de  la  nueba  Vizcaya;  y  lo  divide 
de  la  tierra  de  los  Yndios  barbaros,  y  alzados  que  con  ser  sumamente 
aspera  y  cassi  impenetreable  a  los  espanoles  por  su  maleza  es  no  menos 
seca  sin  que  en  todo  lo  en  ella  Reconocido  se  halla  rrio,  Arroyo,  6  fuente 
sustentandose  en  ella  sus  Avitadores,  mas  como  fieras  que  como  Racionales 
beviendo  Aguas  inmundas  y  corruptas  de  algunas  pocas  lagunas,  y  las 
que  de  las  lluvias  se  conserban  por  algun  tiempo  en  los  huecos  de  las 
penas  y  a  falta,  con  el  humor  de  frutas  silbestres  Rayces  y  Cortegas  de 
plantas  y  Arboles  Siendo  al  mismo  passo  que  boraces  quando  Roban 
algunos  Ganados,  6  caballadas  (que  es  a  lo  mas  que  anhela  su  codicia  por 
conseguir  con  este  medio  dos  fines,  el  primero  es  el  de  su  mantenimiento 
pues  Su  mayor  Regalo  es  este  Genero  de  comida  y  el  segundo  por  que 
consiguiendo  el  dejar  a  pie  los  Avitados  logran  sin  resistencia  el  apo- 
derarse  de  la  Provincia)  Grandes  sufridores  de  la  ambre  y  sed,  y  mas 
inclemencias  del  tiempos  a  que  estan  sujetos  por  su  desabrigo  en  temple 
muy  frio  no  Usando  demas  Vestido  del  que  les  concedio  la  naturaleza 
ni  de  poblado  o  congregacion  cultura  ni  siembra  de  los  Campos  caussas 
por  que  nunca  se  les  ha  podido  hacer  guerra  ofensiva  ni  entrar  a  buscarles 
en  sus  tierras  sino  sobre  Avisso  a  muy  poca  distancia  y  esso  pocas  veces, 
y  con  poco  probecho  con  que  la  experiencia  a  mostrado  que  el  mejor 
medio  y  Unico  para  correjir  y  evitar  sus  ostilidades  es  de  cortarles  los 
transitos  de  su  tierra  a  la  que  esta  reducida  y  poblada  de  Yndios  y  espa- 
noles ques  de  la  fertilidad  y  abundancia  de  todas  las  cossas  dichas. 

Las  demas  naciones  nuebamente  sublebadas  y  que  oy  tienen  el  reyno  de 
la  nueba  Vizcaya  en  el  estado  que  se  refiere  segun  las  noticias  que  ha  tenido 
el  consejo  y  constan  de  los  autos  y  esclamaciones  del  Governador;  con 
diferentes  nombres  de  chizos,  Julimes,  y  otros  que  no  puede  retener  la 
memoria  Se  contienen  en  el  Apellido  de  Conchos,  que  es  el  mas  General 
Confinan  y  parten  terminos  Con  otras  que  llaman  Cibolos,  Apaches,  y 
todas  las  que  se  revelaron  en  la  Nueba  Mexico  y  abitan  aquellos  payses 
con  la  misma  Policia  y  moda  de  Vivir  que  queda  dicho  de  los  Tobosos, 
pero  la  tierra  de  los  conchos  es  liana  fertil  y  Regada  de  muchos  Rios  y 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1683  221 

the  same  line,  is  called  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  a  little  to  one  side  of 
the  New  Mexico  road  and  twenty-two  leagues  to  the  north  of  El  Parral, 
which  is  the  limit  of  the  above-mentioned  nations  and  that  of  the  Con- 
chos. A  presidio  should  be  placed  there,  as  well  as  at  the  first-named 
places.  It  will  serve  to  hold  in  check  some  nations,  and  to  deprive  others 
of  communication,  and  to  prevent  the  outrages  and  robberies  which  are 
common  in  that  district.  This  presidio  will  also  co-operate  with  thirty 
soldiers  and  their  leader,  comprising  a  field  company,  which  the  governor 
has  in  that  vicinity  in  order  to  oppose  promptly  any  invasion  that  they 
might  make.  Furthermore  safety  will  be  assured  to  the  settlements  and 
mining  camps  of  San  Joseph  del  Parral,  the  new  mines  of  San  Diego, 
San  Francisco  del  Oro,  Santa  Barbara,  and  many  other  deserted,  de- 
fenseless towns,  which  undoubtedly  will  be  worked  again,  provided,  in 
the  manner  referred  to,  the  miners  as  well  as  the  mine  buildings,  and  the 
farms,  cattle  ranches,  and  charcoal  pits  in  their  vicinity  necessary  for 
their  conservation  and  the  working  of  the  mines  are  safeguarded. 

By  this  arrangement  their  passage  would  be  stopped  all  along  the  line 
referred  to,  which  divides  the  settled  and  reduced  part  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
from  the  country  of  the  barbarous  and  rebellious  Indians.  The  latter 
region,  while  it  is  supremely  rough  and  almost  impenetrable  to  the  Span- 
iards by  reason  of  its  underbrush,  is  no  less  dry,  and  in  the  whole  of  it 
there  is  not  known  to  be  a  single  river,  creek,  or  spring,  its  inhabitants 
sustaining  themselves  on  it,  more  like  wild  beasts  than  as  rational  beings, 
by  drinking  filthy  and  corrupt  water  from  some  few  lagoons,  and  the 
pools  that  the  rain  leaves  for  a  while  in  the  hollows  of  the  rocks.  When 
these  fail  they  sustain  themselves  with  the  juice  of  wild  fruits,  roots,  and 
the  bark  of  plants  and  trees.  At  the  same  time  they  are  voracious  when 
they  steal  some  cattle  or  horses  (which  is  what  they  most  eagerly  desire, 
since  they  secure  in  this  way  two  ends,  first,  their  maintenance,  for  their 
greatest  treat  is  this  kind  of  food,  and  second,  as  a  result  of  the  [Spanish] 
inhabitants  being  forced  to  go  on  foot,  they  are  able  without  resistance 
to  obtain  possession  of  the  province).  And  yet  they  are  great  endurers 
of  hunger  and  thirst,  and  other  inclemencies  of  the  weather  to  which  they 
are  subject  through  their  exposure  to  a  very  cold  temperature,  as  they  use 
no  other  dress  than  that  granted  them  by  nature.  They  have  no  settlement, 
nor  community  cultivation  or  planting  of  the  land,  for  which  reasons  it 
has  never  been  possible  to  make  offensive  war  upon  them,  nor  to  enter 
in  pursuit  of  them  in  their  country  except  very  cautiously  for  a  short  dis- 
tance, and  that  only  a  few  times,  and  with  little  advantage.  Experience 
has  therefore  shown  that  the  best  and  only  means  to  chastise  and  prevent 
their  hostilities  is  by  cutting  off  the  exits  from  their  country  to  that  which 
is  reduced  and  settled  by  Indians  and  Spaniards,  and  which  is  fertile  and 
abundant  in  all  the  things  spoken  of. 

The  other  nations  lately  in  rebellion,  which  have  placed  the  kingdom 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  to-day  in  the  condition  referred  to,  according  to  infor- 
mation that  the  Council  has  had  and  which  appears  from  the  antos  and 
vehement  petitions  of  the  governor,  have  different  names  such  as  Chisos, 
Julimes,  and  others  which  it  is  impossible  to  remember,  included  under 
the  appellation  of  Conchos,  which  is  the  more  general  name.  They  border 


222  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Arroyos  Siguiendo  la  lignea  desde  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  hasta  el 
rrio  que  llaman  del  Norte  que  es  el  que  divide  la  Jurisdicion  de  la  Nueba 
Vizcaya  de  la  de  la  Nueba  Mexico,  estos  como  se  rrefiere  en  las  noticias 
que  an  benido  al  consejo  tienen  ocupado  todo  el  camino  que  ba  del  Parral 
a  Sonora  y  Salinas  de  donde  inescusablemente  se  probee  toda  aquella 
Mineria  de  este  ingrediente  sin  el  qual  no  se  beneficiara  plata  por  Azogue 
que  es  la  que  mas  abunda  y  son  los  que  asta  aora  por  su  mucho  numero, 
llebavan  de  travajo  assi  de  dicha  Mineria  Como  de  las  Haciendas  de 
Campo  a  que  benian  ellos  Conbidados  de  sus  propios  yntereses,  y  con  su 
falta  es  yndubitable  este  parado  Uno  y  otro,  a  esto,  por  esta  razon  por 
ser  a  los  espafioles  penetrable  su  tierra,  por  rebelados  y  apostatas  de  Nues- 
tra  santa  fee,  se  les  ha  de  hacer  la  guerra  de  proposito  Sin  algar  la  Mano 
de  ella  hasta  Reducirlos,  y  sujetarlos,  Mayormente,  con  lo  que  Ultima- 
mente  Consta  por  los  Autos  Referidos  an  executado  con  no  esperado 
atrevimiento  pues  parece  que  por  fin  de  febrero  del  afio  proximo  passado 
yendo  una  quadrilla  de  carros  que  constava  de  18  cargados  de  farderia  y 
diferentes  generos  desde  la  Nueba  Espaiia  al  Real  de  San  Joseph  del  Par- 
ral y  conboyandolos  ocho  soldados  y  por  su  cabo  el  capitan  Antonio 
Rodriguez  de  cangas  saliendo  para  su  Resguardo  del  Paraje  de  quencame, 
les  salieron  al  encuentro  gran  numero  de  Yndios  entre  los  parajes  del 
Gallo  y  Santo  Domingo  y  acometiendolos  con  notable  Arrojo  y  osadia 
hiriendo  al  capitan  y  algunos  de  los  soldados  se  llebaron  mas  de  300  Mulas 
y  desbalijaron  ocho  carros  Retirando  y  llebandose  la  farderia  de  ellos  y 
tres  Indios  dos  Muchachos  y  muerto  Un  Negro  y  el  no  haver  conseguido 
el  Acabar  con  todos,  fue,  por  haver  Sobrevenido  la  noche,  prorrumpiendo 
al  tiempo  de  Retirarse  en  Palabras  de  Ultraje  contra  dichos  soldados  y 
demas  gente  amenagando  bolverian  la  Manana  Siguiente  como  lo  hizieron, 
Si  bien  no  osaron  el  bolver  acometer,  por  haverles  llegado  (ha  diligencias 
que  se  hizieron  aquella  noche)  Socorro  de  Jente  y  Bagaje  del  Presidio  de 
Cerro  gordo  Concurriendo  con  esto,  la  hostilidad  que  por  la  parte  del 
Parral  a  dos  leguas  de  el,  hicieron  a  24  de  Marco  del  mismo  afio  Robando 
mas  de  250  bestias,  con  muerte  de  4  personas  y  aunque  para  obiar  seme- 
jantes  perjuicios,  y  enfrenar  el  orgullo  de  aquellos  Barbaros  se  dispusso, 
por  el  Governador  de  dicha  Provincia,  a  costa  de  los  vezinos  y  otros 
efectos,  que  por  principios  de  Agosto,  de  mismo  ano,  hiciesse  entrada  al 
zentro  de  los  Alzados  Juan  de  Retana  Con  100  Arcabuzeros  y  cantidad 
de  Yndios  Amigos  y  Confederados  de  la  nacion  Taraumara  al  cavo  de  5 
semanas  se  bolvieron  Sin  haver  podido  hazer  efecto  de  ningun  probecho 
continuando  esta  diligencia  en  otras  ocasiones  para  evitar  los  Yntentos  de 
los  yndios  Tobosos  que  quisieron  Matar  a  su  Capitan,  y  al  Religioso  que 
los  administrava  y  lo  hubieran  conseguido,  a  no  haverseles  socorrido,  y 
aunque  pelearon,  Ubieron  de  escapar  con  mucho  travajo  los  60  Arcabu- 
ceros  que  fueron  al  efecto  referido  por  el  crecido  numero  de  los  enemigos, 
y  por  Ultimo  haviendo  hecho  tercera  Salida  con  70  Arcabuzeros  les  obligo 
a  lo  mismo  con  cuyo  desconsuelo  por  la  deshigualdad  tan  grande  de  f  uer- 
zas  para  poder  hazer  ni  aun  guerra  defensiva  se  hallava  resuelto  el  Gover- 
nador a  entrar  personalmente  por  ultimo  remedio  y  acuerdo  de  los  Vezinos 
Interesados  del  Parral  fiando  le  siguirian  los  que  se  hallaren  con  mayores 
obligaciones  pero  desconfiando  en  la  persistencia  y  duracion  deste  Ultimo 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1683  223 

upon  others  called  Cibolos,  Apaches,  and  all  those  who  rebelled  in  New 
Mexico,  and  they  inhabit  those  countries  with  the  same  government  and 
way  of  living  as  has  already  been  said  of  the  Tobosos.  However,  the 
country  of  the  Conchos  is  level,  fertile,  and  watered  by  many  rivers  and 
streams,  following  the  line  from  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  as  far  as  the 
river  called  Del  Norte,  which  is  the  one  that  divides  the  jurisdiction  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  from  that  of  New  Mexico.  These  Indians,  as  is  related 
in  the  reports  that  have  come  to  the  Council,  have  occupied  the  entire 
road  extending  from  El  Parral  to  Sonora  and  Salinas.  From  the  latter 
place  all  those  mines  must  inevitably  be  provided  with  this  ingredient 
[salt],  without  which  silver,  which  is  the  most  abundant  mineral,  cannot 
be  extracted  with  mercury. 

These  were  the  Indians,  who,  up  to  this  time,  on  account  of  their  large 
numbers,  were  accustomed  to  work  in  the  mines  as  well  as  on  the  farms, 
to  which  they  came,  impelled  by  their  own  interests.  Lacking  these  inter- 
ests it  is  inevitable,  as  a  result,  that  both  mining  and  farm  work  will  be 
halted. 

For  this  reason,  and  since,  as  of  rebels  and  apostates  from  our  holy  faith, 
their  country  is  open  to  the  Spaniards,  war  must  be  made  upon  them  reso- 
lutely, without  lifting  hand  from  it  until  they  are  reduced  and  subjected, 
especially  because  of  what,  from  the  above-mentioned  autos,  it  appears 
that  they  have  recently  done,  with  unexpected  daring.  For  it  seems  that 
in  the  latter  part  of  February  of  last  year,  while  a  train  of  wagons, 
loaded  with  eighteen  consignments  of  baggage  and  different  sorts  of 
goods,  was  en  route  from  New  Spain  to  the  Real  de  San  Joseph  del  Par- 
ral, under  convoy  of  eight  soldiers,  with  their  leader,  Captain  Antonio 
Rodriguez  de  Cangas,  who  had  gone  out  as  an  escort  from  Cuencame,  a 
large  number  of  Indians  issued  forth  to  meet  them  between  El  Gallo  and 
Santo  Domingo.  The  Indians  attacked  with  remarkable  ardor  and  bold- 
ness, wounded  the  captain  and  some  of  the  soldiers,  carried  off  more  than 
300  mules,  and  plundered  eight  carts.  After  killing  a  negro  they  retired, 
taking  with  them  the  goods  and  also  three  Indians  and  two  boys.  The 
reason  why  they  did  not  succeed  in  destroying  the  entire  train  was  be- 
cause darkness  intervened.  However,  when  they  retired  they  broke  out 
in  abusive  words  against  the  soldiers  and  the  rest  of  the  people,  threaten- 
ing to  return  the  next  morning.  This  they  did,  although  they  did  not 
venture  to  attack  again,  because  of  reinforcements  of  men  and  baggage 
having  arrived  from  the  presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo  (through  action  that 
was  taken  in  the  night). 

Concurrent  with  this  was  the  attack  which  they  made  on  March  24  of 
the  same  year  in  the  vicinity  of  El  Parral,  about  two  leagues  therefrom, 
when  they  stole  250  animals  and  killed  four  persons.  Despite  the  fact 
that,  with  the  object  of  preventing  such  outrages  and  bridling  the  arro- 
gance of  those  barbarians,  it  was  ordered  by  the  governor  of  that  province 
that  an  expedition  should  be  made  in  the  beginning  of  August  of  the  same 
year  to  the  centre  of  the  [country  of  the]  rebels,  at  the  expense  of  the 
citizens  and  of  other  funds,  by  Juan  de  Retana,  with  one  hundred  harque- 
busiers  and  a  number  of  friendly  and  allied  Indians  of  the  Taraumara 
nation,  they  returned  at  the  end  of  five  weeks  without  having  been  able 


224  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Recurso  por  la  falta  de  Medios  de  socorro  De  bastimento  y  cavallada  y  su 
conduccion  respecto  de  que  en  dicha  Jurisdicion  del  Parral  y  su  Contorno 
ay  mas  de  30  Labradores  de  Regadio  no  se  havian  sembrado  quatro,  por 
la  Retirada  de  las  naciones  pues  con  solo  ella  hacen  la  mayor  Hos- 
telidad  por  deshacer  la  Armonia  de  los  sirvuientes  y  no  haver  con  que 
sustentarlos  medio,  a  que  principalmente  atienden  para  conseguir  por  el 
fin  de  la  despoblagion,  y  para  ocurrir  a  estos  ynconbenientes  se  ordenara 
al  Virrey  de  la  nueba  espafia  que  en  caso  de  no  acudir  personalmente  A 
causa  de  tanta  Urjencia  y  en  que  tanto  se  aventura  y  interes  al  Servicio 
de  Su  Magestad  aplique  toda  su  atencion,  Celo,  y  Cuidado  a  esta  expedi- 
zion  Asistiendo  al  Governador  de  la  Vizcaya  con  el  dinero  y  todos  los 
Medios,  Gente,  Armas,  Cavallos,  y  peltrechos  de  que  necessitare  advir- 
tiendole  sea  estranado  y  Reparado  en  la  culpable  omission  Con  que  en 
cossa  de  tanta  importancia  yttambanbista s  del  riesgo  se  a  portado  hasta 
aora  y  en  la  desacordada  Resolucion  de  la  Junta  que  formo  con  vista  de 
los  avissos  y  representaciones  que  le  binieron  de  aquel.  aflijido  Reino  no 
deviendo  ygnorar  ni  dudar  que  su  primera  obligacion  hera  y  es  la  de  man- 
tener  y  conserbar  aquellos  dominios  a  su  Magestad  que  los  no  a  su  cuy- 
dado  y  Probidencia  y  la  fee  plantada  en  aquella  gentilidad  que  a  su  bista 
si  no  se  perdio  en  el  todo  a  lo  menos  descaecia  y  Vacilaba  aun  antes  que 
hacer  Remisios  de  la  Real  Hazienda  a  estos  Reynos  Sin  embargo  las 
necessidades  de  que  tenian  noticia  pues  deviera  Considerar  que  perdida  la 
Vizcaya  Cuyo  riesgo  le  he  Manifiesto  por  los  avisos  y  Representaciones 
Referidos  [Aqui  prosigue  lo  testado.'] 

Ademas  de  lo  dicho  se  ha  de  prebenir  Conforme  a  lo  acordado  para  el 
mejor  Govierno  de  la  milicia  de  aquel  Reyno  y  para  evitar  fraudes  que 
Governadores  menos  celosos  del  Servicio  de  su  Magestad  pueden  cometer 
que  la  provision  de  los  capitanes  6  cabos  de  los  tres  presidios  que  nueba- 
mente  se  an  de  erijir  sea  perpetuamente  del  Cargo  del  Governador  y 
Capitan  general  y  que  la  aya  de  hacer  en  soldado  que  hubiere  servido  con 
reputacion  y  credito  en  qualquiera  de  los  Presidios  de  aquel  Reyno,  6  en 
la  que  llaman  Compania  de  campafia  y  no  se  le  pueda  remober  ni  quitar 
si  no  es  por  promocion  a  otra  cossa  de  mayor  grado  por  caussa  justa  que 
se  le  aya  fulminado  6  por  inavilidad,  6  Yneptitud,  y  que  esto  mismo  se 
obserbe  por  dicho  Governador  en  los  demas  presidios  que  son  de  su 
provission  y  con  los  soldados  que  llaman  de  campafia,  y  por  el  Vir- 
rey en  los  de  sinaloa,  cerro  gordo  y  san  sevastian  que  son  de  la  suya  y 
que  los  ponga  siempre  y  desde  aora  a  la  horden  de  dicho  Governador  Como 
lo  esta  mandado  por  cedula  del  Afio  de  682  para  que  higualmente  tenga  el 
superior  govierno  de  todos  y  se  pueda  valer  destas  armas  sin  contradiccion 
en  las  Urgencias  que  se  le  ofrecieren  estando  el  Virrey  a  la  mira  del  pro- 
ceder  de  cada  uno  para  castigar  y  correjir  al  que  lo  mereciere,  y  dicho 
Virrey  a  de  hacer  las  provissiones  que  le  tocan  en  la  forma  Referida  eli- 
jiendo  Un  soldado  de  cada  presidio  precediendo  el  que  el  governador  le 
proponga  quando  Siempre  se  ofresca  ocasion  y  no  en  otra  forma,  medio 
que  servira  de  estimulo  y  aliento  para  que  sirban  en  aquella  Melicia  per- 

8  Copy  B  has  "  y  tarn  anbista ".  Both  copyists  apparently  have  miscopied  what  was 
meant  to  be  "  y  tambien  a  vista  ". 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1683  225 

to  accomplish  anything  of  any  consequence.  They  continued  their  efforts 
on  other  occasions  with  the  object  of  preventing  the  Tobosos  Indians 
from  accomplishing  their  purposes,  [as,  for  example,]  when  they  tried 
to  kill  their  captain  and  the  religious  who  ministered  to  them.  This  they 
would  have  succeeded  in  doing  if  succor  had  not  arrived,  for,  although 
they  fought,  it  was  with  great  difficulty,  on  account  of  the  great  number 
of  enemies,  that  the  sixty  harquebusiers  who  went  for  the  purpose  stated 
made  their  escape.  Finally,  when  a  third  sally  was  made  with  seventy 
harquebusiers,  the  Indians  compelled  them  to  do  the  same  thing.  Discour- 
aged by  so  great  an  inequality  of  forces  for  making  even  defensive  war, 
the  governor  resolved  to  enter  personally,  as  a  last  resort,  and  by  agree- 
ment of  the  interested  citizens  of  El  Parral,  trusting  that  those  who  were 
under  the  greatest  obligations  would  follow  him.  However,  he  had  no 
confidence  in  the  persistence  and  duration  of  this  last  recourse  because 
of  the  lack  of  provisions  and  horses  and  their  conduction. 

Despite  the  fact  that  in  the  said  jurisdiction  of  El  Parral  and  its 
vicinity  there  are  more  than  thirty  irrigated  farms,  not  even  four  have 
been  planted,  as  a  result  of  the  retirement  of  the  [Indian]  nations.  Indeed, 
in  this  way  alone  they  commit  the  greatest  hostility  by  destroying  the  har- 
mony of  the  servants.  As  a  result  of  the  latter  not  having  their  means  of 
sustenance,  which  is  their  principal  aim,  the  Indians  thereby  realize  their 
purpose  of  depopulation. 

In  order  to  remedy  these  difficulties  let  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  be 
ordered,  in  case  he  cannot  go  in  person  to  aid  in  a  cause  of  such  urgency, 
in  which  so  much  is  at  stake,  and  which  so  greatly  interests  the  service 
of  his  Majesty,  to  apply  his  whole  attention,  zeal,  and  care  to  this  expedi- 
tion, assisting  the  governor  of  Vizcaya  with  money  and  all  character  of 
supplies  of  soldiers,  arms,  horses,  and  provisions  that  he  may  need.  Let 
the  viceroy  be  warned  that  he  will  be  censured  and  held  accountable  for 
the  culpable  neglect  with  which  he  has  conducted  himself  up  to  now  in  a 
matter  of  such  importance,  especially  in  view  of  the  danger,  and  of  the 
discordant  resolution  of  the  junta  which  he  held,  in  the  face  of  the  infor- 
mation and  representations  that  came  to  him  from  that  afflicted  kingdom. 
He  ought  not  to  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  or  doubt  that  his  first  obligation 
was,  and  is,  to  maintain  and  preserve  those  dominions  for  his  Majesty, 
who  confided  them  to  his  care  and  management,  as  well  as  the  faith 
planted  among  those  heathen,  which,  in  his  opinion,  if  it  was  not  lost 
entirely,  at  least  languished  and  vacillated.  Nevertheless  before  sending 
assistance  from  the  real  hacienda  to  those  kingdoms,  notwithstanding 
the  needs  of  which  they  have  had  information,  he  should  ascertain  whether 
Vizcaya  is  lost,  which  danger,  from  the  reports  and  representations  re- 
ferred to,  I  have  pointed  out  to  him.    [Here  follows  the  testimony.'] 

Besides  the  aforesaid,  measures  must  be  taken,  in  accordance  with 
what  was  resolved  for  the  better  government  of  the  militia  of  that  king- 
dom, in  order  to  prevent  frauds  which  governors  less  zealous  in  the  ser- 
vice of  his  Majesty  may  commit.  Let  the  appointment  of  the  captains  or 
chiefs  of  the  three  new  presidios  that  are  to  be  erected  be  perpetually 
under  the  control  of  the  governor  and  captain-general,  and  let  him  be 
required  to  give  it  to  a  soldier  who  has  served  with  good  repute  and 


226  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

sonas  de  onrra  y  reputacion  y  los  hijos  de  los  vezinos  acomodados  de 
aquel  reyno  y  porque  ya  se  a  esperimentado  la  abilantes  de  los  Yndios 
enimigos,  ha  arrojarse  a  los  mismos  presidios  y  Matar  los  soldados  Como 
sucedio  por  el  referido  tiempo  de  la  sublevacion,  que  considerable  numero 
de  los  Tovosos  se  arrojo  al  de  Cerro  gordo  encerando  en  el  a  los  soldados, 
hiriendo  a  los  mas,  y  dando  la  muerte  a  algunos  y  llebandose  mas  de 
300  bestias,  de  su  Cavalleria,  sin  que  la  inferior  fuerza  de  los  soldados, 
pudiese  resistir  a  la  de  los  Yndios ;  Y  en  otras  ocasiones  los  de  la  nacion 
concha  y  sus  aliados  en  el  paraje  de  Cassas  grandes,  y  camino  del  Parral 
a  Sonora,  Superaron,  y  pusieron  en  grave  conrlicto  escuadras  de  60  y  70 
Arcabuceros  espafioles,  que  pudieron  juntarse  de  aquellos  contornos,  y 
haciendas,  intentando  resistir,  mas  que  castigar  la  livertad  con  que  los 
enemigos,  Robavan  las  cavalladas,  Ganados  y  quanto  havia ;  de  suerte  que 
ya  en  ninguna  parte  de  aquel  Reyno  dejan  de  estar  los  espafioles  en  el 
mayor  estremo  de  la  necessidad,  Sino  es  que  (lo  qual  Dios  no  permita) 
este  entregado  todo  al  furor  de  aquellos  barbaros,  que  se  deve  temer,  mas 
que  esperar  se  aya  mantenido  la  poca  Resistencia  que  avia  a  sus  Cruel- 
dades. 

Se  mandara  guarnecer  a  cada  uno  de  los  quatro,  de  quencame,  Gallo, 
Cerro  Gordo,  y.  San  Francisco  de  conchos  de  Veinte  y  Cinco  Mosquetes 
que  esten  de  Prebencion  para  seme j ante  Casso. 

Respecto  de  que  los  Arcabuces  que  Usan  aquellos  soldados  son  cortos 
y  de  poco  alcanze  y  no  de  tanto  efecto  como  haran  las  mosquetas,  y  que 
ansimismo  se  socorra  Cada  afio  Con  dos  quintales  de  Polbora  a  cada  uno 
de  dichos  quatro  presidios.1 

*F.  R.  B.,  Sevilla,  Dec.  1,  1914. 


Lope  de  Sierra  Osorio,  1683  227 

credit  in  any  of  the  presidios  of  that  kingdom,  or  in  what  is  called  the 
field  company,  who  shall  not  be  allowed  to  be  removed  or  taken  away 
unless  it  be  for  promotion  to  a  better  rank,  or  for  a  just  cause  that  may 
be  brought  against  him,  either  for  inability  or  inaptitude.  Let  this  same 
procedure  be  followed  by  the  governor  in  the  other  presidios  that  are 
under  his  control,  and  with  the  soldiers  called  field  soldiers,  and  by  the 
viceroy  in  those  of  Sinaloa,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  San  Sebastian,  which  are 
under  his  control.  Let  him  henceforth  place  them  under  the  control  of  the 
said  governor,  as  is  ordered  by  the  cedula  in  the  year  of  1682,  so  that  he 
[the  viceroy]  may  have  in  equal  degree  the  superior  government  of  all 
and  may  be  able  to  avail  himself  of  these  forces  without  opposition  in 
urgencies  that  may  occur.  Let  the  viceroy  keep  watch  over  the  behavior 
of  each  one,  in  order  to  castigate  and  correct  any  who  may  deserve  it. 
The  viceroy  must  make  the  appointments  that  fall  to  him  in  the  manner 
stated,  choosing  a  soldier  from  each  presidio  to  outrank  the  one  proposed 
to  him  by  the  governor  in  case  there  should  be  occasion  for  it,  and  not  in 
any  other  way.  This  measure  will  act  as  a  stimulus  and  an  encourage- 
ment to  serve  in  that  militia  to  persons  of  honor  and  reputation,  and  to 
the  sons  of  well-to-do  citizens  of  that  kingdom,  for  the  boldness  of  the 
Indian  enemies  in  attacking  the  presidios  themselves  and  killing  the  sol- 
diers has  now  been  experienced,  as  happened  at  the  time  of  the  said  up- 
rising when  a  considerable  number  of  Tobosos  attacked  the  presidio  of 
Cerro  Gordo,  and  shut  the  soldiers  up  in  it,  wounded  most  of  them,  killed 
some,  and  carried  off  more  than  three  hundred  animals  from  their  drove, 
the  inferior  force  of  the  soldiers  being  unable  to  resist  that  of  the  Indians. 

On  other  occasions  those  of  the  Concha  nation  and  their  allies,  at  Casas 
Grandes,  and  on  the  road  from  El  Parral  to  Sonora,  overcame  and 
forced  into  a  desperate  struggle  the  squads  of  from  sixty  to  seventy 
Spanish  harquebusiers  who  were  able  to  assemble  from  the  farms  of  that 
vicinity,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting,  rather  than  punishing,  the  boldness 
with  which  the  enemies  were  stealing  the  horses,  cattle,  and  whatever 
there  was.  Hence  there  is  now  no  part  of  the  kingdom  where  the  Span- 
iards are  not  in  extremity,  unless  it  has  happened  (which  may  God  for- 
bid) that  all  has  been  delivered  over  to  the  fury  of  those  barbarians,  which 
is  to  be  feared,  rather  than  any  hope  that  they  may  have  maintained  the 
little  resistance  that  was  being  made  to  cruelties  of  the  Indians. 

Let  orders  be  given  for  each  of  the  four  presidios,  Cuencame,  Gallo, 
Cerro  Gordo,  and  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  to  be  furnished  with  twenty- 
five  muskets,  so  that  they  may  serve  to  prevent  such  occurrences.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  harquebuses  used  by  those  soldiers  are  short,  and  have 
little  range,  and  are  not  so  effective  as  the  muskets,  let  each  of  the  four 
presidios  likewise  be  supplied  every  year  with  two  quintals  of  powder. 


16 


228  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  Governador  de  la  Nueba  Vizcaya,  A  su 
Magestad.  Parral,  21  de  Noviembre  1688.  Recivida  por  mano  de 
Don  Bernardino  Pardinas  su  hermano  en  16  de  Agosto  de  i68p.u 

Informa  de  estado  de  aquel  Reyno,  Nuebos  descubrimientos  de  miner- 
ales  que  en  el  hay,  y  del  excito  de  la  guerra,  noticias  de  estrangeros  por  la 
parte  del  Norte  de  dicho  Reino,  y  providencia  que  ha  dado  a  todo,  de  que 
remite  testimonio. 

Senor:  En  quince  meses  que  ha  que  aprehendi  la  possession  de  este 
Govierno  de  la  nueva  Vizcaya  me  he  enterado  de  lo  mas  notable  de  el  para 
dar  a  Vuestra  Magestad  quenta  de  que  se  compone,  estado  en  que  se  halle 
Y  tiene  al  presente,  que  es  un  Reyno  muy  fertil  pues  en  el  se  cojen  todos 
generos  Semillas  que  hay  en  otra  qualquiera  parte  de  la  America,  Tiene 
ganados  mayores  y  menores  los  necessarios  para  mantenersse  Es  opulen- 
tissimo  de  minerales  de  platta  y  oro  por  que  no  hay  parte  en  todo  el  que 
no  manifieste  betas  que  no  se  labran  mas  (prometiendo  riquezas)  porque 
lo  hevita  el  Riesgo  de  los  enemigos  que  obstilizhan  con  Repitidas  muertes 
a  los  que  deponen  el  temor  por  el  ynteres ;  Verificandosse  el  que  Cessante 
esta  Caussa  se  multiplicaran  los  descubrimientos  Y  Tessoros,  pues  por 
haverse  Combertido  a  nuestra  Santa  fee  Catolica  los  de  la  nacion  Tara- 
humara  se  han  buscado  en  sus  Tierras,  Y  despues  que  entre  en  este 
govierno  se  descubrio  en  aquella  partte  Un  mineral  de  los  mas  ricos  que 
se  han  experimentado  en  estas  partes,  Y  que  ba  f  ructificando  mucha  platta 
aunque  se  halla  en  sus  principios,  Y  estarse  haciendo  para  el  veneficio  de 
Sacarla  Yngenios,  assi  por  fuego  como  por  Agogue,  Y  mediante  la  buena 
correspondencia  que  he  procurado  se  tenga  con  los  naturales,  se  hallan 
muy  bien  sin  estrafiar  el  que  pueblen  en  su  provincia  los  Espafioles ;  Cossa 
que  esta  Nacion  ha  escussado  (hasta  el  tiempo  pressente)  con  Cuya  oca- 
sion  en  el  Camino  de  Sonora  se  han  descubierto  otros  minerales  que  se 
van  poblando  que  segun  demuestran  seran  de  mucha  Utilidad  al  Real 
haver  de  Vuestra  Magestad  y  de  grande  alivio  de  sus  Vassallos  que  havi- 
tan  essas  regiones  mediante  la  mineria  Y  Tessoros  de  la  tierra  que  es  el 
unico  fin  conque  se  han  poblando,  Y  porque  Vuestra  Magestad  estara  v 
ynformado  por  mis  antecessores  de  lo  que  consta  este  Reyno  desde  su 
primer  descubrimiento  no  lo  expresso  Remitiendome  a  sus  ynformes. 

Lo  mas  deste  Reyno  es  despoblado  de  Espafioles  por  que  como  ha  ssido 
continua  la  guerra  en  el,  no  se  atreben  a  poblar,  muchas  partes  que  hay 
comodas  para  Poblaciones,  por  la  poca  seguridad  que  tienen  por  las 
Ymbasiones  de  los  enemigos,  no  obstante  que  en  el  tiempo  que  ha  que  me 
hallo  Con  este  cargo  no  he  dejado  las  Armas  de  la  mano  haciendoles 
guerra  Cuya  obstinacion  ha  sido  y  es,  tanta  que  ni  aun  por  el  medio  suabe 
de  la  Paz  los  he  podido  Reducir,  porque  como  es  todo  este  Reyno  Tierra 
tan  abierta  y  en  muy  larga  distancia  por  qualquier  parte  entran  ha  ymba- 
dir,  Robar  y  matar  caussando  tanto  Perjuicio  que  quando  menos  consi- 
guen,  se  lleban  las  Cavalladas  Y  muladas  que  pastan  los  campos  frus- 
trando  el  Veneficio  de  Sacar  platta  (porque  sin  ellas  no  se  puede  hacer) 

»  A.  G.  I.,  66-6-18. 

v  Obviously  a  miscopy  for  "  estaba  ". 


Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  1688  229 

Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  to  his  Majesty. 
Parral,  November  21,  1688.  Received  by  the  hand  of  Don  Bernar- 
dino Pardinas,  his  brother,  on  August  16,  i68p. 

Report  on  the  state  of  that  kingdom,  on  new  discoveries  of  minerals 
in  it,  and  on  the  outcome  of  the  war ;  information  concerning  foreigners 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  said  kingdom,  and  action  which  he  has  taken 
with  respect  to  everything,  of  which  he  sends  a  certified  copy. 

Sir:  In  the  fifteen  months  that  have  passed  since  I  took  possession  of 
this  government  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  I  have  informed  myself  of  the  most 
important  part  of  its  affairs,  in  order  to  give  account  to  your  Majesty 
of  what  it  is  composed,  and  the  state  in  which  it  is  [at  present].  It  is  a 
very  fertile  kingdom,  for  in  it  are  grown  all  kinds  of  grain  that  are  to  be 
found  in  any  other  part  of  America.  It  has  the  requisite  cattle  and  sheep 
for  its  support;  it  is  extremely  rich  in  gold  and  silver  ores,  for  there  is 
no  part  in  the  whole  of  it  that  does  not  show  veins.  These  are  not  worked 
more  (despite  their  promise  of  riches)  because  the  danger  from  enemy 
Indians,  who  carry  on  hostilities  by  continually  murdering  those  who 
postpone  fear  to  interest,  prevents  it.  It  has  been  demonstrated  that  if  this 
interference  ceases  the  discoveries  and  riches  will  be  multiplied,  for,  as 
a  result  of  the  Indians  of  the  Tarahumara  nation  having  been  converted 
to  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  riches  have  been  sought  in  their  lands,  and 
after  I  entered  upon  this  governorship  there  was  discovered  in  that  region 
one  of  the  richest  mineral  deposits  that  has  been  encountered  in  these 
parts.  It  is  producing  a  great  deal  of  silver,  although  it  is  in  its  begin- 
ning, and  machines,  both  for  fire  and  for  quicksilver,  are  being  utilized 
in  the  work  of  extracting  the  ore. 

As  a  result  of  the  good  relations  that  I  have  endeavored  to  keep  with 
the  natives,  they  are  pleased  and  are  not  alienated  by  the  fact  that  the 
Spaniards  may  settle  in  their  provinces,  a  thing  from  which  this  nation 
has  been  exempt  (up  to  the  present  time).  As  a  result  other  mineral 
deposits  have  been  discovered  on  the  road  to  Sonora.  At  these,  settle- 
ments are  being  made,  and,  according  to  the  showing  that  they  are  mak- 
ing, they  will  be  of  great  profit  to  the  royal  income  of  your  Majesty,  and 
a  great  aid  to  your  subjects  who  live  in  those  regions,  by  virtue  of  the 
minerals  and  treasures  of  the  region,  which  is  the  only  object  for  which 
they  have  settled  [there] .  Since  your  Majesty  was  informed  by  my  prede- 
cessors of  what  this  kingdom,  since  its  first  discovery,  is  composed  of,  I 
do  not  relate  it  here  but  refer  to  their  reports. 

The  greater  part  of  this  kingdom  has  no  Spanish  population,  for,  since 
the  war  in  it  has  been  continuous,  the  Spaniards  do  not  venture  to  settle 
many  parts  that  are  very  suitable  for  towns  because  of  their  lack  of 
security  against  attacks  by  the  Indian  enemies.  Notwithstanding  that 
during  the  time  that  I  have  had  this  charge  I  have  not  been  without  arms 
in  my  hands  and  have  made  constant  war  upon  the  Indian  enemies,  their 
obstinacy  has  been  and  is  so  great  that  not  even  by  the  mild  method  of 
peace  have  I  been  able  to  reduce  them.  For,  since  this  entire  kingdom  is 
such  an  open  country,  and  the  distance  is  very  great  across  whatever  sec- 


230  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Y  para  que  la  guerra  les  contenga,  he  hecho  por  mi  persona  diversas  en- 
tradas  a  las  propias  Tierras  de  los  enemigos  Y  con  deseo  de  obligarles 
con  las  Armas  a  apetecer  la  Paz,  que  solo  he  Consequido  con  la  nacion 
Pima  que  haviendo  negado  la  devida  Obediencia  que  tenian  dada  a  Vues- 
tra  Magestad  (aunque  gentiles)  despoblaron  Sus  Ymbaciones  las  me j ores 
Minas  que  se  labravan  en  la  Provincia  de  Sonora  a  la  qual  provey  con 
gente  espanola  y  Yndios  Auxiliares  en  mucho  numero  por  ser  muy  neces- 
sarios  y  ynescussables,  Y  la  nacion  Revelada  muy  Numerosa  y  de  mucho 
Valor  que  se  experimento  con  haver  acometido  en  su  aloxamiento  al 
Campo  de  los  espanoles  Y  yndios  Auxiliares  Con  animo  de  que  Rompidos 
los  que  se  les  oponian  con  mayor  facilidad  lo  harian  a  toda  la  Provincia 
que  mediante  el  haver  yo  Reforgado  al  alcalde  mayor  de  aquel  partido 
con  Una  Compania  de  gente  espanola  de  Valor  Y  experiencia,  Resistieron 
La  furia  del  enemigo  Y  Recobrada  le  apretaron  haviendo  havido  de  Una 

Y  otra  parte  muchos  muertos  obligando  a  los  Reveldes  ha  apetecer  la  Paz 
que  se  les  concedio  Y  se  han  asentado  en  sus  pueblos  Y  Rancherias  pidi- 
endo  los  mas  ministros  que  los  ynstruyan  en  la  Santa  ffe  Catolica  (cossa 
que  no  se  ha  podido  consequir  en  mas  de  quarenta  anos. )  La  Provincia 
de  Sonora  tubo  en  esta  ocasion  el  Riesgo  que  padecio  en  nuevo  Mexico  Y 
huviera  sido  de  las  grandes  perdidas  que  pudiera  haver  en  estas  partes, 
pues  fuera  de  perderse  La  christiandad  de  tantos  naturales  como  tiene 
Reducidos  se  destruyan  minerales  muy  Ricos  Y  que  Rinden  muchos 
haveres  a  Vuestra  Magestad  en  Reales  quintos  ha  sse  obviado  sin  gasto 
de  Vuestra  Real  hacienda,  porque  pretendo  escussarlo  Y  en  la  asistencia 
que  se  me  da  para  gastos  de  paz  Y  guerra  proveeo  de  Yndios  Auxiliares 
sus  pagos  Y  mantenimientos  por  ser  muy  necessarios  para  la  guerra  Y 
de  qualquiera  manera  es  ynescusable  mantenerla  para  ympedir  las  entra- 
das  que  hacen  los  enemigos  como  duenos  de  las  Campaiias,  porque  aunque 
los  soldados  de  los  presidios  aseguran  el  camino  y  entradas  del  Comercio, 
son  muchas  las  partes  que  son  acometidas,  Y  por  lo  difuso  de  ellas  no  es 
facil  ni  superable  guarnecerlas  todas,  aunque  fuera  con  muy  copiossa 
manera  w  de  soldados,  Y  assi  continuo  traer  gente  de  guerra  en  Campafia 
con  mucho  numero  de  Espanoles  Vezinos  de  estos  partidos  que  me  parece 
medio  mas  eficaz  para  moderar  este  genero  de  gentes  tan  Yrreducibles ; 
que  aunque  en  mi  tiempo  en  Varias  ocasiones  de  Requentros  a  muerto 
gran  numero  de  ellos,  no  ceden  de  su  obstinacion  En  medio  de  estar  at- 
tendiendo  personalmente  a  lo  Referido  me  ha  sido  necessario  dar  provi- 
dencias  a  los  puertos  del  Mar  del  Sur  de  este  Reyno  para  la  defensa  de 
las  Ynbassiones  que  yntenta  el  Pirata  en  ellos,  por  haver  Saqueado  en  el 
Reyno  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  Un  Pueblo  nombrado  Acapaneta  que  confina 
con  poca  Ynmediacion  con  este  Reino. 

Los  Indios  del  Rio  del  Norte  con  quien  tengo  Confidencia  me  han  dado 
noticia  como  se  ve  en  tierra  por  aquella  parte  de  este  Reino  gentes  Estran- 
geras  que  pretenden  Yntroducirse,  con  los  naturales  como  consta  del  tes- 
timonio  ad  junto,  Y  por  ser  materia  que  pide  remedio  con  brevedad  me  ha 
parecido  precisso  despachar  como  despacho  LTna  compania  de  nobenta 
espanoles  Arcabuceros  con  mucho  numero  de  Yndios  Auxiliares  a  Re- 

w  Obviously  this  is  a  miscopy  for  "  numero  ". 


Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  1688  231 

tion  they  enter  in  order  to  attack,  rob,  and  kill,  they  do  so  much  damage 
that  even  when  they  accomplish  least,  the  horse  and  mule  herd  that  are 
grazing  in  the  fields  are  carried  off,  thereby  preventing  the  working  of 
the  silver  mines  (for  without  the  horses  and  mules  this  work  cannot  be 
done). 

In  order  to  stop  them  from  making  war  I  have  personally  made  several 
expeditions  into  the  very  country  of  the  hostile  Indians,  for  the  purpose 
of  compelling  them,  by  force,  to  crave  peace.  In  this  I  have  only  been 
successful  with  the  Pima  nation.  These  Indians  have  repudiated  the  due 
obedience  which  they  had  given  to  your  Majesty  (although  heathens)  and 
their  invasions  resulted  in  the  depopulation  of  the  best  mines  that  were 
being  worked  in  the  province  of  Sonora.  [Accordingly]  I  sent  to  that 
province  a  large  number  of  Spaniards  and  Indian  auxiliaries,  for  they 
were  necessary  and  indispensable,  and  the  rebellious  nation  was  very 
numerous  and  brave.  This  [fact]  was  experienced  when,  in  their  quar- 
ters, in  the  camp  of  the  Spaniards  and  Indian  auxiliaries,  they  began  an 
attack  in  the  belief  that  when  those  who  were  opposed  to  them  were  routed 
they  could  the  more  easily  rout  the  whole  province.  But  as  a  result  of 
my  having  reinforced  the  alcalde  mayor  of  that  district  with  a  company 
of  Spanish  soldiers  of  valor  and  experience,  they  resisted  the  fury  of  the 
enemy;  having  recuperated,  they  harassed  the  enemy  after  many  deaths 
had  occurred  on  both  sides.  This  obliged  the  rebels  to  crave  peace,  which 
was  granted  to  them,  and  they  have  settled  down  in  their  towns  and  ran- 
cherias  and  are  asking  for  the  largest  number  of  ministers  to  instruct 
them  in  the  holy  Catholic  faith  (a  thing  which  it  has  not  been  possible 
to  accomplish  in  more  than  forty  years). 

On  this  occasion  the  province  of  Sonora  faced  the  same  peril  that  was 
experienced  in  New  Mexico,111  and  the  losses  that  might  have  occurred 
in  these  parts  would  have  been  enormous,  for,  in  addition  to  the  loss  of 
the  Christianity  of  so  many  natives  who  have  been  reduced,  very  rich 
mineral  deposits,  which  render  great  profits  to  your  Majesty  in  royal 
fifths,112  might  have  been  destroyed.  This  has  been  obviated  without 
expense  to  your  real  hacienda  because  I  try  to  prevent  it.  From  the  allow- 
ance that  is  given  me  for  expenses  of  peace  and  war  I  provide  the  Indian 
auxiliaries  with  their  pay  and  provisions,  for  they  are  very  necessary  for 
the  war,  which  it  is  absolutely  indispensable  to  keep  up  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  expeditions  which,  as  masters  of  the  country,  the  hostile  Indians 
make.  For,  although  the  soldiers  of  the  presidios  guard  the  roads  and 
commercial  expeditions,  the  districts  that  are  attacked  are  many,  and 
the  commercial  expeditions  are  so  diffuse  that  it  is  not  easy  or  practicable 
to  guard  them  all,  although  it  might  be  done  with  a  very  large  number  of 
soldiers.  Therefore  I  am  continuing  to  lead  a  military  force  into  the  field 
made  up  of  a  great  many  Spanish  residents  of  these  districts,  which 
seems  to  me  the  most  efficacious  means  to  subdue  this  kind  of  intractable 
people. 

Although  during  my  incumbency,  in  various  encounters,  a  great  num- 
ber of  them  have  been  killed,  they  refuse,  through  obstinacy,  to  submit. 
In  the  midst  of  attending  personally  to  what  has  been  related,  it  has  been 
necessary  for  me  to  take  action  at  the  ports  of  this  kingdom  on  the  South 


232  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

conocer  este  genero  de  gentes  Estrangeras  Y  obviar  al  que  hagan  pie, 
con  orden  que  para  que  por  el  Rio  del  Norte  aba  jo  se  solicite  Saver  donde 
estan  alojados,  Y  siendo  la  Baya  del  Espiritu  Sancto,  porque  este  Rio 
(hay  noticias)  entra  en  la  Baya,  Y  por  este  Reyno  se  esguassa  con  mas 
facilidad  que  por  otras  que  no  se  puede  hacer. 

Esto  es  el  estado  en  que  he  hallado  este  Reino  el  qual  si  gozara  Paz 
Rindiera  a  Vuestra  Magestad  muchos  Thesoros  Reduplicados  que  hasta 
ahora  ha  fructificado  y  con  deseo  de  lograr  yo  cossa  tan  del  Real  servicio 
de  Vuestra  Magestad  no  omitto,  ni,  omittere  diligencia  alguna  en  pro- 
curarlo  conseguir  Cumpliendo  con  mi  obligacion  guarde  Dios  La  catho- 
lica  persona  de  Vuestra  Magestad  Como  la  Christiandad  ha  menester. 
Parral  Y  Nobiembre  21  de  1688  afios.  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardinas 
Villar  de  Francos  [Rubricas] . 

[Decreto  del]  Consexo  [de  Indias]. 

Consejo  a  20  de  Octubre  de  1689.  Al  Senor  Fiscal.    [Rubrica.] 

Respuesta  del  Fiscal.  [Madrid,  25  de  Enero  de  i6po.'] 
El  fiscal  ha  visto  esta  carta  y  testimonio  Inclusso;  Y  dice  que  se  debe 
aprobar  a  este  Governador  el  celo  Con  que  obra  Y  providencias  que  ha 
dada  para  la  Seguridad  Y  defensa  de  Aquel  Reyno;  ordenando  le  de 
quentta  con  auttos  de  lo  que  hubiere  resultado  de  la  compania  que  embio 
a  reconozer  los  estrangeros  que  se  han  descubierto  a  los  Indios  de  el  Rio 
del  Norte  mandandole  que  conforme  lo  que  de  dichas  diligencias  se  ofre- 
ciere  digno  de  providencia  Y  de  puntual  reparo ;  lo  comunique  Y  participe 
al  Virrey  para  que  aplique  los  medios  mas  eficaces  Y  promptos  que  fueren 
necesarios ;  Y  que  este  governador  por  su  parte  Y  en  lo  que  le  toque,  las 
solicite  Y  execute  Y  de  todo  de  quenta  Madrid  Y  enero  25  de  1690. 
[Rubrica]  Para  todo  el  consejo  [Rubrica~]. 

[Decreto  del~\  Consejo  [de  Indias']. 

Consejo  a  31  de  Henero  de  1690.  Como  lo  dice  el  Senor  fiscal  fecho. 
[Rubric  a.] 


Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas,  1688  233 

Sea  with  respect  to  the  attacks  which  the  pirate  11S  contemplates  on  them, 
for  he  has  plundered  a  town,  in  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Galicia,  called 
Acaponeta,  which  is  almost  on  the  borderline  of  this  kingdom. 

The  Indians  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  whom  I  have  confidence,  have  in- 
formed me  that  some  foreign  people  are  in  territory  in  that  part  of  this 
kingdom  and  are  trying  to  thrust  themselves  upon  the  natives,  as  appears 
from  the  enclosed  certified  copy.  As  it  is  a  matter  that  calls  for  prompt 
action,  it  has  seemed  to  me  to  be  necessary  to  despatch,  as  I  am  despatch- 
ing, a  company  of  ninety  Spanish  harquebusiers,  with  a  large  number  of 
Indian  auxiliaries,  to  inquire  into  the  character  of  these  foreign  people 
and  to  prevent  them  from  getting  a  foothold;  also  it  has  orders  to  en- 
deavor to  learn,  in  the  lower  Rio  del  Norte,  where  they  are  established 
and  whether  it  is  on  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  114  because  (there  are 
rumors  that)  this  river  empties  into  the  bay,  and  because  it  can  be  forded 
more  easily  through  this  kingdom  than  through  others,  where  it  cannot 
be  done. 

This  is  the  state  in  which  I  have  found  this  kingdom,  which,  if  it  en- 
joyed peace,  would  render  to  your  Majesty  much  wealth — double  what 
it  has  produced  up  to  now.  And  with  the  desire  of  accomplishing  a  thing 
so  greatly  to  the  royal  service  of  your  Majesty,  I  do  not  omit,  nor  shall, 
any  effort  in  an  endeavor  to  procure  peace,  thus  complying  with  my  duty. 
May  God  keep  the  Catholic  person  of  your  Majesty,  as  Christianity  needs. 
Parral,  November  21,  1688.  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de 
Francos.    [Rubrics. ~\ 

[Decree  of  the']  Council  [of  the  Indies]. 

The  Council,  October  20,  1680.   To  the  senor  fiscal.    [Rubric] 

Reply  of  the  fiscal.    [Madrid,  January  25,  1690.] 

The  fiscal  has  examined  this  letter  and  the  enclosed  certified  copy.  He 
says  that  the  zeal  with  which  this  governor  works  and  the  measures  he 
has  taken  for  the  security  and  defense  of  that  kingdom  ought  to  be  ap- 
proved ;  that  he  should  be  ordered  to  give  an  account,  with  autos,  of  what 
may  have  resulted  from  the  company  that  he  sent  to  investigate  the 
foreigners  who  have  revealed  themselves  to  the  Indians  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte;  that  he  should  be  commanded  to  adjust  himself  to  whatever  may 
develop  from  the  said  efforts  that  is  worthy  of  taking  action  and  worthy 
of  prompt  repair;  that  he  communicate  it  and  report  it  to  the  viceroy  in 
order  that  he  may  apply  the  most  efficacious  and  prompt  means  that  may 
be  necessary;  and  that  this  governor,  on  his  part,  shall  search  for  and 
put  them  into  practice.  Let  him  give  account  of  everything.  Madrid, 
January  25,  1690.    [Rubric]   For  all  the  Council.    [Rubric] 

[Decree  of  the]  Council  [of  the  Indies]. 

The  Council,  January  31,  1690.  Done  as  the  senor  fiscal  says.  [Rubric] 


234  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

Autos  Fechos  por  el  Sehor  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  de  la  Nueba 
Vizcaya  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardihas  Villar  de  Francos  sobre  las 
Noticias  que  Dieron  los  Yndios  del  Rio  del  Norte  de  que  Subian  por 
el  Naciones  Extrangeras  y  Providencia  que  Dio  sobre  ello.x  [j  de 
Noviembre  de  1688  hast  a  8  de  Julio  de  1692.'] 

(Vino  con  carta  de  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardifias  de  i°  de  Abril  de  1693.) 
El  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  Capitan  del  Presidio  de  San 
Francisco  de  Conchos  por  su  Magestad  y  Justicia  Mayor  de  esta  Juris- 
diccion :  Por  cuanto  a  llegado  a  mi  noticia  se  hallan  en  la  mision  de  San 
Pedro  de  Conchos  dos  religiosos  que  han  bendido  de  la  Junta  del  Rio  del 
Norte  y  asi  mismo  algunos  yndios  de  dicho  religioso  y  y  que  unos  y  otros 
dan  noticia  de  como  los  yndios  correos  que  llegan  a  dicha  junta  de  los  rios 
dizen  haber  visto  nacion  de  gentes  extrangeras  para  tomarles  noticia  com- 
beniente  al  mayor  serbicio  de  su  Magestad  y  dar  noticia  al  Senor  Gover- 
nador  y  Capitan  General  de  este  Reyno  se  exsaminen  dichos  religiosos 
escribiendoles  para  ello  se  lleguen  a  este  presidio  u  el  que  me  aguarden 
en  dicha  mision  y  digan  lo  que  supieron  [u]z  han  oido  dezir  a  los  naturales 
de  dicho  Rio  u  a  los  sibolos  en  razon  de  dicha  nacion  estrangera  y  lo 
demas  que  supieren  y  para  que  en  todo  tiempo  conste  lo  firme  en  veinte 
de  Noviembre  de  mil  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  con  los  testigos  de 
mi  asistencia  que  lo  fueron  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el  Sarjento  Martin  Aldai 
y  escribano  de  guerra  Fernando  de  Hinojos.  Juan  de  Retana.  Martin 
de  Zarate.  Martin  de  Aldai.  Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  escrivano 
de  guerra. 

En  el  presidio  de  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  en  veinte  y  uno  de  Noviem- 
bre de  mill  y  seissientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  Yo  el  General  Juan  de 

Retana  Capitan  de  dicho  Presidio  habiendo 
llegado  a  el  este  dia  el  Theniente  don  Nicolas 
de  la  Junta  de  los  Rios  del  Rio  del  Norte 
con  su  gente  que  es  de  su  cargo  en  con- 
formidad  del  auto  antescedente  por  mi  pro- 
veido  hize  comparecer  a  quien  rescevi  juramento  que  lo  hizo  por  dios 
nuestro  senor  y  la  serial  de  la  cruz  de  dezir  verdad  de  lo  que  supiere  y  le 
fuere  preguntando  [que  diga  y  declare,  fuele  preguntado]  que  diga  si  por 
la  parte  del  rio  del  norte  a  bisto  algunas  naziones  estranjeras  usi  an  a  oido 
dezir  a  los  yndios  sibolas  u  otras  naziones  de  que  ayan  bisto  dichas  na- 
ciones estranjeras  quien  estado  b  enterado  por  medio  del  interprete  Mathais 
del  hierro  dijo  que  lo  que  sabe  es  que  quedan  en  dicho  rio  del  norte  unos 

XA.  G.  I.,  67-4-1 1. 

yThe  University  of  Texas  transcript  of  this  expediente,  hereinafter  referred  to  as 
Copy  E,  reads  "  de  dicho  Rio".    This  is  probably  correct. 

z  The  letter  enclosed  in  brackets  above  is  not  in  the  original  Bandelier  transcript  of 
this  expediente,  but  it  appears  in  the  University  of  Texas  transcript  of  the  same 
expediente.  Hereinafter  letters,  words,  or  phrases  which  appear  in  the  latter  and  not 
in  the  former  transcript  will  be  added,  in  brackets,  without  attention  being  directed  to 
their  source. 

a  Copy  B  reads  "  a  oido  ". 

b  Copy  B  reads  "  quien  estando  ".  This  is  probably  correct. 


Declaracion  de  Don  Nico- 
las Yndio. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1 688-1 692 


235 


Autos  drawn  up  by  the  senor  governor  and  captain-general  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos,  concerning 
the  information  which  the  Indians  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  gave,  namely, 
that  foreign  nations  were  ascending  the  river,  and  the  measures 
taken  in  regard  to  it.    [November  3,  1688,  to  July  8,  1692.] 

(It  came  with  a  letter  from  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  of  April  1,  1693.) 
General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana,  captain  for  his  Majesty  of  the  pre- 
sidio of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  and  chief  justice  of  this  jurisdiction, 
says :  Inasmuch  as  it  has  come  to  my  knowledge  that  two  religions  are 
in  the  mission  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  who  have  come  from  La  Junta 
del  Rio  del  Norte,  and  also  some  Indians  from  the  same  river,  and  that 
both  the  religious  and  the  Indians  report  that  the  Indian  runners  who 
come  to  the  said  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  say  that  they  have  seen  men  of  a 
foreign  nation ;  in  order  to  secure  information  useful  for  the  greater  ser- 
vice of  his  Majesty,  and  in  order  to  give  notice  to  the  senor  governor  and 
captain-general  of  this  kingdom,  let  the  said  religious  be  examined,  and 
let  them  be  advised  in  writing  that  for  this  purpose  they  shall  come  to 
this  presidio,  or  that  they  shall  await  me  at  the  said  mission  and  relate 
what  they  may  know  or  what  they  have  heard  the  natives  of  the  said 
river,  or  the  Cibolos  [Indians]  say  in  regard  to  the  said  foreign  nation, 
and  whatever  else  they  may  know. 

In  order  to  place  it  on  record  for  all  time,  I  signed  this  on  November  20, 
1688,  with  the  witnesses  assisting  me,  namely,  Martin  de  Zarate,  Martin 
Aldai,  and  the  secretary  of  war,  Fernando  de  Hinojos.  Juan  de  Retana. 
Martin  de  Zarate.  MartIn  de  Aldai.  Before  me,  Fernando  de 
Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 

In  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  November  21,  1688,  I, 
General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  said  presidio,  in  conformity  with 

the  preceding  auto  which  I  drew  up,  caused 
to  appear  before  me  Lieutenant  Don  Nico- 
las, since  he  has  this  day  arrived  at  this 
pueblo  from  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  on  the 
Rio  del  Norte,  with  the  people  in  his  charge. 
I  administered  to  him  the  oath,  which  he  made  by  God,  our  Lord,  and 
the  sign  of  the  cross,  to  tell  the  truth  concerning  what  he  might  know 
and  what  might  be  asked  him.   This  let  him  state  and  declare. 

He  was  asked  to  state  whether  he  has  seen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Rio 
del  Norte  any  foreign  people,  or  whether  he  has  heard  the  Cibolos  Indians 
or  other  nations  say  whether  they  may  have  seen  the  said  foreigners. 
Having  been  instructed  through  the  medium  of  the  interpreter,  Matias 
del  Hierro,  he  said  that  what  he  knows  is  that  there  are  some  friendly 
Cibolos  Indians  on  the  said  Rio  del  Norte;  that  they  [the  Indians  at  La 
Junta  de  los  Rios]  trade  and  bargain  with  these  couriers  sent  by  Don 
Nicolas,  the  Cibolo ;  that  he  notifies  them  that  he  is  coming  with  his  people ; 
that  with  them  a  Spaniard  is  coming  who  has  been  separated  from  the 
others  who,  they  say,  are  marching  near  the  kingdom  of  the  Texas  In- 


Declaration  of  Don  Nico- 
las, an  Indian. 


236  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

indios  sibolos  amigos  que  tratan  y  contratan  con  estos  correos  despachados 
por  don  Nicolas  el  sibolo  e  que  les  da  noticia  de  como  biene  saliendose  con 
su  gente  e  que  con  ella  viene  un  espanol  que  se  desagrego  de  los  demas  que 
dizen  andan  junto  al  Reyno  de  los  tejas  y  que  dicho  espanol  se  hizo  cortar 
la  melena  a  usansa  de  los  yndios  como  el  tambien  el  raj  arse  c  y  cortar  la 
barba  que  dize  se  juio  porque  lo  querian  matar  y  que  asi  mismo  hay  oydo 
dezir  a  dichos  yndios  correos  que  traen  cartas  de  los  espafioles  u  estran- 
geros  que  andan  junto [s]  a  los  texas  para  los  padres  de  las  misiones  de 
dicho  Rio  del  Norte  y  que  asi  mismo  les  ha  oido  dezir  en  otras  ocasiones 
a  dichos  yndios  sibolos  y  a  su  Capitan  Don  Nicolas  que  entran  espafioles 
si  bien  no  lo  saben  destinguir  en  los  texas  y  que  rescatan  cavallos  por 
hachas  y  que  se  buelben  a  yr  y  que  no  saben  tengan  hechas  casas  ni  asis- 
tencia  fija  cerca  de  dicho  Reyno  de  los  tejas  y  que  esto  es  la  verdad  de  lo 
que  sabe  y  a  oido  desir  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  fecho  tiene  en  que  se 
afirmo  y  ratifico  y  dijo  ser  de  edad  de  cuarenta  afios  poco  mas  o  menos 
y  para  que  conste  lo  firme  con  los  testigos  de  mi  asistencia  que  lo  son  el 
Capitan  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el  Sargento  Martin  [de]  Aldai  presentes. 
Juan  de  Retana.  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate.  Martin  de  Aldai.  Ante 
mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  escrivano  de  Govierno.d 

En  dicho  presidio  dicho  dia  yo  dicho  Capitan  hize  comparezer  ante  mi 
a  Don  Juan  de  Salaises  yndio  que  biene  en  la  compania  del  Theniente  Don 

Nicolas  [a  quien  Recivi  juramento  en  forma 
que  lo  hizo  por  Dios  nuestro  Senor  y  la 
Serial  de  la  cruz  de  decir  verdad  de  lo  supiere 
y  le  f uere  preguntado] .  Fuele  preguntado  si 
ha  visto  u  ha  oydo  dezir  de  las  naciones  es- 
tranjeras  que  andan  por  la  parte  del  Rio  del  Norte  dijo  que  lo  que  sabe 
es  que  ha  oido  dezir  a  los  yndios  sibolos  que  bienen  de  la  parte  del  oriente 
a  tratar  y  contratar  con  ellos  como  amigos  que  son  que  ha  tiempo  que 
entran  en  el  Reyno  de  los  Tejas  extrangeros  a  rescatar  cavallos  y  otras 
cosas  con  los  naturales  de  la  tierra  y  que  les  dan  achas  y  ropa  y  que  agora 
nuebamente  sabe  han  venido  a  la  junta  de  los  Rios  unos  yndios  sibolos 
despachados  por  su  Capitan  Don  Nicolas  avisando  a  la  gente  del  Norte 
como  se  biene  saliendo  con  su  gente  y  que  con  su  nacion  viene  un  espanol 
que  dize  se  huio  de  los  demas  que  andan  junto[s]  a  los  tejas  porque  lo 
quieran  matar  y  que  dijo  a  los  yndios  le  cortasen  e  el  cabello  a  su  usanza 
y  lo  ragaran  f  como  lo  hizieron  como  tambien  la  barba  y  que  el  arcabus 
que  traia  se  le  hecho  a  perder  y  que  dijo  lo  compondria  y  que  esto  es  la 
verdad  de  lo  que  sabe  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  fecho  tiene  en  lengua 
castellana  por  ser  ladino  en  que  se  afirmo  y  ratifico  y  dijo  ser  de  edad  de 
treinta  y  seis  .afios.    [  Y  para  que  conste  lo  firme  con  los  testigos  de  mi 

c  Obviously  this  is  a  miscopy  for  "  raparse  ". 

d  Copy  B  reads  "  escrivano  de  Guerra ".  This  is  probably  correct,  since  elsewhere 
in  the  Bandelier  transcript  the  title  of  Fernando  de  Inojos  appears  as  "escrivano  de 
guerra".    See  pp.  234,  238,  240,  242,  244. 

e  Copy  B  reads  "  le  cortaran  ". 

f  Obviously  this  is  a  miscopy  for  "  raparse  ". 


Declarassion   de   Juan   de 
Salaises  Yndio. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  237 

dians ;  that  the  said  Spaniard  caused  his  hair  to  be  cut  in  the  fashion  of 
the  Indians  and  also  cropped  and  cut  off  his  beard ;  and  that  the  Spaniard 
says  that  he  fled  because  they  wished  to  kill  him. 

He  has  also  heard  the  said  Indian  couriers  say  that  they  are  bringing 
letters  from  the  Spaniards,  or  foreigners,  who  are  near  the  Texas  Indians, 
for  the  padres  of  the  missions  of  the  said  Rio  del  Norte.  Also  he  has 
heard  the  Cibolos  Indians  and  their  captain  Don  Nicolas  say  on  other 
occasions  that  Spaniards — though  they  do  not  know  how  to  differentiate 
[between]  them  and  other  foreigners; — go  among  the  Texas  Indians  and 
trade  axes  for  horses,  that  they  go  away  again,  and  that  they  do  not  know 
whether  they  have  built  houses  or  have  any  fixed  residence  near  the  said 
kingdom  of  Texas  Indians. 

He  said  that  under  the  burden  of  the  oath  which  he  has  taken  this  is 
the  truth  concerning  what  he  knows  and  has  heard  stated.  This  statement 
he  affirmed  and  ratified.  He  said  that  he  was  forty  years  old,  a  little  more 
or  less.  And  in  order  to  place  it  on  record  I  signed  it,  with  the  witnesses 
assisting  me,  who  were  present,  namely,  Captain  Martin  de  Zarate  and 
Sergeant  Martin  Aldai.  Juan  de  Retana.  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate. 
Martin  de  Aldai.  Before  me,  Fernando  de  Hinojos,  clerk  of  gov- 
ernment. 

At  the  said  presidio,  on  the  said  day,  I,  the  said  captain,  caused  to  ap- 
pear before  me  Don  Juan  de  Salaises,  an  Indian  who  comes  in  the 

company  of  the  lieutenant,  Don  Nicolas. 
To  him  I  administered  the  oath,  in  proper 
form — which  he  made  by  God,  our  Lord, 
and  sign  of  the  cross — to  tell  the  truth  of 
what  he  might  know  and  what  might  be 
asked  him.  He  was  asked  whether  he  has  seen  or  heard  [anything]  con- 
cerning the  foreign  people  who  are  travelling  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Rio  del  Norte.  He  replied  that  what  he  knows  is  that  he  has  heard  the 
Cibolos  Indians,  who  come  from  the  direction  of  the  east  to  trade  and 
bargain  with  them  as  friends,  as  they  are,  say  that  some  time  ago  strangers 
entered  the  kingdom  of  the  Texas  Indians  to  trade  for  horses  and  other 
things  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  and  that  they  gave  the  natives  axes 
and  clothing.  He  has  just  lately  learned  that  some  Cibolos  Indians  have 
come  to  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  who  were  sent  by  their  captain  Don  Nicolas, 
to  inform  the  people  of  the  [Rio]  del  Norte  that  he  is  coming  with  his 
people,  and  that  with  his  nation  a  Spaniard  is  coming  who  says  that  he 
fled  from  others,  who  are  among  the  Texas  Indians,  because  they  wished 
to  kill  him,  that  he  told  the  Indians  to  cut  off  his  hair  in  their  fashion, 
and  crop  it,  as  they  did,  and  likewise  his  beard,  and  that  the  harquebus 
which  he  was  carrying  had  been  damaged,  but  he  said  he  would  repair  it. 
He  says  that  this  is  the  truth  concerning  what  he  knows,  under  burden 
of  the  oath  which  he  has  made.  [He  spoke]  in  the  Castilian  language, 
because  he  understood  it.  He  affirmed  and  ratified  [his  statement],  and 
said  he  was  thirty-six  years  of  age.  And  in  order  to  place  it  on  record 
I  signed  it  with  the  witnesses  assisting  me,  who  were  present,  namely, 


[Declaration   of   Juan   de 
Salaises,  an  Indian.] 


Declaracion  de  Salv[ador] 
Yndio. 


238  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

asistencia  que  lo  son  el  Capitan  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el  sargento  Martin  de 
Aldai  presentes.  Juan  de  Retana.  Martin  de  Zarate.  Martin  de 
Alday.  Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Inojos  escrivano  de  Guerra.] 

En  el  presidio  de  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  dicho  dia  yo  dicho  Capitan 
hize  comparecer  ante  mi  al  yndio  Salvador  de  los  que  bienen  del  Norte 

con  el  Theniente  Don  Nicolas  a  quien  rescivi 
juramento  en  forma  para  que  diga  y  declare 
lo  que  save  y  ha  oido  dezir  tocante  a  las  na- 
ciones  extrangeras  que  dicen  los  sibolos  han 
visto  dijo  que  lo  que  sabe  es  lo  que  es  publico 
a  todos  los  yndios  de  la  junta  de  los  Rios  de  que  dicen  los  sibolos  que  en 
el  reyno  de  los  tejas  entran  espafioles  u  extrangeros  a  rescatar  cavallos  y 
otras  cosas  y  que  en  retorno  les  dan  hachas  y  ropa  y  que  agora  acabaron 
de  llegar  unos  yndios  sibolos  a  la  junta  de  los  Rios  despachadas  por  Don 
Nicolas  los  cuales  dan  noticia  de  un  espafiol  que  biene  con  su  nacion  y  que 
dice  haberse  huido  de  los  demas  que  andan  junto  a  los  tejas  y  que  trae  su 
arcabus  y  que  ajado  a  dar  el  vaso  g  a  una  nacion  que  no  cor  re  con  dichos 
sibolos  y  que  dicho  arcabus  se  le  maltrato  y  que  se  hizo  cortar  el  cabello 
y  raj  arse  h  a  usanza  de  dichos  yndios  como  tambien  la  barba  y  que  esto 
es  lo  que  sabe  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  fecho  tiene  en  que  se  afirmo  y 
dijo  ser  de  edad  de  veinte  y  ocho  afios  y  para  que  conste  lo  firme  con  los 
testigos  de  mi  asistencia  con  que  son  [el  capitan  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el 
Sargento  Martin  de  Alday  presentes.  Juan  de  Retana,  Martin  Ortiz 
de  Zarate,  Martin  de  Aldai.  Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  escrivano 
de  Guerra]. 

En  este  presidio  de  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  a  veinte  y  dos  dias  del 
mes  de  Noviembre  de  mil  y  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  afios  yo  el  General 

Juan  de  Retana  Capitan  de  dicho  Presidio 
hize  comparezer  ante  mi  a  dos  yndios  del  Rio 
del  Norte  llamados  Pedro  y  Alonso  a  quienes 
les  mande  saliesen  luego  con  recaudo  y  man- 
sage  de  parte  de  el  Senor  Governador  y  Capi- 
tan General  de  este  Reyno  y  mia  para  los  yndios  de  su  nacion  de  la 
junta  de  los  Rios  del  Rio  del  Norte  para  que  les  digan  como  los  padres 
que  se  hallavan  con  ellos  en  sus  misiones  se  buelben  conmigo  para  que 
les  asistan  en  la  ensefianza  y  doctrina  en  los  Misterios  de  Nuestra  Santa 
Fee  y  que  tengan  todo  consuelo  y  que  asi  mesmo  les  digan  a  todos  los 
Capitanes  del  Rio  arriva  como  boy  a  hazer  entrada  por  aquel  lado  para 
castigar  a  los  enemigos  que  les  inquietan  matan  y  rroban  amparandolos 
como  vasallos  del  Rey  Nuestro  Senor  que  dichos  Capitanes  me  salgan  a 
encontrar  para  que  me  den  razon  de  lo  que  ubiere  y  asi  mismo  di  orden 
a  dichos  yndios  para  que  de  los  sibolos  que  ubiere  en  dicha  Junta  de  los 
Rios  salgan  algunos  a  encontrar  a  su  Capitan  Don  Nicolas  y  le  digan  de 
mi  parte  que  las  cartas  y  el  espafiol  que  traen  dichos  yndios  llos  traigan 

s  Copy  B  reads  "  y  que  ayudo  a  dar  alvaso  ",  which  obviously  is  correct. 
h  Obviously  this  is  a  miscopy  for  "  raparse  ". 


Ymbianse  dos  Yndios  a  los 
del   Norte. 


Declaration  of  the  Indian 
Salvador. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688- 1692  239 

Captain  Martin  de  Zarate  and  Sergeant  Martin  de  Aldai.  Juan  de 
Retana.  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate.  Martin  de  Aldai.  Before  me, 
Fernando  de  Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 

At  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  los  Conchos,  on  the  said  day,  I, 
the  said  captain,  caused  to  appear  before  me  the  Indian  Salvador,  one  of 

those  who  come  from  the  north  with  Lieu- 
tenant Don  Nicolas.  To  him  I  administered 
the  oath,  in  proper  form,  in  order  that  he 
might  state  and  declare  what  he  knows  and 
has  heard  concerning  the  said  foreign  na- 
tions which  the  Cibolos  say  they  have  seen. 

He  said  that  what  he  knows  is  that  it  is  well  known  to  all  the  Indians 
of  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  that  the  Cibolos  say  that  in  the  kingdom  of  the 
Texas  Indians,  Spaniards,  or  foreigners,  come  to  trade  for  horses  and 
other  things,  and  that  in  return  they  give  them  axes  and  clothing,  and 
that  some  Cibolos  Indians  had  just  arrived  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios, 
having  been  sent  by  Don  Nicolas.  These  brought  information  of  a  Span- 
iard who  is  coming  with  their  nation  who  says  that  he  had  fled  from  the 
others  who  are  among  the  Texas ;  he  carries  a  harquebus,  and  aided  them 
in  an  attack  on  a  nation  that  is  not  united  with  the  said  Cibolos.  His 
harquebus  was  broken,  and  he  caused  his  hair  to  be  cut  and  cropped  in 
the  fashion  of  the  said  Indians,  and  likewise  his  beard. 

He  says  that  this  is  what  he  knows,  under  burden  of  the  oath  which  he 
has  taken.  He  affirmed  his  statement  and  said  that  he  was  twenty-eight 
years  old.  In  order  to  place  it  on  record  I  signed  it  with  Captain  Martin 
de  Zarate  and  Sergeant  Martin  de  Aldai.  Juan  de  Retana,  Martin 
Ortiz  de  Zarate,  Martin  de  Aldai.  Before  me,  Fernando  de 
Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 

At  this  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  on  the  twenty-second  day 
of  the  month  of  November,  1688,  I,  General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of 

the  said  presidio,  caused  to  appear  before  me 
two  Indians  from  the  Rio  del  Norte,  named 
Pedro  and  Alonso.  And  I  ordered  that  these 
should  be  sent  immediately  with  a  present 
and  a  message,  in  behalf  of  the  sefior  gov- 
ernor and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom  and  myself,  to  the  Indians  of 
their  nation  at  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  to  tell  them 
that  the  padres  who  were  with  them  in  their  missions  are  returning  with 
me  in  order  to  assist  them  with  instruction  and  discipline  in  the  mysteries 
of  our  holy  faith,  and  that  they  may  be  entirely  consoled.  Likewise  I 
ordered  them  [Pedro  and  Alonso]  to  tell  all  the  captains  of  the  upper  Rio 
[del  Norte]  that  I  am  going  to  make  an  expedition  through  that  region 
in  order  to  chastise  the  enemies  who  are  disturbing,  killing,  and  robbing 
them,  and  that  I  will  protect  them  as  vassals  of  the  king,  our  lord,  and 
that  the  said  captains  are  to  come  out  and  meet  me  in  order  to  report  to  me 
concerning  what  might  be  going  on. 


Two   Indians  are  sent  to 
those  of  the  North. 


240  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

con  todo  cuydado  y  me  bengan  a  rogar  '  al  Rio  del  Norte  sin  que  pase  la 
palabra  de  mi  entrada  para  la  parte  de  los  tejas  y  asi  mismo  para  los  chi- 
chitames  salineros  ni  tobosos  que  me  dizen  asisten  por  aquella  deresera 
para  que  en  todo  tiempo  conste  lo  firme  con  los  testigos  de  mi  asistencia 
que  son  [el  Capitan  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el  sargento  Martin  de  Aldai  pre- 
sentes.  Juan  de  Retana,  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate,  Martin  de  Aldai. 
Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  escrivano  de  guerra.] 

En  este  pueblo  de  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  en  veinte  y  tres  de  Noviembre 
de  mil  y  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  yo  el  General  Juan  de  Retana 

Capitan  del  Presidio  de  San  Francisco  de 


Declaration  del  Padre 
Fray  Agustin  de  Colina  del 
Horden  de  San  Francisco. 


Conchos  en  virtud  del  auto  de  veinte  de  el 
corriente  por  mi  proveido  hize  notorio  al 
Reverendo  Padre  Predicador  y  Presidente 
Fray  Augustin  de  Colina  que  lo  es  de  las 
misiones  de  la  junta  de  los  Rios  del  Rio  del  Norte  para  que  su  paternidad 
fuere  J  y  declare  como  lo  hizo  yn  bervo  sacerdotis  puesta  la  mano  en  el 
pecho  de  lo  que  sabe  y  ha  oido  dezir  en  orden  a  las  naciones  extrangeras 
que  dicen  los  naturales  de  aquellos  paises  han  visto  quien  estando  enterado 
de  todo  dijo  que  lo  que  save  y  ha  oido  dezir  es  en  la  manera  siguiente. 
Que  el  ano  pasado  de  ochenta  y  siete  los  yndios  sibolos  y  jumanas  le 
pidieron  a  su  paternidad  carta  para  los  espafioles  que  dezian  dichos  yndios 
salian  y  entraban  en  los  tejas  y  que  a  esto  les  dijo  dicho  Padre  trujesen 
ellos  carta  de  dichos  espafioles  que  entonces  responderia  a  ella  a  lo  cual 
prometieron  los  yndios  traer  carta  de  los  tales  espafioles  y  que  este  ano 
por  el  mes  de  septiembre  vinieron  cinco  yndios  sibolos  a  la  junta  de  los 
Rios  y  estuvieron  con  dicho  Padre  a  quienes  oyo  dezir  por  medio  de  los 
yndios  de  su  mision  qu  sirbieron  de  interpretes  (que  un  moro  que  de  esta 
manera  lo  apellidan)  asiste  con  una  nacion  ynmediata  a  los  tejas  el  cual 
dicen  trae  su  arcabus  largo  y  bestido  de  hierro  con  su  morrion  y  que  ese 
tal  ayudo  a  la  nacion  con  quien  asistia  a  dar  alvaso  a  la  nacion  Michi  que 
dijeron  dichos  yndios  asolaron  la  mitad  de  ellos  y  que  despues  llegaron 
diferentes  yndios  sibolos  y  que  estos  dijeron  que  entraban  a  tratar  y  con- 
tratar  en  los  tejas  dandoles  ropa  por  cavallos  y  frutos  de  la  tierra  y  que 
de  noche  yban  a  dormir  al  agua  donte  tenian  casas  de  palo  y  que  los  tales 
andan  bestidos  de  hierro  y  que  se  les  hundio  una  x:asa  de  palo  y  que  les 
desian  a  los  naturales  de  aquella  tierra  como  tambien  a  los  sibolos  jumanas 
que  los  espafioles  del  parral  no  eran  buenos  y  que  ellos  habian  de  entrar 
con  carros  por  toda  esta  tierra  y  que  esto  es  lo  que  su  paternidad  sabe  y 
ha  oido  dezir  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  fecho  tiene  en  que  se  afirmo  y 
para  que  conste  lo  firme  con  los  testigos  de  mi  asistencia  el  Padre  Presi- 
dente Fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos  y  Joseph  Nabarro.  Juan  de  Retana. 
Fray  Agustin  de  Colina.  Fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos.  Joseph  Nabarro. 
Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  Escrivano  de  Guerra. 

1  Copy  B  has  "  topar ",  which  obviously  is  correct, 
i  Copy  B  has  "jure",  which  obviously  is  correct. 


Declaration  of  Father 
Fray  Agustin  de  Colina,  of 
the  Order  of  Saint  Francis. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  241 

Likewise  I  gave  an  order  to  the  said  Indians  for  some  of  the  Cibolos 
who  may  be  at  the  said  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  to  go  and  meet  their  captain, 
Don  Nicolas,  and  tell  him  in  my  behalf  that  the  said  Indians  shall  bring 
with  all  care  the  letters  and  the  Spaniard  which  they  have  with  them,  and 
that  they  shall  come  to  meet  me  at  the  Rio  del  Norte,  without  passing  the 
word  of  my  coming  through  the  district  of  the  Texas  Indians  nor  among 
the  Chichitames,  Salineros,  or  Tobosos,  who  they  tell  me  live  along  that 
road. 

In  order  to  place  it  on  record  for  all  time,  I  signed  it  with  the  wit- 
nesses assisting  me,  who  were  present,  namely,  Captain  Martin  de  Zarate 
and  Sergeant  Martin  de  Aldai.  Juan  de  Retana.  MartIn  Ortiz  de 
Zarate.  Martin  de  Aldai.  Before  me,  Fernando  de  Hinojos,  clerk 
of  war. 

At  this  pueblo  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  on  November  23,  1688,  I, 
General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Con- 
chos, in  virtue  of  the  auto  of  the  twentieth 
of  the  current  month  promulgated  by  me, 
made  known  this  auto  to  the  reverend  father 
preacher  and  president,115  Fray  Agustin  de 
Colina,  president  of  the  missions  of  La  Junta 
de  los  Rios,  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  order  that  his  paternity  might  swear 
and  declare — as  he  did  in  verbo  sacerdotis,116  placing  his  hand  on  his 
breast — concerning  what  he  knows  and  has  heard  with  regard  to  the 
foreign  people  whom  the  natives  of  those  countries  say  they  have  seen. 
Having  been  instructed  concerning  everything,  he  said  that  what  he 
knows  and  has  heard  said  is  as  follows :  In  the  past  year,  1687,  the 
Cibolos  and  Jumanos  Indians  asked  his  paternity  for  a  letter  to  the  Span- 
iards who,  the  said  Indians  stated,  were  going  and  coming  among  the 
Texas  Indians.  To  this  the  said  padre  replied  that  they  should  bring  a 
letter  from  the  said  Spaniards  and  he  would  then  answer  it.  The  Indians 
thereupon  promised  to  bring  a  letter  from  these  Spaniards,  and  this  year, 
in  the  month  of  September,  five  Cibolos  Indians  came  to  La  Junta  de  los 
Rios  and  visited  the  said  padre,  and  he  heard  them  say,  by  means  of  the 
Indians  of  his  mission  who  served  as  interpreters,  that  a  Moor  (for  in 
this  manner  they  referred  to  him)  is  living  with  a  nation  adjacent  to  the 
Texas  Indians.  They  say  this  man  carries  his  long  harquebus  and  his 
plate  armor,  with  a  helmet,  and  that  he  so  aided  the  nation  with  whom 
he  is  living  in  making  an  attack  on  the  Michi  nation,  that  they  said  that 
the  Indians  with  whom  he  lived  destroyed  half  of  the  Michi  Indians. 

Afterwards  other  Cibolos  Indians  arrived  who  said  that  the  strangers 
went  to  trade  and  bargain  with  the  Texas  Indians,  giving  them  clothing 
for  horses  and  fruits  of  the  land,  that  at  night  they  went  to  sleep  on  the 
water  where  they  had  wooden  houses,  that  they  went  about  in  plate  armor, 
that  one  of  their  wooden  houses  was  sunk,  that  they  told  the  natives  of 
that  country,  as  well  as  the  Cibolos  and  Jumanos,  that  the  Spaniards  of 
El  Parral  were  not  good  people,  and  that  they  themselves  were  going  to 
penetrate  all  of  that  country  in  wagons. 


242  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

En  el  Pueblo  de  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  en  veinte  y  tres  de  Noviembre 
de  mil  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  yo  el  General  Juan  de  Retana 
Capitan  del  Presidio  de  San  Francisco  de 


Declaracion  de  Joachin  de 
Ynojosa  del  Horden  de  San 
Francisco. 


Conchos  e  justicia  mayor  de  esta  jurisdic- 
cion  para  efecto  de  aclarar  y  verificar  las 
diligencias  que  constan  en  estos  autos  por 
ser  tan  del  servicio  de  su  Magestad  pase  a 
recebir  juramento  al  Padre  Predicador  Fray  Joachin  de  Hinojosa  Mision- 
ero  en  la  junta  de  los  Rios  del  Rio  del  Norte  en  orden  a  lo  que  sabe  y  ha 
oido  dezir  tocante  a  las  naziones  extrangeras  que  dicen  haber  visto  los 
naturales  hacia  el  Reyno  de  los  Tejas  quien  estando  enterado  juro  yn 
bervo  sacerdotis  puesta  la  mano  en  el  pecho  de  dezir  la  verdad  de  lo  que 
supiere  y  hubiere  oido  en  esta  razon. 

Fuele  preguntado  si  ha  visto  su  Paternidad  algunos  extrangeros  por 
aquel  rumbo  a  lo  cual  dijo  que  lo  que  sabe  es  por  noticios  de  los  yndios 
sibolos  y  jumanos  que  asisten  hacia  la  parte  de  los  tejas  gente  extrangera 
y  que  tratan  y  contratan  con  los  naturales  de  dicho  Reyno  de  los  tejas  y 
que  de  noche  se  buelven  a  sus  casas  de  palo  que  tienen  en  el  agua  y  que 
asi  mismo  dijeron  dichos  yndios  que  dezian  los  extrangeros  que  los 
espanoles  no  heran  buena  gente,  que  ellos  si  y  que  han  de  entrar  al  Parral 
con  carros  y  que  andan  bestidos  de  hierro  y  que  asi  mesmo  les  ha  oido 
dezir  a  dichos  yndios  que  un  moro  asi  les  llaman  se  desagrego  de  los 
demas  y  que  este  tal  asiste  con  una  nacion  de  yndios  que  asiste  junto  a 
los  tejas  que  trae  su  arcabus  largo  y  bestido  de  hierro  y  con  su  ayuda 
suelen  dar  algunos  albasos  los  yndios  que  con  el  asisten  y  habiendole  pre- 
guntado a  dicho  Padre  Predicador  si  les  oyo  a  los  sibolos  que  a  que 
generos  se  reducia  el  comercio  que  tienen  los  tejas  con  los  extrangeros 
dijo  que  lo  que  les  oyo  dezir  fue  que  los  yndios  les  davan  cavallos  frutos 
de  la  tierra  como  tambien  porsiones  de  tierra  colorada  y  que  en  retorno 
le[s]  dan  a  los  yndios  hachas  ropa  y  otras  cosas  y  que  esto  es  la  verdad 
de  lo  que  sabe  y  ha  oido  dezir  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  fecho  tiene  en 
que  se  afirmo  conmigo  y  los  testigos  de  mi  asistencia  [que  lo  son  el  Rever- 
endo  Padre  Predicador  y  presidente  fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos  y  Joseph 
Nabarro  presentes.  Juan  de  Retana,  fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos,  Joachin 
de  Ynojosa,  Joseph  Nabarro.  Ante  mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  escri- 
vano  de  guerra.] 

En  el  Presidio  de  san  f  rancisco  de  Conchos  en  veinte  y  cinco  de  nobiem- 
bre  de  mill  y  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  Yo  el  General  Juan  de 

Retana  Capitan  de  dicho  presidio  por  su 
Magestad  Abiendo  bisto  estos  autos  y  Como 
de  ellos  consta  el  que  los  estranjeros  en- 
tran  a  tratar  y  Contratar  Con  los  naturales 
de  los  Yndios  l  que  Caen  del  norte  a  ori- 
ente  que  se  Componen  de  muchas  y  distintas  naciones  Como  son  la 

k  A  copy  of  this  document  was  omitted  entirely  from  the  Bandelier  transcript  of  this 
cxpediente.  As  herewith  printed,  the  copy  of  this  document  is  that  in  the  University 
of  Texas  transcript  of  the  same  expediente. 

1  Evidently  a  miscopy  for  "  las  yndias  ". 


Auto  Remitiendo  estos  al 
senor  governador.k 


Autos  front  Pardinas,  1688-1692  243 

This  is  what  his  paternity  knows  and  has  heard  said,  under  burden  of 
the  oath  which  he  took.  He  affirmed  his  statement.  In  order  to  place  it 
on  record  I  signed  it,  with  the  witnesses  assisting  me,  namely,  the  father 
president,  Fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos,  and  Joseph  Navarro.  Juan  de 
Retana.  Fray  Agust! n  de  Colina.  Fray  Gabriel  de  Burgos.  Joseph 
Navarro.  Before  me,  Fernando  de  Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 

At  the  pueblo  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  on  November  23,  1688,  I, 
General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Con- 
chos, and  chief  justice  of  this  jurisdiction, 


Declaration  of  Joachim  de 
Hinojosa,  of  the  Order  of 
Saint  Francis. 


for  the  purpose  of  clarifying  and  verifying 
the  measures  that  appear  in  these  antos, 
since  it  is  so  greatly  to  the  service  of  his 
Majesty,  proceeded  to  administer  the  oath 
to  the  father  preacher,  Fray  Joachim  de  Hinojosa,  missionary  at  La  Junta 
de  los  Rios,  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  respect  to  what  he  knows  and  has 
heard  concerning  the  foreign  people  whom  the  natives  say  they  have  seen 
in  the  direction  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Texas  [Indians].  Having  been 
instructed,  he  swore  in  verbo  sacerdotis,  with  his  hand  placed  on  his  breast, 
to  tell  the  truth  concerning  what  he  might  know  and  had  heard  relative 
to  this  matter. 

His  paternity  was  asked  whether  he  had  seen  any  foreigners  in  that 
direction.  To  this  he  replied  that  what  he  knows  from  reports  brought 
by  the  Cibolos  and  Jumanos  Indians  is  that  strange  people  are  living  in  the 
direction  of  the  Texas  Indians;  that  they  trade  and  bargain  with  the 
natives  of  the  said  kingdom  of  Texas ;  that  at  night  they  return  to  their 
wooden  houses  which  they  have  on  the  water;  that  the  Indians  also  said 
that  the  strangers  said  that  the  Spaniards  were  not  good  people,  but  they 
themselves  were,  and  that  they  were  going  to  enter  El  Parral  in  wagons ; 
and  that  they  go  about  in  plate  armor.  Also  he  has  heard  the  said  Indians 
say  that  a  Moor,  for  they  designated  him  thus,  withdrew  from  the  others, 
and  that  this  man  is  living  with  a  nation  of  Indians  that  resides  near  the 
Texas  Indians,  and  that  he  carries  his  long  harquebus  and  plate  armor, 
and  that  with  his  assistance  the  Indians  with  whom  he  is  living  are  in  the 
habit  of  making  attacks. 

When  the  question  was  asked  the  said  father  preacher  if  he  had  heard 
the  Cibolos  say  in  what  goods  was  the  trade  which  the  Texas  Indians  car- 
ried on  with  the  strangers,  he  said  that  what  he  heard  them  say  was  that 
the  Indians  give  them  horses  and  fruits  of  the  land,  and  also  some  portions 
of  red  earth,  and  that  in  return  they  give  the  Indians  axes,  clothing,  and 
other  things. 

He  says  that  this  is  the  truth  as  to  what  he  knows  and  has  heard  said, 
under  the  burden  of  the  oath  that  he  has  made.  He  affirmed  and  ratified 
his  statement,  which  he  signed  with  the  witnesses  assisting  me,  who  were 
present,  namely,  the  reverend  father  preacher  and  president,  Fray  Gabriel 
de  Burgos,  and  Joseph  Nabarro.  Juan  de  Retana.  Fray  Gabriel  de 
Burgos.  Joachim  de  Hinojosa.  Joseph  de  Nabarro.  Before  me, 
Fernando  de  Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 
17 


Carta  de  Fray  Agustin  de 
Coliria. 


244  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

nasion  Sibola  y  los  tejas  naciones  todas  muy  domesticas  y  afectas  a  nues- 
tra  debocion  y  teniendo  presente  yo  dicho  Capitan  Como  leal  Vasallo  de 
Su  Magestad  el  cuidado  que  puede  dar  el  que  dichas  naciones  estranjera 
acarreen  a  su  debocion  a  los  naturales  Como  Jente  docil  Como  el  que  pue- 
den  penetrar  tierra  adentro  y  que  de  ello  puede  resultar  en  grabe  per- 
juicio  de  su  Magestad  y  todo  este  Reyno  hise  Remission  de  estos  Autos 
originales  al  Sefior  Governador  Y  Capitan  General  deste  Reyno  el  Sefior 
Don  Juan.Ysidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  francos  Cavallero  de  orden  de 
Santiago  para  que  su  ssenoria  Como  tan  seloso  del  servicio  de  Su  Mages- 
tad ordene  lo  que  mas  combenga  al  Real  Servicio  y  que  el  presente  escri- 
vano  de  guerra  Saque  testimonio  d  estos  autos  para  que  queden  en  mi 
poder  y  para  que  conste  lo  firmo  con  los  testigos  de  mi  asistence  que  lo 
son  el  Capitan  Martin  de  Zarate  y  el  sargento  Martin  de  Aldai  presentes. 
Juan  de  Retana,  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate,  Martin  de  Aldai,  ante 
mi  Fernando  de  Ynojos  esscrivano  de  guerra. 

Muy  Sehor  mio:  la  de  Vuestra  Senoria  de  trece  del  corriente  recivi  en 
esta  Mision  de  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  despues  de  haber  ydo  al  presidio 

de  San  Francisco  en  persona  a  dar  relacion 
al  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  de  las 
razones  y  motibos  de  los  superiores  para 
salir  de  aquella  tierra  donde  asistimos  un 
ano  y  siete  meses  donde  siempre  vivimos  con 
el  consuelo  de  la  obediencia  porque  en  semaj antes  parages  fuera  herror 
grave  correr  largo  tiempo  sin  que  se  afiadiera  a  tan  santo  Exersicio  el 
esmalte  de  la  obediencia  que  en  la  religion  es  lo  seguro  Y  pues  el  Rever- 
endo  Padre  Custodio  esta  en  ese  Real  por  escusado  tengo  el  esperar  mi 
resolucion  pues  la  dara  mi  prelado  atendiendo  siempre  al  mejor  serbicio 
de  las  dos  Magestades  que  yo  hasta  ahora  no  he  salido  de  este  parage 
para  el  paso  por  habermelo  asi  representado  de  parte  suya  el  General 
Retana  a  quien  pase  luego  a  besar  la  mano  por  responder  a  su  carta  boca 
a  boca  no  representando  desconsuelo  de  nuestra  parte  porque  no  cabe 
quando  han  precedido  ynformes  que  [se]  han  hecho  a  los  superiores 
serio  m  conpasion  y  lastimar  n  aquellos  pobres  naturelas  que  yban  tomando 
amor  a  la  ensenanza  y  aunque  para  el  logro  de  la  doctrina  ay  muchos  in- 
conbenienetes  que  embarazan  a  su  efecto  y  no  esta  el  quitarlos  de  nuestra 
mano  pues  en  retiradas  tierras  y  desamparadas  de  todo  fabor  no  se  puede 
apretar  con  ello  por  habernos  hallado  sin  justicia  que  lo  haga  y  alii  Sefior 
aunque  los  naturales  son  los  de  mas  dosil  natural  rodean  la  tierra  muchas 
naciones  enemigas  y  mas  facilmente  se  unen  unos  con  otros  que  con  sus 
ministros  que  esta  ya  experimentado  en  otra  ocasion  que  estubieron  alii 
dos  religiosos  de  la  Santa  Custodia  los  cuales  salieron  maltratados  a  buen 
librar  perdiendose  los  ornamentos  sagrados  los  cuales  °  no  obstante  ha 
instado  la  Santa  Custodia  en  poner  Ministros  todo  a  fin  de  aprovechar 
en  el  servicio  de  Dios  y  util  de  la  Monarquia  y  hoy  se  halla  el  prelado 

m  Copy  B  has  "  sino  " ;  apparently  this  is  correct. 

n  This  might  be  a  miscopy  for  abbreviations  for  the  two  words  "  lastima  para ". 

0  Copy  B  reads  "  los  ornamentos  sagrados ;  lo  cual ",  etc. 


Auto  transmitting  these 
documents  to  the  sefior 
governor. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688- 169 2  245 

At  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  on  November  25,  1688, 
I,  General  Juan  de  Retana,  captain  of  the  said  presidio,  for  his  Majesty, 

in  view  of  these  autos,  and,  since  from  them 
it  appears  that  foreigners  are  entering  to 
trade  and  bargain  with  the  natives  of  the 
Indies,  extending  from  the  north  to  the  east, 
and  comprising  many  different  nations,  such 
as  the  Cibolo  nation,  and  the  Texas  nations,  all  of  whom  are  very  domes- 
tic and  receptive  to  our  attentions,  and  because  I,  the  said  captain,  as  a 
loyal  vassal  of  his  Majesty,  am  as  solicitous  as  possible  concerning  the 
fact  that  the  said  foreigners  may  win  the  affection  of  the  natives,  since 
they  are  a  people  as  docile  as  they  are,  and  because  the  foreigners  are 
able  to  penetrate  inland,  from  which  serious  damage  might  follow  to 
his  Majesty  and  to  this  entire  kingdom,  I  remitted  these  original  autos 
to  the  sefior  governor  and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom,  Sefior  Don 
Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos,  knight  of  the  Order  of  San- 
tiago, in  order  that  his  lordship,  as  one  so  zealous  for  the  service  of  his 
Majesty,  may  decree  whatever  may  be  suitable  for  the  royal  service. 

Let  the  present  clerk  of  war  make  a  certified  copy  of  these  autos  in 
order  that  they  may  remain  in  my  possession.  In  order  to  place  it  on 
record  I  signed  it  with  the  witnesses  assisting  me  who  were  present, 
namely,  Captain  Martin  de  Zarate  and  Sergeant  Martin  de  Aldai.  Juan 
de  Retana.  Martin  Ortiz  de  Zarate.  Before  me,  Fernando  de 
Hinojos,  clerk  of  war. 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  received  your  lordship's  letter  of  the  thirteenth  of  the 
current  month  at  this  mission  of  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  after  having 

gone  to  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  in 
person  to  give  account  to  General  Juan  Fer- 
nandez de  Retana  concerning  the  reasons  and 
motives  of  the  superiors  for  leaving  that 
country,  where  we  were  for  a  year  and  seven 
months,  and  where  we  always  lived  with  the  consolation  that  comes  from 
obedience,  for  it  would  be  a  grievous  error  to  spend  a  long  time  in  such 
places  unless  there  were  added  to  such  holy  exercise  the  satisfaction  of 
obedience  which  is  the  certain  thing  in  religion.  Since  the  reverend  father 
custodio  11T  is  at  that  camp  on  leave,  I  must  await  the  resolution  concern- 
ing myself,  for  my  prelate,  always  attentive  to  the  service  of  the  two 
Majesties,  will  give  it.  I  have  not  yet  left  this  place  for  El  Paso  on  ac- 
count of  General  Retana,  on  his  part,  having  thus  represented  it  to  me. 
I  went  immediately  to  kiss  his  hand  and  to  respond  to  his  letter  by  word 
of  mouth. 

I  do  not  express  discouragement  on  our  part,  because  it  is  not  proper, 
when  reports,  which  have  been  made  to  the  superiors,  devoid  of  com- 
passion and  pity  for  those  poor  natives  who  were  acquiring  a  love  for 
the  instruction,  have  already  gone  on  ahead.  And  although  for  success 
in  the  teaching  of  the  doctrine  there  are  many  obstacles  which  hinder  its 
realization,  it  is  not  taking  them  off  our  hands,  for,  in  distant  lands,  and 


Letter  of  Fray  Agustin  de 
Colina. 


246  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

como  obligado  a  sacarnos  por  cuanto  la  nacion  suma  esta  alborotada  y  no 
era  facil  el  ampararnos  de  otra  manera  ultra  de  que  aun  suponiendo  que 
no  hubiera  alsamiento  la  salida  a[l]  trabajo  de  las  haziendas  tan  sin  el 
concierto  que  quiere  el  Rey  Nuestro  Senor  para  la  conserbacion  de  los 
pobres  yndios  por  quedarse  por  aca  fuera  los  mas  sin  saber  el  Ministro 
como  reducirlos  a  la  doctrina  nasido  solo  de  los  tenientes  y  Governadores 
naturales  que  solo  tiran  a  sacar  el  numero  de  gente  necesaria  y  otrofs] 
se  queda[n]  mucho  tiempo  solo  por  cobrar  el  precio  de  su  trabajo  en  hor- 
den  a  lo  cual  tengo  escrito  a  Vuestra  Excelencia  p  una  carta  que  entregara 
Don  Nicolas  teniente  pidiendo  con  todo  rendimiento  a  Vuestra  Excelen- 
cia q  les  haga  pagar  porque  nuestra  injusticia  no  los  escandalize  que  es 
muy  ymportante  el  que  nosotros  seamos  los  que  debemos  para  hazerlos 
a  ellos  cuales  sean  conviene  y  en  fin  hay  Senor  mucho  que  remediar  y  no 
con  los  yndios  todo  lo  cual  omito  por  ahora  que  es  cansar  a  Vuestra  Ex- 
celencia r  solo  lo  apunto  porque  conozca  Vuestra  Excelencia s  algo  de  los 
motivos  que  puede  tener  mi  superior  y  para  que  se  conozca  que  sin  reme- 
diar estas  cosas  se  hace  insuperable  el  Ministerio  por  cual  poniendome  en 
medio  pasando  hasta  la  interpretativa  voluntad  del  superior  (que  no  debia 
si  yo  fuera  el  Religioso  que  debo)  dixe  al  dicho  General l  que  lo  que  es 
para  la  Jornada  fuera  con  muchisimo  gusto  y  esto  no  teniendo  conoci- 
miento  de  contraria  voluntud  en  mi  prelada  que  debo  suponer  y  supongo 
leal  vasallo  de  Su  Magestad  que  Dios  guarde  a  cuyo  fin  tiramos  todos  y 
yo  promptisimo  espero  muchas  ordenes  de  Vuestra  Excelencia  u  y  aguardo 
en  esta  mision  de  San  Pedro  de  Conchos  el  mandato  del  Reverendo  Padre 
Custodio  que  con  el  ire  con  notable  consuelo  pues  afianza  solo  en  la  obe- 
dencia  el  logro  de  mi  perfeccion  v  cuando  veo  que  como  es  ninguna  mi 
observancia  eso  solo  saneara  en  los  riesgos  de  mi  conciencia  y  aunque 
[es]  grande  el  merito  de  la  administracion  prepondera  el  de  sacrificar 
la  propia  voluntad  y  alvedrio  e  yo  juzgo  mi  superior  hara  con  mucho 
gusto  todo  lo  que  fuere  combeniente  en  orden  al  mejor  logro  de  la  en- 
trada  que  espera  por  la  cual  no  paso  adelante  en  mi  viaje  que  con  deseo 
en  todo  a  asertar  ni  puedo  negarme  al  mandato  de  Vuestra  Sefioria  menos 
de  todo  resolverme;  pido  a  Nuestro  Senor  lo  dispongo  como  mas  com- 
benga  y  me  guarde  a  Vuestra  Excelencia  w  los  anos  que  deseo  San  Pedro 
de  Conchos  y  Noviembre  diez  y  ocho  de  mil  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho. 
Besa  la  Mano  de  Vuestra  Excelencia  su  humilde  capellan  y  serbidor. 
Fray  Agustin  de  Colina  Senor  Governador  Capitan  General  don  Juan 
y  Pedro  x  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos  mi  duefio. 

p  Copy  B  has  "  sefioria  ",  which  probably  is  correct. 

<  Ibid. 

'Ibid. 

8  Ibid. 

1  Copy  B  reads  "  dixo  el  dicho  General ". 

u  Copy  B  has  "  sefioria  ". 

v  Copy  B  has  '!  profesion  ",  which  probably  is  correct. 

w  Copy  B  has  "  sefioria  ". 

x  Copy  B  has  "  ysidro  " ;  this  is  correct. 


Autos  from  Pardirias,  1688- 1692  247 

forsaken  of  all  favor,  it  is  not  possible  to  be  more  rigorous  concerning  it 
on  account  of  having  found  ourselves  without  justice,  as  I  find  myself. 
There,  Sir,  although  the  natives  are  of  the  most  docile  disposition,  many 
enemy  nations  surround  the  country  and  more  readily  they  unite  with  one 
another  than  with  their  ministers,  as  has  already  been  experienced  on 
another  occasion  when  two  religious  of  the  holy  custodia  118  were  there. 
These,  being  maltreated,  left,  and  fortunately  escaped,  but  lost  the  sacred 
ornaments. 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  holy  custodia  has  insisted  on  sending  minis- 
ters there,  all  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  service  of  God  and  the 
benefit  of  the  monarchy.  But  in  this  instance  the  prelate  finds  himself 
obliged  to  withdraw  us,  for  the  reason  that  the  Suma  119  nation  is  in  a 
tumult,  and  it  was  not  easy  to  protect  us  otherwise.  Besides  this,  even 
supposing  that  there  were  no  uprising,  the  departure  of  the  poor  Indians 
to  work  on  the  haciendas,  under  conditions  not  such  as  our  lord,  the  king, 
wishes  for  their  conservation,  [is  bad]  on  account  of  the  most  of  them 
remaining  outside  without  the  minister  knowing  how  to  induce  them  to 
accept  Christian  teaching.  [This  state  of  affairs]  only  originates  with 
the  native  lieutenants  and  governors,  whose  sole  aim  is  to  draw  out  the 
required  number  of  people.  Others  remain  a  long  time  merely  to  collect 
the  price  of  their  labor,  in  regard  to  which  I  have  written  a  letter  to  your 
lordship  which  the  lieutenant,  Don  Nicolas,  will  deliver,  and  in  which 
I  ask  with  all  humility  that  your  lordship  will  cause  them  to  be  paid,  so 
that  our  injustice  may  not  scandalize  them,  for  it  is  very  important  that 
we  shall  be  what  we  ought  to  be,  in  order  to  make  them  be  what  they 
ought  to  be. 

In  short,  sir,  there  is  much  to  remedy,  but  not  as  regards  the  Indians, 
all  of  which  I  now  omit  in  order  not  to  weary  your  lordship ;  I  only  state 
it  so  that  your  lordship  may  know  something  of  the  motives  which  my 
superior  may  have,  and  in  order  that  you  may  perceive  that  unless  these 
things  are  remedied  the  ministry  will  become  impossible.  For  this  reason, 
going  so  far  as  to  interpret  the  will  of  my  superior  (which  I  ought  not  to 
do  if  I  were  the  religious  that  I  ought  to  be)  I  told  the  said  general  that 
in  so  far  as  the  journey  was  concerned  I  would  go  with  much  pleasure 
This  I  did  without  having  any  knowledge  of  any  wish  to  the  contrary  on 
the  part  of  my  prelate,  whom  I  ought  to  suppose,  and  whom  I  do  sup- 
pose, to  be  a  loyal  vassal  of  his  Majesty,  whom  may  God  guard. 

Toward  this  end  we  are  all  striving,  and  I  am  hoping  very  promptly 
for  many  orders  from  your  lordship,  and  am  awaiting  at  this  mission  of 
San  Pedro  de  Conchos  the  orders  of  the  reverend  father  custodio  with 
whom  I  will  go  with  notable  consolation,  for  there  is  security  solely  in 
obedience  [which  is]  the  attainment  of  my  perfection.  When  I  realize 
that  my  observance  is  imperfect,  the  above  fact  alone  will  make  amends 
for  risking  my  conscience,  for  although  the  merit  of  action  is  great,  the 
sacrifice  of  one's  own  will  and  freedom  is  greater.  I  judge  that  my  supe- 
rior will  do  with  great  pleasure  all  that  may  be  necessary  for  the  greater 
success  of  the  expedition  which  he  awaits.  For  this  reason  I  do  not  go 
on  with  my  journey;  desiring  to  do  right  in  everything,  I  cannot  oppose 


Autos  promovidos  *  por  el 
governador  con  las  prime- 
ras  noticias. 


248  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

En  el  Real  del  Parral  en  dos  dias  del  mes  de  Noviembre  de  mil  y  seis- 
cientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  anos  el  Senor  Sargento  Mayor  Don  Juan  Ysidro 

de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Franco  [s]  Cavallero 
de  la  Horden  de  Santiago  Governador  y 
Capitan  General  de  este  Reyno  de.  la  nueba 
Viscaya  por  su  Magestad.  Dijo  que  porque  z 
la  nacion  de  los  yndios  chisos  a  muchos  anos 
que  ostilizan  estas  fronteras  y  que  lo  van  continuando  no  solo  en  perjuicio 
de  las  vidas  y  haziendas  de  los  vezinos  espanoles  sino  de  los  pueblos  de 
yndios  catolicos  que  estan  debajo  de  la  Real  obedencia  fiados  en  el  retiro 
que  tienen  en  sus  tierras  muy  distantes  de  estas  fronteras  y  coligacion 
que  tienen  hecha  con  las  demas  naciones  reveladas  y  que  es  necesario  qu 
se  ocurra  al  remedio  mas  conbeniente  mejor  a  se  despache  orden  en  forma 
al  General  Juan  de  Retana  para  que  con  noventa  hombres  espanoles  los 
cuarenta  de  los  que  son  de  su  cargo  veinte  de  los  de  la  compania  de  cam- 
pana  y  treinta  vezinos  de  su  Senoria  le  proveera  saiga  el  dia  quinze  de 
este  presente  mes  con  la  cantidad  de  yndios  amigos  que  f  ueren  suficientes 
y  vaya  a  la  parte  que  llaman  la  junta  de  los  Rios  y  busque  a  los  enemigos 
en  las  partes  donde  estubiere[n]  y  les  haga  guerra  con  toda  ostilidad  ob- 
servando  con  la  nacion  chisa  el  no  admitirlos  de  paz  aunque  b  se  sujeten 
a  las  poblaciones  que  su  Senoria  les  asignase  por  cuanto  por  autos  y  or- 
denes  de  los  senores  Governadores  sus  antecesores  estan  declarados  por 
enemigos  los  mas  perniciosos  que  tiene  este  Reyno.  Y  por  cuanto  los 
yndios  de  la  nacion  sibola  que  abitan  a  la  parte  del  Rio  del  Norte  han  dado 
noticia  que  llegan  por  dicho  Rio  unas  gentes  que  parescen  extrangeros  y 
pueden  ser  de  los  que  asisten  en  el  puerto  de  el  Espiritu  Santo  en  atencion 
a  que  Su  Senoria  tiene  noticias  que  por  la  parte  de  este  Reyno  tiene  paso 
el  dicho  Rio  y  ser  combeniente  tomar  noticias  y  lengua  de  estos  generos  de 
gentes  para  darle  a  su  Magestad  y  al  Excelentisimo  Senor  Virrey  de  la 
Nueba  Espafia  para  que  se  provea  de  lo  mas  conbeniente  y  se  reconozca 
la  parte  por  donde  fuese  mas  facil  desalojar  al  enemigo  del  dicho  Puerto 
mandaba  y  mando  que  asi  mismo  se  incluia  en  dicha  orden  que  el  dicho 
General  Juan  de  Retana  pasa  el  dicho  Rio  c  del  Norte  y  haga  las  diligen- 
cias  combenientes  para  coger  algun  prisionero  de  las  dichas  gentes  que 
suben  por  el  dicho  Rio  del  Norte  procurando  pasarle  y  reconocer  el 
puesto  donde  estubieren  alojados  y  fortificaciones  que  tubieren  hechas 
[y  de]  todo  lo  demas  que  fuere  combeniente  reconocer  trayendo  de  todo 
relacion  en  forma  que  de  dicha  orden  se  tome  razon  a  la  letra  al  pie  de 
este  auto  asi  lo  probeyo  mando  y  firmo  don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardinas 
Villar  de  Franco [s]  ante  mi  Miguel  de  Aranda  [esscrivano  Real]. 

y  Copy  B  has  "  proveidos  ". 

z  Copy  B  reads  "  que  por  quanto  ",  which  is  probably  correct. 

a  Copy  B  has  "  mando  ".   This  is  obviously  correct. 

b  Copy  B  has  "  Sin  que  ".   This  apparently  is  correct. 

c  Copy  B  reads  "  pase  a  dicho  Rio  ".  From  the  context,  this  appears  to  be  correct. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  249 

the  mandate  of  your  lordship,  but  still  less  can  I  decide  to  do  it.  I  pray 
that  our  Lord  will  arrange  all  for  the  best  and  that  he  will  keep  your  lord- 
ship for  all  the  years  that  I  desire.  San  Pedro  de  Conchos,  November  18, 
1688.  Your  humble  chaplain  and  servant  kisses  the  hand  of  your  lord- 
ship. Fray  AgustIn  de  Colin  a.  For  the  senor  governor  and  captain- 
general,  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos,  my  master. 

At  the  camp  of  El  Parral  on  the  second  day  of  the  month  of  November, 
1688,  the  senor  sargento  mayor,  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de 

Francos,  knight  of  the  Order  of  Santiago, 


Autos  promulgated  by  the 
governor  on  receipt  of  the 
first  notices. 


governor  and  captain-general  of  this  king- 
dom of  Nueva  Vizcaya  for  his  Majesty,  de- 
clared that  inasmuch  as  Indians  of  the  Chizas 
nation  have  been  committing  hostilities  upon 
these  frontiers  for  many  years,  and  are  still  continuing  to  do  so,  not  only 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  Spanish  residents,  but 
also  to  the  prejudice  of  the  pueblos  of  Catholic  Indians  who  are  under 
royal  authority,  but  who  feel  secure  in  the  privacy  which  they  enjoy  in 
their  lands,  which  are  very  distant  from  these  frontiers,  and  because  of 
the  alliance  which  they  have  made  with  the  other  rebel  nations,  and  since 
it  is  necessary  that  the  most  efficient  remedy  shall  be  anticipated,  he  com- 
manded that  an  order,  in  legal  form,  shall  be  sent  to  General  Juan  de 
Retana  to  set  out  with  ninety  Spaniards — forty  of  them  to  be  those  of 
his  own  command,  twenty  from  the  field  company  and  thirty  to  be  citi- 
zens that  his  lordship  will  provide  him  with — on  the  fifteenth  day  of  this 
present  month,  together  with  a  sufficient  number  of  friendly  Indians. 
Let  him  proceed  to  the  place  called  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  and  look  for  the 
hostile  Indians,  wherever  they  may  be,  and  make  war  upon  them  with  all 
vigor,  being  particular  not  to  agree  to  peace  with  the  Chiza  nation  unless 
they  shall  agree  to  congregate  in  the  settlements  which  his  lordship  may 
assign  to  them,  inasmuch  as  through  autos  and  orders  of  the  senores  gov- 
ernors, his  predecessors,  they  are  declared  to  be  the  most  pernicious  ene- 
mies which  this  kingdom  has. 

And  inasmuch  as  the  Indians  of  the  Cibolo  nation,  who  live  in  the  re- 
gion of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  have  given  information  that  some  people,  who 
appear  to  be  foreigners,  are  approaching  by  way  of  the  said  river,  and 
may  be  of  those  who  are  at  the  port  of  Espiritu  Santo,  and  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  his  lordship  has  knowledge  that  the  said  river  has  passage 
through  a  part  of  this  kingdom,  and  since  it  is  necessary  to  obtain  infor- 
mation and  tidings  as  to  the  sort  of  people  these  are,  in  order  to  [be  able 
to]  report  it  to  his  Majesty  and  to  the  most  excellent  senor  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,120  so  that  whatever  is  most  proper  may  be  done  and  the 
district  through  which  the  enemy  may  the  easiest  be  dislodged  from  the 
said  port  may  be  reconnoitred,  that  likewise  it  shall  be  included  in  the 
same  order  that  the  said  General  Juan  de  Retana  shall  proceed  to  the  said 
Rio  del  Norte  and  take  the  necessary  steps  to  secure  a  prisoner  from  the 
said  people  who  are  ascending  by  way  of  the  said  Rio  del  Norte,  and  that 
he  shall  endeavor  to  cross  it  and  reconnoitre  the  place  where  they  may  be 


Horden  para  que  se  vaya 
a  reconocer  el  rio  del  Norte. 


250  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

El  sargento  mayor  [Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  francos 
Governador  y  Capitan  General  de  este  Reino  y  probincias  de  la  nueva 

Viscaia  por  su  Magestad].  Por  quanto  los 
indios  rebelados  de  las  naciones  Tovosos 
salineros  cabesas  chisos  e  chichitames  cho- 
lemes  y  otras  naciones  sus  congregadas  os- 
tilisan  este  reino  con  muertes  y  robos  asal- 
tando  los  pueblos  de  los  indios  de  paz  o  que  estan  obedientes  debajo  del 
real  amparo  y  que  es  reconocido  que  la  guerra  defensiva  contra  dichos 
rebeldes  no  evita  en  el  todo  los  danos  que  causan  ni  se  pueden  estorbar 
respecto  a  ser  la  tierra  abierta  y  tener  el  enemigo  muchas  entradas  sin 
ser  sentido[s]  y  [que]  para  aplicar  el  remedio  que  parece  mas  exsequible 
ha  parecido  combeniente  buscar  a  dichos  enemigos  en  sus  tierras  y  har- 
cerles  guerra  ofensiva  por  tanto  ordeno  y  mando  al  General  Juan  Fer- 
nandez de  Retana  Capitan  del  Presidio  de  Conchos  que  el  dia  quince  de 
este  presente  mes  saiga  para  las  tierras  del  enemigo  con  noventa  hom- 
bres  espafioles  alcabuceros  que  llebara  en  esta  manera  los  cuarenta  de  los 
de  su  cargo  y  presidio  los  veinte  de  la  compania  de  campana  de  ese  Reyno 
y  los  treinta  de  los  vezinos  de  estas  jurisdicciones  que  tengo  prevenidos 
y  dispuestos  para  dicho  efecto  y  los  yndios  auxiliares  que  les  parecieren 
necesarios  y  buscara  dichos  enemigos  en  las  partes  donde  tuvieren  sus 
retiros  y  les  hara  la  guerra  ofensiva  con  toda  ostilidad  hasta  reduxirlos 
o  dejarlos  castigados  para  que  con  el  temor  deseen  la  quietud  executando 
en  las  naciones  mas  protervas  y  nosibas  lo  que  esta  mandado  y  hordenado 
por  autos  y  hordenes  de  los  Senores  Governadores  mis  antescesores  y 
constan  por  las  que  tiene  el  dicho  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana 
executandolas  ynviolablemente  como  si  aqui  fueran  expresas. 

Y  porque  los  yndios  sibolos  y  otros  de  otras  naciones  me  an  dado  no- 
ticia  que  han  visto  en  el  Rio  del  Norte  gentes  extrangeras  que  suben  por 
el  y  estando  poblado  de  franceses  el  puerto  y  bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo  es 
muy  necesario  reconocer  que  jentes  son  las  que  suben  por  el  dicho  Rio 
y  donde  tienen  la  asistencia  y  con  que  fuerzas  prebencion  y  jentes  estan 
y  que  no  se  a  podido  conseguir  por  la  parte  del  mar  ni  del  Reyno  de  Leon 
aunque  se  han  hecho  diversas  diligencias  y  en  atencion  a  que  por  la  parte 
de  este  Reino  se  pasa  el  dicho  [Rio]  con  mas  facilidad  que  con  d  otra 
alguna  el  dicho  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  en  llegando  al  puerto 
nombrado  la  junta  de  los  Rios  pasara  el  del  Norte  esguasandolo  por  las 
partes  donde  se  puede  hacer  el  respecto  e  a  las  naciones  numerosas  que  ay 
en  el  y  que  es  necesario  atraerlos  para  que  sean  fieles  y  no  se  colegen  con 
dichos  extrangeros  como  gente  facil  asentara  con  ellos  buena  paz  tratan- 
dolos  con  todo  carino  afabilidad  y  urbanidad  para  que  con  ella  se  conser- 
ben  con  dicho  General  y  se  reduscan  a  la  obediencia  de  su  Magestad 
asiendosela  jurar  en  cuyo  Real  nombre  tomara  posesion  de  las  tierras  que 
por  aquella  parte  descubriere  y  en  serial  de  ella  lebantara  y  pondra  la 
serial  de  la  Santa  Cruz  en  todas  partes  que  le  pareciere  haciendo  el  auto 

d  Copy  B  reads  "  que  por  otra  ". 

e  Copy  B  reads  "  donde  se  puede  aser  y  Respecto  a  ".  From  the  context  it  appears 
that  this  is  correct. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688- 1692  251 

lodged,  the  fortifications  that  they  may  have  made,  and  everything  else 
that  it  may  be  advisable  to  reconnoitre,  bringing  a  report  of  all  in  proper 
form. 

Let  a  literal  record  of  the  said  order  be  made  at  the  foot  of  this  auto. 
Thus  did  he  provide,  order,  and  sign.  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas 
Villar  de  Francos.  Before  me,  Miguel  de  Aranda,  royal  clerk. 

The  sargento  mayor,  Don  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos, 
governor  and  captain-general  of  this  kingdom  and  these  provinces  of 

Nueva  Vizcaya  for  his  Majesty,  [said  that] 


Order  for  an  expedition 
to  reconnoitre  the  Rio  del 
Norte. 


nasmuch  as  the  rebellious  Indians  of  the 
Tobosos,  Salineros,  Cabesas,  Chizos,  Chichi- 
tames,  and  Cholemes  nations  and  other  al- 
lied nations  are  committing  hostilities  against 
this  kingdom  by  murdering  and  robbing,  and  are  attacking  the  pueblos 
of  peaceful  Indians  who  are  living  obediently  under  royal  protection, 
and  since  it  has  been  learned  that  defensive  war  against  the  said  rebels 
does  not  entirely  prevent  the  harm  that  they  cause,  nor  can  the  Indians 
be  held  back  because  the  land  is  open  and  the  enemy  has  many  places 
where  he  can  enter  without  being  perceived,  and  in  order  to  apply  the 
remedy  that  seems  the  most  attainable,  it  has  seemed  best  to  seek  out  the 
said  hostiles  in  their  own  lands  and  make  offensive  war  upon  them. 

Therefore,  I  order  and  command  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana, 
captain  of  the  presidio  of  Conchos,  to  set  out  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  this 
present  month  for  the  country  of  the  enemy  with  ninety  Spanish  harque- 
busiers,  whom  he  will  take  in  this  manner :  forty  of  them  from  his  own 
command  and  presidio,  twenty  from  the  field  company  of  this  kingdom, 
thirty  from  the  citizens  of  these  jurisdictions  whom  I  have  provided  and 
prepared  for  the  said  purpose,  and  such  Indian  auxiliaries  as  may  appear 
to  be  necessary.  He  will  seek  the  said  enemy  in  the  places  where  they  may 
have  their  hiding  places  and  make  offensive  war  on  them  with  all  vigor 
until  they  are  reduced  or  punished  so  that  through  fear  they  may  desire 
peace ;  and  he  shall  execute  upon  the  nations  that  are  most  stubborn  and 
obnoxious  that  which  is  commanded  and  ordered  in  the  autos  and  orders 
of  the  sefiores  governors,  my  predecessors,  and  the  orders  which  are  con- 
tained in  the  said  autos  given  by  the  said  General  Juan  Fernandez  de 
Retana,  executing  them  inviolably  as  though  they  were  stated  here. 

And  since  the  Cibolos  Indians  and  other  Indians  of  other  nations  have 
informed  me  that  they  have  seen  foreigners  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  who 
are  ascending  it,  and  since  the  port  and  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  are  occu- 
pied by  Frenchmen,  it  is  very  necessary  to  find  out  what  men  they  are 
who  are  ascending  by  way  of  the  said  river,  where  they  have  their  resi- 
dence, and  what  forces,  supplies,  and  men  they  have.  Since  it  has  not 
been  possible  to  obtain  this  information  by  way  of  the  sea  or  by  way  of 
the  kingdom  of  Leon,  although  many  attempts  have  been  made,121  and 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  in  a  section  of  this  kingdom  the  said  river  may 
be  crossed  more  easily,  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana,  upon  .reach- 
ing the  place  called  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  shall  cross  the  Rio  del  Norte, 
fording  it  wherever  possible.   With  regard  to  the  numerous  nations  living 


252  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

y  autos  juridicos  que  estan  dispuestos  por  leyes  Reales  en  casos  de  esta 
calidad  y  para  aprehenderla  y  tomarla  por  nuestra  Santa  Madre  Yglesia 
lo  hara  el  Reverendo  Padre  Fray  Juan  de  Jumeta  del  horden  de  San 
Francisco  Ministro  doctrinero  del  valle  de  San  Bartolome  persona  apro- 
bada  por  el  ordinario  de  este  obispado  ynteligente  en  las  lenguas  del  dicho 
Rio  del  Norte  y  en  quien  concurren  virtud  y  demas  calidades  necesarias 
para  el  dicho  efecto  y  el  dicho  General  reconocera  para  reconocer f  la 
parte  y  puesto  a  donde  suben  los  dichos  extrangeros  y  de  donde  y  pondra 
toda  diligencia  en  cojer  a  las  manos  alguno  o  algunos  de  ellos  para  tomar 
lengua  de  todo  lo  que  f  uere  necesario  cobrando  g  en  esta  materia  con  toda 
cautela  procurando  y  precautelandose  de  que  los  yndios  no  den  noticia 
a  dichas  gentes  de  su  llegada  y  si  tubiere  razon  que  por  aquella  parte  ubiere 
alguna  nazion  de  yndios  que  vivan  en  policia  como  los  texas  que  tengan 
Rey  cacique  o  Jefe  a  quien  obedezcan  hara  liga  y  confederacion  con  ellos 
para  que  no  lo  consigan  los  dichos  extrangeros  y  les  dara  a  entender  por 
medio  del  religiosos  h  las  cosas  de  Nuestra  Santa  Fee  y  derecho  que  Su 
Magestad  tiene  a  todas  las  Yndias  occidentales  y  que  su  Real  yntencion 
es  de  la  propagacion  del  Santo  Evangelio  y  no  de  oprimirles  la  livertad  de 
la  qual  gozaran  debajo  de  su  Real  obediencia  con  los  cuales  hara  ligas  y 
confederaciones  las  que  le  parecieren  conbenir  para  que  no  admitan  otros 
de  dichas  gentes  extrangeras  y  pondra  todo  cuydado  en  que  sus  soldados 
den  buen  exemplo  a  las  dichas  naciones  haziendoles  frecuentar  en  actos 
de  virtud  y  caridad  con  dicho  naturales  sin  entrar  en  sus  casas  sin  hazer- 
les  molestia  en  mugeres  hijos  y  familias  teniendolos  como  quienes  han  de 
ser  espejos  de  naciones  barvaras  para  la  introducion  de  Nuestra  Santa 
Religion  haziendolos  confesar  y  hazer  otros  actos  de  catolicos  y  que  todos 
acaricien  a  dichos  naturales  con  mucha  urbanidad  sin  altibez  ni  mayoria 
alguna  y  asi  mismo  reconocera  el  puerto  o  bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo  u  otro 
cualquier  puerto  donde  tubieren  noticia  esta  poblada  alguna  nacion  ex- 
trangera  procurandolo  conseguir  con  espias  que  den  buena  razon  y  fide- 
digna  de  todo  y  de  las  fortificaciones  que  tubieren  hechas  y  numero  de 
gente  que  paresciere  haver  en  lo  que  estuviere  poblado  obrando  como 
dicho  es  y  con  forme  la  ynstruccion  que  asi  mismo  lleva  y  sobre  todo 
obrara  como  quien  tiene  la  cosa  presente  tomando  razon  de  los  puestos 
jornadas  r umbos  alturas  y  rios  de  las  partes  que  reconociere  y  de  las 
conbeniencias  o  yncombeniencias  que  hallare  para  conseguir  por  la  parte 
mas  facil  desalojar  dichos  extrangeros  trayendome  relacion  autentica  de 
todo  para  que  con  ella  se  la  de  yo  a  Su  Magestad  y  al  Exelentisimo  Senor 
Virrey  de  la  nueba  espafia  para  que  se  provea  de  lo  mas  conbeniente  al 
Real  servicio  en  materia  que  amenaza  tan  malas  consecuencias  a  todos 
estos  Reynos  que  fio  de  las  obligaciones  del  Dicho  General  Juan  Fernandez 
de  Retana  lo  executara  con  el  selo  que  le  asiste  del  mayor  servicio  de  Su 
Magestad  en  lo  cual  se  lo  hara  muy  sefialado  y  mando  a  los  Capitanes 
Antonio  de  Medina  y  otras  cualesquiera  que  fueren  a  dicha  Jornada  y  a 

f  Copy  B  reads  "  Reconosera  o  ara  Reconoser  ". 
*  Copy  B  has  "  obrando  "  ;  obviously  this  is  correct. 
h  Copy  B  has  "  Religioso  ".   This  is  obviously  correct. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  253 

on  it,  and  because  it  is  necessary  to  attract  them,  so  that  they  will  be 
faithful,  and  will  not  associate  themselves  with  the  said  foreigners,  like 
the  facile  people  that  they  are,  he  will  arrange  a  satisfactory  peace  with 
them,  treating  them  with  all  affection,  affability,  and  urbanity,  so  that 
they  will  keep  it  with  the  said  general,  and  in  order  that  they  may  be 
reduced  to  the  obedience  of  his  Majesty. 

This  obedience  sworn  to,  he  will  take  possession,  in  the  royal  name,  of 
the  lands  which  he  may  discover  in  that  region.  In  sign  of  this  he  shall 
raise  and  erect  the  form  of  the  holy  cross  in  all  places  that  may  seem 
proper  to  him,  drawing  up  the  legal  auto  or  autos  that  are  ordered  by  the 
royal  laws  122  in  cases  of  this  sort.  The  act  of  taking  possession  of  it  for 
our  holy  mother  Church  shall  be  done  by  the  reverend  father,  Fray  Juan 
de  Jumeta,  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  minister  doctrinero  of  the 
valley  of  San  Bartolome,  a  person  approved  by  the  ordinary  of  this 
bishopric,  versed  in  the  languages  of  the  said  Rio  del  Norte,  and  one  in 
whom  are  united  the  virtue  and  other  qualities  necessary  for  the  said  pur- 
pose. Also  the  said  general  will  take  steps  to  reconnoitre  the  locality  and 
place  toward  which  the  said  foreigners  are  proceeding  up  the  river,  and 
the  place  whence  they  come.  He  will  use  all  diligence  to  lay  hands  on  some 
one  or  more  of  them  in  order  to  get  information  of  all  that  may  be  neces- 
sary, working  in  this  matter  with  all  caution,  and  taking  care  that  the 
Indians  do  not  give  notice  to  the  said  people  of  his  coming.  And  if  he 
should  have  information  that  in  that  region  there  is  any  nation  of  Indians 
living  under  an  organized  government  like  the  Texas  Indians,  with  a 
king,  cacique,  or  chief  whom  they  obey,  he  shall  form  a  league  and  con- 
federation with  them,  in  order  to  prevent  the  said  strangers  from  doing 
it,  and  he  will  cause  them  to  know,  by  means  of  the  religious,  the  things 
of  our  holy  faith  and  the  right  that  his  Majesty  has  over  all  the  western 
Indias,  and  that  his  royal  purpose  is  the  propagation  of  the  holy  gospel, 
and  not  to  deprive  them  of  liberty,  which  they  will  enjoy  under  his  royal 
obedience.  With  these  he  will  make  such  leagues  and  confederations  as 
may  seem  best  to  him  in  order  that  they  may  not  make  other  leagues  and 
confederations  with  the  foreigners. 

He  shall  take  great  care  that  his  soldiers  shall  set  a  good  example  to 
the  said  nations,  forcing  them  to  the  frequent  performance  of  acts  of 
virtue  and  charity  toward  the  said  natives,  without  entering  their  houses 
and  without  molesting  their  women,  children,  or  families,  and  conducting 
themselves  like  persons  who  have  to  be  mirrors  to  the  barbarous  nations 
for  the  introduction  of  our  holy  religion,  making  them  confess  and  per- 
form other  Catholic  acts,  and  taking  care  that  all  shall  treat  the  said  na- 
tives with  much  courtesy,  without  haughtiness  or  any  show  of  superiority. 

Also  he  shall  reconnoitre  the  port  or  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  or  any 
other  port  that  they  may  learn  that  any  foreign  nation  is  settled  at;  he 
shall  endeavor  to  obtain  through  spies  good  and  reliable  information  con- 
cerning everything,  of  the  fortifications  that  they  may  have  made  and 
the  number  of  men  that  they  appear  to  have  where  they  are  settled;  he 
shall  work  along  the  above  lines  and  in  conformity  with  the  instructions 
which  he  also  carries. 


254  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

toda  la  gente  espafiola  soldados  y  vezinos  que  a  ella  fueren  y  yndios 
auxiliares  esten  a  sus  hordenes  y  obedezcan  y  cumplan  las  que  las  diere 
so  las  penas  que  les  ympusiere  las  cuales  executara  en  los  ynobedientes  a 
usanza  de  guerra  que  para  ello  les  doy  tan  amplia  comision  como  la  que 
en  mi  reside  por  convenir  asi  al  servicio  de  su  Magestad.  Y  porque  con 
los  yndios  auxiliares  y  espafioles  que  ha  de  llevar  haran  mucho  numero  y 
es  necesario  que  se  dilaten  mas  de  cien  dias  en  la  Jornada  y  se  necesita 
que  vayan  bastantemente  proveydos  de  municiones  bastimentos  y  requas 
de  mulas  que  los  conduzcan  y  sin  embargo  que  no  hay  medios  de  efectos 
de  paz  y  guerra  se  les  proveera  a  mi  credito  de  todo  lo  referido  hasta  que 
los  dichos  efectos  se  paguen  y  el  dicho  General  Juen  Fernandez  de  Retana 
tendra  cuenta  y  razon  judicial  de  la  destribucion  que  hisiere  en  la  dicha 
campafia  para  que  conste  en  las  quentas  que  se  han  de  dar  de  dichos  efec- 
tos de  paz  y  guerra  y  no  omitira  representarme  todos  los  que  fueren 
necesarios  para  que  yo  lo  provea  por  ser  en  cosa  tan  del  Real  servicio  y  de 
esta  horden  y  despacho  se  tomara  la  razon  a  la  letra  como  esta  mandado 
por  auto  de  ese  dia  dada  firmada  de  mi  mano  sellada  con  el  sello  de  mis 
armas  y  refrendada  del  presente  escrivano  en  dos  dias  del  mes  de  Noviem- 
bre  de  mil  seiscientos  ochenta  y  ocho  afios.  Bachiller  Juan  Ysidro  de 
Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos.  Por  mandado  de  Su  Senoria.  Miguel 
de  Aranda  Escrivano  Real. 

Concuerda  este  traslado  con  la  orden  y  comision  original  de  que  se 
haze  mension  de  a  donde  lo  saque  a  que  me  remito  que  se  le  entrega  origi- 
nal al  dicho  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  para  su  execucion  y  cum- 
plimiento  va  cierta  y  verdadera  correxido  y  concertado  y  para  que  de  ello 
conste  de  mandato  del  Senor  Governador  y  Capitan  General  de  este 
Reyno  doy  el  presente  en  el  Real  y  Minas  de  San  Joseph  del  Parral  en  tres 
dias  del  mes  de  noviembre  de  mil  y  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  ocho  afios 
siendo  testigos  el  Capitan  Francisco  de  Escarzega  y  Joseph  de  Solorzano 
presentes  y  vezinos  de  este  Real  y  lo  signe  en  testimonio  de  verdad. 
Miguel  de  Aranda  Escrivano  Real. 

En  quinse  de  henero  de  mill  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y  nuebe  afios  de  man- 
dato del  Senor  Governador  y  Capitan  General  de  este  Reino  se  saco  tes- 
timonio de  estos  autos  aqui. 

Senor  Governador  y  Capitan  General.  Tengo  remitido  a  Vuestra 
Senoria  los  autos  y  mayor  averiguacion  de  que  la  nacion  extrangera  sube 

a  los  tejas  y  mas  arriba  y  que  pretenden 
yntroducirse  entre  los  yndios  que  tocan  a 
este  Reyno  y  estan  de  paz  y  hechas  las  di- 
chas  diligencias  que  ya  Vuestra  senoria  ha- 
bra  visto  a  pocas  jornadas  de  mi  biaje  tube 
noticia  de  que  una  rrancheria  de  los  enemigos  que  ymbaden  este  Reyno  se 
hallaban  alojados  en  una  sierra  llamada  guapagua  y  aunque  fue  fuerza  el 
estranar  mi  derota  pase  a  la  dicha  sierra  donde  los  rrompi  y  desbarate 
con  muerte  de  muchos  por  hallarse  juntas  las  tres  naciones  mas  perni- 
ciosas  que  son  Cocoiones  l  y  los  que  llaman  hijos  de  las  piedras  y  Gavi- 

1  Copy  B  has  "  cocotomes  " ;  this  is  probably  correct. 


Carta  del  Capitan  Juan  de 
Retana. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  255 

Above  everything  he  will  work  as  one  who  has  the  matter  before  him, 
placing  on  record  the  places,  day's  marches,  routes,  altitudes,  and  rivers 
of  the  districts  which  he  may  reconnoitre,  and  the  conveniences  and  in- 
conveniences that  one  may  encounter  in  proceeding  through  the  most 
suitable  section  for  dislodging  the  said  foreigners.  He  shall  bring  me  an 
authentic  account  concerning  everything  so  that  with  it  I  can  report  to 
his  Majesty  and  to  the  most  excellent  senor  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  so 
that  whatever  is  best  for  the  royal  service  may  be  provided  concerning 
a  matter  which  threatens  such  evil  consequences  to  all  these  kingdoms. 

In  view  of  the  integrity  of  the  said  General  Juan  Fernandez,  I  have 
confidence  that  he  will  carry  it  out  with  the  zeal  which  characterizes  him 
for  the  greatest  service  of  his  Majesty,  by  which  he  will  be  made  very 
famous,  and  I  order  Captain  Antonio  de  Medina  and  any  other  captains 
who  may  go  on  the  said  journey,  and  all  the  Spanish  people,  soldiers  as 
well  as  citizens,  who  may  go  on  it,  and  the  Indian  auxiliaries,  who  are 
under  his  orders,  to  obey  and  comply  with  those  orders  which  he  may 
issue  to  them,  under  the  penalties  that  he  may  impose  upon  them ;  these 
penalties  he  will  execute  upon  the  disobedient  ones  according  to  the  usage 
of  war,  for  which  I  give  him  as  ample  commission  as  that  which  resides 
in  me,  since  thus  it  comports  to  the  service  of  his  Majesty. 

And  because  there  will  be  a  large  number,  counting  the  Indian  auxili- 
aries and  the  Spaniards,  that  he  will  have  to  take  along,  and  because  it  is 
necessary  that  they  spend  more  than  a  hundred  days  on  the  journey,  and 
that  they  must  go  sufficiently  provided  with  munitions,  supplies,  and  herds 
of  mules  to  conduct  them,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  there  are  no 
funds  for  the  expenses  of  peace  and  war,  all  the  above-mentioned  will 
be  furnished  them,  on  my  credit,  until  the  said  accounts  are  paid.  The 
said  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  will  keep  a  record  and  accurate 
memorandum  of  the  distribution  that  he  may  make  in  the  said  campaign, 
so  that  it  may  appear  in  the  accounts  that  must  be  given  of  the  said 
expenses  of  peace  and  war;  he  will  not  fail  to  inform  me  of  all  that  may 
be  necessary,  so  that  I  can  provide  it,  since  it  is  in  an  affair  so  greatly  to 
the  royal  service. 

Of  this  order  and  despatch  he  will  take  a  literal  copy,  as  is  ordered  by 
the  auto  of  this  day,  given  and  signed  by  my  hand,  sealed  with  the  seal  of 
my  arms,  and  countersigned  by  the  present  clerk,  on  the  second  day  of 
November,  1688.  Bachiller  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de 
Francos.  By  order  of  his  lordship,  Miguel  de  Aranda,  royal  clerk. 

This  copy  agrees  with  the  original  order  and  commission  referred  to, 
from  which  I  copied  it  and  which  I  remit  so  that  the  original  may  be 
delivered  to  the  said  General  Juan  Fernandez  de  Retana  for  its  execution 
and  fulfillment.  The  copy  is  exact  and  true,  corrected,  and  compared. 
In  order  that  it  may  go  on  record  as  a  mandate  of  the  senor  governor  and 
captain-general  of  this  kingdom,  I  issue  the  present  writing  at  the  camp 
and  mines  of  San  Joseph  del  Parral,  on  the  third  day  of  the  month  of 
November,  1688,  the  witnesses  being  Captain  Francisco  de  Escarzega  and 
Joseph  de  Solorzano,  citizens  of  this  camp  who  were  present.  And  I 
signed  it  in  testimony  of  its  truth.   Miguel  de  Aranda,  royal  clerk. 


256  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

lanes  cuyos  hechos  son  tan  costosos  y  esperimentados  en  este  Reyno  qui- 
teles  grande  suma  de  cavallos  ydaj  que  es  la  que  remito  para  que  se 
restituya  a  sus  duefios  cuyas  senales  son  conocidas  y  asi  mismo  la  chusma 
y  prisioneros  que  aprese  y  al  cabo  le  dy  orden  para  que  ynformase  a  Vues- 
tra  Senoria  como  me  he  dicho  lo  ha  hecho  y  aunque  me  detube  algunos 
dias  en  los  alcanzes  volvi  a  tomar  el  camino  para  el  Rio  del  Norte  en 
cumplimiento  del  orden  de  Vuestra  Senoria  a  reconocer  el  camino  para 
la  vahia  del  Espiritu  Santo  y  ynformarme  de  la  derrota  que  es  la  materia 
que  tanto  cuydado  le  da  a  Vuestra  Senoria  y  con  tanta  razon  y  haviendo 
llegado  a  la  Junta  del  Rio  del  Norte  y  de  Conchos  despache  yndios  de  los 
mas  practicos  de  la  tierra  para  que  reconociesen  las  partes  y  rumbos  por 
donde  habia  de  marchar  y  que  fuesen  mas  faciles  para  los  casos  que  se 
ofrecieren  en  adelante  si  persiste  el  franzes  porque  me  ha  causado  cuidado 
el  que  hayan  dicho  a  los  yndios  que  con  facilidad  y  con  carros  han  de 
entrar  al  parral  materia  muy  corruta  para  k  entre  los  yndios  de  todo  este 
pays  porque  aseguro  a  Vuestra  Senoria  que  no  hay  arriva  de  ochenta 
leguas  de  ese  Real  a  la  Junta  de  los  Rios  esto  es  viniendo  via  recta  y  sin 
discreccion  l  como  me  sucedio.  A  pocos  dias  de  haber  salido  estos  esplo- 
readores  me  trujeron  noticia  de  que  la  tenian  de  que  un  Governador  a 
quien  estan  sujetas  estas  naciones  venia  ya  de  los  tejas  qui  en  me  daria 
razon  de  todo  y  biendo  que  se  dilataba  resolvi  el  salir  .de  la  Junta  de  los 
Rios  algunas  jornadas  a  encontrarle  porque  tambien  me  dijeron  me  traia 
cartas  y  porque  no  se  entendiese  que  el  gran  numero  de  naciones  acobar- 
daba  nuestras  armas  y  a  cuatro  jornadas  encontre  con  el  dicho  Gover- 
nador cuio  nombre  es  Don  Juan  Xaviata  que  es  el  Capataz  Principal  de 
las  naciones  zivola  y  Jumana  que  se  alegro  mucho  de  ver  espanoles  en  su 
tierra  y  preguntandome  el  fecto  a  que  entraba  y  dandole  noticia  de  ello 
me  dijo  que  los  moros  que  asi  llaman  a  los  franzeses  los  yndios  no  m  heran 
muertas  porque  las  naciones  inmediatas  a  ellos  los  asaltaron  y  consumieron 
y  que  tubiese  entendido  que  no  habia  ya  ninguno  vibo  donde  residian  y 
que  bido  algunos  despojos  de  dichos  franzeses  y  los  yndios  que  los  tenian 
por  verificasion  de  su  verdad  le  entregaron  unos  papeles  y  un  nabio  pin- 
tado en  un  pergamino  escripto  de  mano  en  lengua  f  ranzesa  enbuelto  todo 
en  una  corbata  de  encajes  grandes  lo  cual  lleva  a  Vuestra  Senoria  el 
dicho  Governador  Don  Juan  Xaviata  de  quien  tome  particulares  noticias 
del  camino  para  los  tejas  que  es  cuando  mucho  diez  y  ocho  marchas  con 
carruage  desde  este  puesto  abundante  de  rios  y  aguaxes  sin  impedimentos 
de  sierras  por  ser  todo  tierras  liana  con  mucha  abundancia  de  ganado 
zibolo  y  f  rutas  sirbestres  de  todo  da  razon  a  Vuestra  Senoria  y  lo  que  yo 
Puedo  dezir  es  que  en  cualquiere  tiempo  se  puede  entrar  segun  parece 
hasta  los  tejas  y  bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo.  No  solo  he  tornado  razon  de 
dicho  Don  Juan  Xabiata  sino  de  otros  yndios  que  ban  con  el  de  que  es 

1  Copy  B  reads  "  de  Cavallada  que  ".   This  is  probably  correct. 

kCopy  B  has  "  Corrutapa  {sic)". 

1  Copy  B  has  "  Digresion  ".   This  probably  is  correct. 

m  Copy  B  has  "  ya  ".  From  the  context  it  appears  that  "  ya  "  is  correct. 


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Letter  of  Captain  Juan  de 
Retana. 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688-1692  257 

On  January  15,  1689,  by  order  of  the  sefior  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  this  kingdom,  a  certified  copy  of  the  autos  herein  was  made. 

Senor  governor  and  captain-general:  I  have  sent  to  your  lordship  the 
autos  and  the  principal  proof  that  a  foreign  people  is  ascending  to  the 

Texas  Indians  and  beyond,  and  that  these 
foreigners  are  attempting  to  establish  them- 
selves among  the  Indians  who  live  on  the 
borders  of  this  kingdom  and  are  at  peace. 
The  measures  having  been  taken  of  which 
your  lordship  will  have  already  learned,  I  ascertained,  a  few  days  after 
I  had  begun  my  journey,  that  a  rancheria  of  the  hostiles  who  invade  this 
kingdom  was  located  on  a  sierra  called  Guapagua,  and  although  it  was 
necessary  to  turn  off  from  my  course  I  went  to  the  said  sierra,  where  I 
defeated  and  routed  them,  killing  many,  because  the  three  most  perni- 
cious nations  were  there  together,  namely  the  Cocotomes  and  those  whom 
they  call  Sons  of  the  Stones,  and  Sparrow-hawks,  whose  acts  have  been 
so  costly  and  expensive  in  this  kingdom. 

From  these  I  took  a  large  number  of  horses,  which  I  am  returning  so 
that  they  may  be  restored  to  their  owners,  whose  brands  are  well  known ; 
at  the  same  time  I  am  sending  the  rabble  and  the  prisoners  whom  I  cap- 
tured. Finally,  I  gave  an  order  that  your  lordship  be  advised,  as  you  told 
me  to  do,  of  what  has  been  done.  Although  I  remained  some  days  at 
Los  Alcances,  I  resumed  the  journey  toward  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  fulfill- 
ment of  the  order  of  your  lordship  to  reconnoitre  the  road  to  the  Bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo  and  to  inform  myself  of  the  route,  which  is  the  matter 
that  is  giving  such  anxiety  to  your  lordship,  and  with  much  reason. 

Having  arrived  at  the  junction  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  the  Conchos 
River,  I  sent  some  of  the  most  experienced  Indians  of  the  country  to 
ascertain  the  regions  through  which  I  had  to  march,  and  the  directions 
which  might  be  the  easiest  for  events  that  might  happen  in  the  future  if 
the  Frenchmen  persist,  for  the  fact  that  they  have  told  the  Indians  that 
easily  and  with  carts  they  are  going  to  enter  El  Parral,  a  report  that  is 
very  current  among  the  Indians  of  all  this  country,  has  caused  me  much 
anxiety.  For  I  assure  your  lordship  that  there  are  not  over  eighty  leagues 
from  that  camp  to  La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  that  is,  coming  by  a  direct  road 
without  diversion,  as  was  the  case  with  me. 

A  few  days  after  these  explorers  had  gone  out,  they  brought  me  news 
that  they  had  heard  that  a  governor  to  whom  these  nations  are  subject 
was  already  en  route  from  the  Texas  Indians  and  that  he  would  give  me 
an  account  of  everything.  But,  seeing  that  he  delayed  in  coming,  I  re- 
solved, because  they  also  told  me  that  he  was  bringing  me  letters,  and  in 
order  that  it  might  not  be  thought  that  the  great  number  of  nations  terri- 
fied our  forces,  to  go  out  from  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  some  days'  journey 
to  meet  him.  At  four  days'  journey  I  met  the  said  governor,  whose  name 
is  Don  Juan  Xaviata,123  and  who  is  the  principal  chief  of  the  Cibolo  and 
Jumano  nations.  He  was  delighted  to  see  Spaniards  in  his  country  and 
asked  me  the  purpose  of  my  entrance.  When  I  told  him  of  it  he  said  that 
the  Moors,  for  it  is  thus  that  the  Indians  call  the  French,  were  already 


258  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 

cierto  lo  que  refieren  pero  dicennos  n  que  han  quedado  hasta  cuatro  o 
cinco  franzeses  retirados  entre  los  tejas  que  es  nacion  larga  esta  que  debe 
de  confinar  con  la  florida  segun  discurro  ya  Vuestra  Senoria  reconocera 
por  el  tiempo  el  estado  en  que  puedo  hallarme  de  mantenimientos  y  asi 
con  este  puesto  he  determinado  aguardar  orden  de  Vuestra  Senoria  de  lo 
que  tengo  de  executar  y  sin  °  con  esta  noticia  le  parece  sera  conbeniente  que 
pase  a  ocupar  el  puesto  que  los  franceses  han  perdido  y  me  socorra  con 
bastimento  para  conserbar  la  gente  porque  son  muchos  los  yndios  que 
saque  por  lo  necesario  que  son  entre  naciones  no  conocidas  que  aseguro 
a  Vuestra  Senoria  son  numerosas  de  jentes  pero  hallome  con  la  que  traigo 
en  disposicion  de  penetrar  cuanto  se  ofreciere  esto  digo  por  el  rezelo  que 
a  Vuestra  Senoria  se  le  puede  ofrecer  y  sobre  todo  estoy  al  cumplimiento 
de  la  horden  que  aguarda  el  Reverendo  Padre  Fray  Juan  de  Zumete  Besa 
a  Vuestra  Senoria  la  Mano  Guarde  Dios  a  Vuestra  Senoria  muchos  anos 
como  deseo  Rio  Salado  y  Marzo  tres  de  mil  y  seiscientos  y  ochenta  y 
nuebe  anos.  Sefior  Governador  y  Capitan  General.  Besa  la  mano  de 
Vuestra  Senoria  su  mas  seguro  servidor.  Juan  de  Retana.  Sefior  Sar- 
hento  Mayor  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Pardinas  Villar  de  Francos. 

En  el  Parral  en  treinta  dias  del  mes  de  Marzo  de  mil  y  seiscientos  y 
ochenta  y  nuebe  anos  el  Sefior  Sargente  mayor  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Par- 
dinas Cavallero  del  horden  de  Santiago  Governador  y  Capitan  General  de 
este  Reyno  y  provincias  de  la  nueba  vizcaya  por  Su  Magestad  Dijo  que 
por  cuanto  acaba  de  recibir  carta  del  Capitan  Juan  De  Retana  en  la  que 
le  noticia  que  viene  a  este  Real  un  Governador  de  las  naciones  de  yndios 
que  llaman  sibolos  y  jumanas  y  porque  combiene  examinarlos  con  par- 
ticular cuydado  y  que  sea  con  la  mayor  brebedad  que  sea 
posible  manda  su  Senoria  que  la  carta  se  ponga  con  los  autos 
en  esta  razon  fechos  y  se  despache  horden  al  alferez  del  Pre- 
sidio de  San  Francisco  de  Conchos  para  que  con  presteza  re- 
mita  a  este  Real  al  Dicho  Governador  Juan  Javiata  y  los  caciques  que 
trujere  en  su  compania  hasiendoles  probeer  de  mantenimiento  y  cabal- 
gaduras  para  la  mayor  brebedad  de  su  venida  que  la  costa  que  hiciere  en 
ello  se  le  satisfara;  y  asi  mismo  porque  en  este  Real  no  hay  ynterprete 
de  las  lenguas  sibola  y  xumana  mandara  pasar  con  los  contenidos  a  Don 
Nicolas  Governador  de  la  nasion  Xulime  y  a  otro  que  tambien  los  enti- 
enda  y  que  se  les  haga  a  dicho  Governador  y  cacique  todo  buen  pasage  y 
tratamiento  y  asi  lo  probeyo  mando  y  firmo.  Don  Juan  Ysidro  de  Par- 
dinas Villar  de  Francos.  Ante  mi  Don  Luis  de  Valdes  Secretario  de 
Govierno  p  y  Guerra. 

Dicho  dia  se  despacho  la  horden  contenida  en  este  auto. 

n  Copy  B  reads  "  pero  dicen  mas  que  ". 
°Copy  B  has  "si".    Obviously  "si"  is  correct. 
p  Copy  B  has  "  escrivano  de  gobernacion  ". 


Auto 


Autos  from  Pardinas,  1688- 1692  259 

dead,  for  the  neighboring  nations  attacked  and  killed  them,  and  that  I 
should  know  that  there  was  not  now  one  alive  where  they  resided,  and 
that  he  saw  some  spoils  taken  from  the  said  Frenchmen,  and  that  the 
Indians  who  had  them  as  proof  of  the  truth,  gave  him  some  papers  and  a 
ship  painted  on  a  parchment  written  by  hand  in  the  French  language,  all 
wrapped  up  in  a  neckcloth  of  wide  lace,  which  the  said  governor,  Don 
Juan  Xaviata,  is  taking  to  your  lordship.124  I  took  detailed  information 
from  him  in  regard  to  the  road  to  the  Texas  Indians  which  is  at  the  most 
eighteen  marches  by  wagon  from  this  place,  and  it  abounds  with  rivers 
and  springs,  without  the  impediment  of  mountains,  for  the  entire  country 
is  level,  with  a  great  abundance  of  buffalo  and  wild  fruits.  Concerning 
everything  he  gives  account  to  your  lordship,  and  what  I  can  say  is  that 
it  is  possible  to  enter  at  any  time,  apparently,  as  far  as  the  Texas  Indians 
and  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo. 

Not  only  have  I  secured  information  from  the  said  Don  Juan  Xaviata, 
but  also  from  other  Indians  who  are  travelling  with  him,  from  which  it 
is  true  what  they  report,  but  they  tell  us  further  that  as  many  as  four  or 
five  Frenchmen  have  remained  hidden  among  the  Texa